The German Youth Movement and the Problem of History
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Germany As We Saw It
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 045 000 FL 002 074 TITLE Germany as We Saw It. INSTITUTION Stanford Univ., Calif. SPONS AGENCY Office of Education (DFFW), Washington, D.C. PUB DATE 18 Aug 61 NOTE 173p.: Report of 1061 NDEA Institute held at Bad Boll, Germany EDRS PRICE EDRS "Price MF-$0.7c HC Not Available from EDRS. DESCRIPTORS Area Studies, Churches, Cross Cultural Training, Cultural Background, Cultural Context, Elementary Education, Employment, Family Life, *Foreign Culture, *German, Housing, Inservice Teacher Education, Institutes (Training Programs), International Education, Religion, Secondary Education, *Secondary School Teachers, *Second Language Learning, Study Abroad, *Summer Institutes IDENTIFIERS *Germany, NDEA Language Institutes ABSTRACT Close-up studies of German life in the Stuttgart area are reported by participants of Stanford University's 1051 National Defense Education Act second-level institute for secondary school teachers of German, held at Bad Boll, Germany. Topics covered include: (1) religious life, (2) political life,(3) problems of settlement, (4) occupational problems and the family,(5) aspects of the German educational system, and (6)general cultural life. 17.or related documents see ED 027 785 and ED 027 786. [Not available in hard copy due to marginal legibility of original document.) (WR) U.S. DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH, EDUCATION & WELFARE OFFICE OF EDUCATION THIS DOCUMENT HAS BEEN REPRODUCED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED FROM THE PERSON OR ORGANIZATION ORIGINATING IT.POINTS OF VIEW OR OPINIONS STATED DO NOT NECESSARILY REPRESENT OFFICIAL OFFICE OF EDUCATION POSITION OR POLICY. -report presented4the'partic.ipants n--the1961 Stanford -NDEA Institule '. eld...at -Bad. Boll,. Germany.. TABLE OF CONTENTS A. Religious Life in Airttemberg p. -
Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany
University of Vermont ScholarWorks @ UVM UVM Honors College Senior Theses Undergraduate Theses 2018 Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany William Peter Fitz University of Vermont Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses Recommended Citation Fitz, William Peter, "Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany" (2018). UVM Honors College Senior Theses. 275. https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses/275 This Honors College Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate Theses at ScholarWorks @ UVM. It has been accepted for inclusion in UVM Honors College Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ UVM. For more information, please contact [email protected]. REACTIONARY POSTMODERNISM? NEOLIBERALISM, MULTICULTURALISM, THE INTERNET, AND THE IDEOLOGY OF THE NEW FAR RIGHT IN GERMANY A Thesis Presented by William Peter Fitz to The Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of The University of Vermont In Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements For the Degree of Bachelor of Arts In European Studies with Honors December 2018 Defense Date: December 4th, 2018 Thesis Committee: Alan E. Steinweis, Ph.D., Advisor Susanna Schrafstetter, Ph.D., Chairperson Adriana Borra, M.A. Table of Contents Introduction 1 Chapter One: Neoliberalism and Xenophobia 17 Chapter Two: Multiculturalism and Cultural Identity 52 Chapter Three: The Philosophy of the New Right 84 Chapter Four: The Internet and Meme Warfare 116 Conclusion 149 Bibliography 166 1 “Perhaps one will view the rise of the Alternative for Germany in the foreseeable future as inevitable, as a portent for major changes, one that is as necessary as it was predictable. -
Chapter 5. Between Gleichschaltung and Revolution
