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H. Claessen Tongan traditions - On model-building and historical evidence

In: Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 144 (1988), no: 4, Leiden, 433-444

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Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 12:32:20AM via free access HENRI J. M. CLAESSEN

TONGAN TRADITIONS - ON MODEL- BUILDING AND HISTORICAL EVIDENCE

Introduction During the past several years various scholars have tried, with the help of models, to unravel the complex history of the leading families of the . In 1978, Adrienne Kaeppler published a study in which she applied the model of the circulating connubium (an asymmetrical system of exchange of spouses) to the marriages of the leading families of Tonga, Samoa, and . Kaeppler tried to support her views by postula- ting the existence of a system of exchange of goods between the three islands. She acknowledged, however, that the evidence for such an exchange of goods between Samoa and Fiji was limited, and that the she had consulted 'had difficulty thinking of any Samoan/ Fijian marriages' (Kaeppler 1978:250). Notwithstanding the weaknesses of her argument, Kaeppler's views were accepted and elaborated on by Friedman (1981,1982). Friedman used the Kaeppler hypothesis as the cornerstone of a lengthy theoretical discussion. This led him to hypothesize not only about the existence of a circulating connubium, but also about that of a system of prestige goods in Western . Friedman not only relied on Kaeppler's views, but also referred in several instances to a study by Hjarno on social repro- duction in aboriginal Samoa (Hjarno 1979/80). Friedman's views were reiterated - though in a more cautious way - by Kirch (1984:224-226). Recently, Gunson (1987) published a substantial article on the position of 'sacred women chiefs' and 'female "headmen"' in Polynesia in which he also tried to unravel the intricate matrimonial relations in the Tonga- Samoa-Fiji through the use of models.

-There are no objections to the use of models to explain intricate social systems. The problem is, however, how to connect the empirical data with the properties of the model. There will always be some discrepancy

HENRI J. M. CLAESSEN is a professor of at the University of Leiden. Specialized in political anthropology and anthropology of the Pacific, he is co-editor with Peter Skalnfk of The Early State, The Hague: Mouton, 1978, and with Pieter van de Velde of Early State Dynamics, Leiden: Brill, 1987. Prof. Claessen may be reached at the Institute of Cultural Anthropology, Stationsplein 12, Leiden.

Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 12:32:20AM via free access 434 Henri J.M.Claessen between model and reality. The main differences are usually that either the data do not fit the model exactly, or some of the data required by the model are lacking. The solution to the first problem is to restudy the data, and find out if mistakes, of whatever kind, have been made. In this respect Kobben's article, 'Why Exceptions?' (1967), although aimed at problems of comparison, can be applied equally well to problems in connection with models and data. The second problem may be solved by systematically restudying the sources for data that may have been previously overlooked. It often appears that missing data can be tracked once one knows where to look for them (cf. De Josselin de Jong 1977). If, after careful research, it becomes apparent that the data resist the requirements of the model, however, the model must be rejected as being inapplicable to the problem under study.

The purpose of this article is to discover whether the models that have been applied to explain the relations between Tonga, Samoa, and Fiji are tenable in light of the data presented in both recent and earlier publica- tions on the area. As the above-mentioned publications focus mainly on the Tonga Islands, I will do the same and will concentrate on these islands, too. An additional limitation, within the confines of this article, will be that marriage systems will be the focus of most of my attention.

The Exchange of Goods It is generally agreed that the Tonga-Samoa-Fiji area of Polynesia is one of the where extensive contacts already existed between the islands in prehistoric times. Sharp, who some thirty years ago introduced the distinction between regions where deliberate voyages were possible, and regions where accidental voyages were dominant (Sharp 1957), included the Tongan area among those where deliberate voyages were possible (cf. Kirch 1984:48 ff.). This means that people here could travel from to island, with a reasonable chance of reaching the goal they had in mind. Yet, we should not overestimate the sailing conditions. There are indications in various sources that even here long-distance voyages were not without risks. Schouten and Le Maire mention having encountered near Tongatapu, in 1616, a large double canoe whose crew was practically exhausted from prolonged lack of food or drink (Engel- brecht and Van Herwerden 1945,1:51,179). The West, who lived in Tongatapu in the mid-nineteenth century, relates several voyages that ended in disaster. He mentions others which unintention- ally ended in other islands (West 1865:64, 76, 271; also Farmer 1855:219, 233). The story, cited by Mariner