Chapter 5 BETWEEN GLEICHSCHALTUNG AND REVOLUTION In the summer of 1935, as part of the Germany-wide “Reich Athletic Com- petition,” citizens in the state of Schleswig-Holstein witnessed the following spectacle: On the fi rst Sunday of August propaganda performances and maneuvers took place in a number of cities. Th ey are supposed to reawaken the old mood of the “time of struggle.” In Kiel, SA men drove through the streets in trucks bearing … inscriptions against the Jews … and the Reaction. One [truck] carried a straw puppet hanging on a gallows, accompanied by a placard with the motto: “Th e gallows for Jews and the Reaction, wherever you hide we’ll soon fi nd you.”607 Other trucks bore slogans such as “Whether black or red, death to all enemies,” and “We are fi ghting against Jewry and Rome.”608 Bizarre tableau were enacted in the streets of towns around Germany. “In Schmiedeberg (in Silesia),” reported informants of the Social Democratic exile organization, the Sopade, “something completely out of the ordinary was presented on Sunday, 18 August.” A no- tice appeared in the town paper a week earlier with the announcement: “Reich competition of the SA. On Sunday at 11 a.m. in front of the Rathaus, Sturm 4 R 48 Schmiedeberg passes judgment on a criminal against the state.” On the appointed day, a large crowd gathered to watch the spectacle. Th e Sopade agent gave the setup: “A Nazi newspaper seller has been attacked by a Marxist mob. In the ensuing melee, the Marxists set up a barricade. -
Antwort Der Bundesregierung
Deutscher Bundestag Drucksache 12/8362 12. Wahlperiode 08. 08. 94 Antwort der Bundesregierung auf die Kleine Anfrage der Abgeordneten Ulla Jelpke und der Gruppe der PDS/Linke Liste — Drucksache 12/8042 — Das „Ostpreußenblatt" und der Rechtsextremismus (II) In einer Kleinen Anfrage zum „Ostpreußenblatt" und dem Rechtsextre- mismus vom Mai 1991 hatte die Gruppe der PDS/Linke Liste darauf hingewiesen, — daß in dieser Zeitung rechtsextreme Autoren wie Gerd-Klaus Kalten- brunner, Emil Schlee, Hendrik van Bergh, Martin Jenke, u. v. m. publizieren können, — daß in dieser Zeitung für rechtsextreme Bücher von Autoren wie Adolf von Thadden, Pierre Krebs, Richard W. Eichler, Max Klüver, Dietmar Munier, Emil Schlee, Eckhart Knaul, Alain de Benoist, Hamilton Fish, Michael Bolle, Herbert Taege, H.-D. Sander, Michael Braga (alias Hans-Michael Fiedler) u. v. m. geworben wird. Die Bundesregierung hatte in ihrer Antwort vom 27. Juni 1991 diese aufgeführten Fakten als „Unterstellungen" zurückgewiesen. Auf dieser Beurteilung basierend hat die Bundesregierung festgestellt, daß ihr „keine Informationen" vorliegen, nach denen im „Ostpreußenblatt" für rechtsextreme Bücher geworben wird. „Anhaltspunkte für Bestrebun- gen im Sinne der §§ 3, 4 BVerfSchG" waren der Bundesregierung nicht bekannt (Antwort der Bundesregierung auf die Kleine Anfrage der Abgeordneten Ulla Jelpe und der Gruppe der PDS/Linke Liste, „Rechts- extremismus und das Publikationsorgan ,Ostpreußenblatt"', Drucksache 12/864). Inwieweit es sich hierbei tatsächlich um „Unterstellungen" handelt, wurde von der Bundesregierung nicht belegt. Ferner wurde auch nicht belegt, daß die Gruppe der PDS/Linke Liste falsche Fakten vorgetragen hätte. Tatsache ist, daß im Schutze der behaupteten „Unterstellungen" die Bundesregierung dem „Ostpreußenblatt" vorerst weiterhin eine Förde- rung aus Mitteln des Bundeshaushaltes gewährte und eine Prüfung über eventuelle rechtsextreme Bestrebungen unterließ. -
Intentions of Right-Wing Extremists in Germany
IOWA STATE UNIVERSITY Intentions of Right-wing Extremists in Germany Weiss, Alex 5/7/2011 Since the fall of the Nazi regime, Germany has undergone extreme changes socially, economically, and politically. Almost immediately after the Second World War, it became illegal, or at least socially unacceptable, for Germans to promote the Nazi party or any of its ideologies. A strong international presence from the allies effectively suppressed the patriotic and nationalistic views formerly present in Germany after the allied occupation. The suppression of such beliefs has not eradicated them from contemporary Germany, and increasing numbers of primarily young males now identify themselves as neo-Nazis (1). This group of neo-Nazis hold many of the same beliefs as the Nazi party from the 1930’s and 40’s, which some may argue is a cause for concern. This essay will identify the intentions of right-wing extremists in contemporary Germany, and address how they might fit into Germany’s future. In order to fully analyze the intentions of right-wing extremists today, it is critical to know where and how these beliefs came about. Many of the practices and ideologies of the former Nazi party are held today amongst contemporary extreme-right groups, often referred to as Neo-Nazis. A few of the behaviors of the Neo-Nazis that have been preserved from the former Nazi party are anti-Semitism, xenophobia and violence towards “non-Germans”, and ultra- conservatism (1). The spectrum of the right varies greatly from primarily young, uneducated, violent extremists who ruthlessly attack members of minority groups in Germany to intellectuals and journalists that are members of the New Right with influence in conservative politics. -
Germany: Baffled Hegemon Constanze Stelzenmüller
POLICY BRIEF Germany: Baffled hegemon Constanze Stelzenmüller Since the fall of the Berlin Wall, Germany has transformed into a hegemonic power in Europe, but recent global upheaval will test the country’s leadership and the strength of its democracy. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY are challenging Europe’s cohesion aggressively, as does the Trump administration’s “America First” The fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 turned reunified policy. The impact of this on Germany is stark. No Germany into Europe’s hegemon. But with signs of country in Europe is affected so dramatically by this a major global downturn on the horizon, Germany new systemic competition. Far from being a “shaper again finds itself at the fulcrum of great power nation,” Germany risks being shaped: by events, competition and ideological struggle in Europe. And competitors, challengers, and adversaries. German democracy is being challenged as never before, by internal and external adversaries. Germany’s options are limited. It needs to preserve Europe’s vulnerable ecosystem in its own The greatest political challenge to liberal democracy enlightened self-interest. It will have to compromise within Germany today is the Alternative für on some issues (defense expenditures, trade Deutschland (Alternative for Germany, or AfD), the surpluses, energy policy). But it will also have to first far-right party in the country’s postwar history push back against Russian or Chinese interference, to be represented in all states and in the federal and make common cause with fellow liberal legislature. While it polls nationally at 12 percent, its democracies. With regard to Trump’s America, disruptive impact has been real. -
The European and Russian Far Right As Political Actors: Comparative Approach
Journal of Politics and Law; Vol. 12, No. 2; 2019 ISSN 1913-9047 E-ISSN 1913-9055 Published by Canadian Center of Science and Education The European and Russian Far Right as Political Actors: Comparative Approach Ivanova Ekaterina1, Kinyakin Andrey1 & Stepanov Sergey1 1 RUDN University, Russia Correspondence: Stepanov Sergey, RUDN University, Russia. E-mail: [email protected] Received: March 5, 2019 Accepted: April 25, 2019 Online Published: May 30, 2019 doi:10.5539/jpl.v12n2p86 URL: https://doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v12n2p86 The article is prepared within the framework of Erasmus+ Jean Monnet Module "Transformation of Social and Political Values: the EU Practice" (575361-EPP-1-2016-1-RU-EPPJMO-MODULE, Erasmus+ Jean Monnet Actions) (2016-2019) Abstract The article is devoted to the comparative analysis of the far right (nationalist) as political actors in Russia and in Europe. Whereas the European far-right movements over the last years managed to achieve significant success turning into influential political forces as a result of surging popular support, in Russia the far-right organizations failed to become the fully-fledged political actors. This looks particularly surprising, given the historically deep-rooted nationalist tradition, which stems from the times Russian Empire. Before the 1917 revolution, the so-called «Black Hundred» was one of the major far-right organizations, exploiting nationalistic and anti-Semitic rhetoric, which had representation in the Russian parliament – The State Duma. During the most Soviet period all the far-right movements in Russia were suppressed, re-emerging in the late 1980s as rather vocal political force. But currently the majority of them are marginal groups, partly due to the harsh party regulation, partly due to the fact, that despite state-sponsored nationalism the position of Russian far right does not stand in-line with the position of Russian authorities, trying to suppress the Russian nationalists. -
Governing Through Nature: Camps and Youth Movements in Interwar Germany and the United States
Author manuscript, published in "Cultural Geographies 15, 2 (2008) 173-205" DOI : 10.1177/1474474007087498 cultural geographies 2008 15: 173–205 Governing through nature: camps and youth movements in interwar Germany and the United States Kenny Cupers Harvard University Focusing on youth camp development in Germany and the United States during the interwar period, this article argues not only that such camps played a crucial role in the ways in which national societies dealt with their youth, but also that their history forces us to rethink relations between place-making, nationhood, and modern governing. First, the article addresses the historiography of youth movements in relation to current debates about spatiality, nationalism, and governmentality. The main part of the article examines organized camps, in particular by the German Bünde, the Hitlerjugend (Hitler Youth), and the American Boy Scouts, focusing on their transition from relatively spontaneous activities of particular social movements, to objects of professional design, national-scale planning and intricate management in the interwar period. This development demonstrates how in the seemingly trivial activity of camping, nationalism is interwoven with the project of conducting youth through contact with nature. Despite divergent contexts and political ideologies, youth camp development in this period constituted a set of practices in which the natural environment was deployed to improve the nation’s youth, and to eventually reproduce them as governable subjects. Keywords: camps • governmentality • interwar Germany • interwar United States • youth movements Introduction n 11 October 1913, more than two thousand young Germans came together on the  peer-00572018, version 1 - Mar 2011 OHohe Mei ner hills near Kassel to set up camp. -
Die Deutsche Jugendbewegung
Deinz S. Rosenbusch Die deutsche Jugendbewegung in ihren pädagogischen Formen und Wirkungen dipa-Verlag Frankfurt am Main INHALT Seite Vorbemerkung 7 Abkürzungen 9 Einleitung 11 Erstes Kapitel 15 Die Phasen der deutschen Jugendbewegung I. Die gesellschaftliche Situation für die Entstehung der 15 Jugendbewegung 11. Die Schule als besonderer Kritikpunkt 19 III. Ludwig Gurlitts Bedeutung für die frühe Jugendbewegung 22 IV. Der geschichtliche Ablauf der Jugendbewegung 24 V. Topologische Darstellung der Jugendbewegung 37 VI. Das Verhältnis zur Schule 39 VII. Das Verhältnis der Jugendbewegung zu Parteien 44 VIII. Das Menschenbild der Jugendbewegung 50 Zweites Kapitel 63 Praxis und Prinzipien jugendbewegter Erziehung I. Erziehung als tertiäre, partikularistische Kategorie in der 63 vital-regressiven Phase 11. Hans Breuers Vorstellungen von der Erziehung zum Wandervogel- 67 deutschen III. Das Prinzip der Sel~sterziehung in der introversiv-reflektorischen 69 Phase 1. Die Erziehungsvorstellungen der studentischen Verbände 69 a) Die Akademischen Freischaren 69 b) Die Akademischen Vereinigungen 71 2_ Die Erziehungsvorstellungen des Wandervogels 72 3. Die DefInition der Selbsterziehung durch Bruno Lemke 73 4. P'adagogische Betrachtung der Meißnerformel 75 IV. Erziehung als gesellschaftliche Aufgabe in der utopisch-progressiven 76 Phase 1. Die Erfahrungen mit der Selbsterziehung im Krieg 76 2. Erziehung als gesellschaftlich defmiertes Engagement 78 3. Erziehungspolitische Forderungen der Jenaer Tagung - Erziehung 80 als Instrument der Revolution v. Der pädagogische Aktivismus der resignativ-sektiererischen Phase 83 VI. Die Gemeinschaft in ihrer Erziehungsfunktion ' 84 Drittes Kapitel 91 Das Führerturn als wichtige erzieherische Konponente der Jugendbewegung I. Vorbemerkungen 91 ll. Funktionsdifferenzierung der Führerrollen 92 llI. Führertypen der vital-regressiven Phase und die Bedeutung von 93 Führern flir die Entwicklung der Jugendbewegung überhaupt IV. -
Youth and the State in the German Democratic Republic
“Who Has the Youth, Has the Future”: Youth and the State in the German Democratic Republic By Jeff Robson University of Calgary The 1949 foundation of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) from Soviet-occupied territory in East Germany ushered in a new era. Under the ruling Socialist Unity Party (SED), the East German state began a concerted effort to instil its brand of German socialism into the hearts and minds of citizens previously under National Socialist domination. The most targeted demographic of the East German population was its youth, as the older German generations were considered lost to the taint of Nazism. In contrast, the youth of the country presented an ideal opportunity to create the model socialist citizen.1 In its ambition to inculcate younger generations with pro-Soviet, German socialist values, the state became an omnipresent force in the education and socialization of the nation’s children. The state accomplished this through incorporating strict control and Party ideology into both the country’s public education system and the Freie Deutsche Jugend (FDJ), the foremost youth movement in the GDR. Against a backdrop of mounting Cold War tensions, the ideological mobilization of youth in the German Democratic Republic created conditions to raise the ideal socialist citizen, in order to secure the health and survival of the state. The policies and actions of the Freie Deutsche Jugend youth movement and the East German education system were designed to engender the individual youth with class-consciousness, present socialism as a youthful ideology with no alternative, and mobilize the state’s youth in the preservation and defence of East German socialism against the capitalist West. -
The Experience of the German Soldier on the Eastern Front
AUTONOMY IN THE GREAT WAR: THE EXPERIENCE OF THE GERMAN SOLDIER ON THE EASTERN FRONT A THESIS IN History Presented to the Faculty of the University Of Missouri-Kansas City in partial fulfillment of The requirements for the degree MASTER OF ARTS By Kevin Patrick Baker B.A. University of Kansas, 2007 Kansas City, Missouri 2012 ©2012 KEVIN PATRICK BAKER ALL RIGHTS RESERVED AUTONOMY IN THE GREAT WAR: THE EXPERIENCE OF THE GERMAN SOLDIER ON THE EASTERN FRONT Kevin Patrick Baker, Candidate for the Master of Arts Degree University of Missouri-Kansas City, 2012 ABSTRACT From 1914 to 1919, the German military established an occupation zone in the territory of present day Poland, Lithuania, and Latvia. Cultural historians have generally focused on the role of German soldiers as psychological and physical victims trapped in total war that was out of their control. Military historians have maintained that these ordinary German soldiers acted not as victims but as perpetrators causing atrocities in the occupied lands of the Eastern Front. This paper seeks to build on the existing scholarship on the soldier’s experience during the Great War by moving beyond this dichotomy of victim vs. perpetrator in order to describe the everyday existence of soldiers. Through the lens of individual selfhood, this approach will explore the gray areas that saturated the experience of war. In order to gain a better understanding of how ordinary soldiers appropriated individual autonomy in total war, this master’s thesis plans to use an everyday-life approach by looking at individual soldiers’ behaviors underneath the canopy of military hegemony. -
Durham E-Theses
Durham E-Theses An investigation into the eects of National Socialism on secondary education in Germany and some problems involved in its reconstruction Powell, J.W. How to cite: Powell, J.W. (1948) An investigation into the eects of National Socialism on secondary education in Germany and some problems involved in its reconstruction, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/9601/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE EFFECTS OF NATIONAL SOCIALISM ON SECONDARY EDUCATION IN GERMANY AND SOME PROBLEMS IN• VOLVED IN ITS RECONSTRUCTION. ABSTRACT. The first part of this dissertation consists of an examina• tion of the effects of National Socialism on secondary education for boys. In the Introductory chapter the back• grounds and the fundamental principles of National Socialist educational philosophy are considered.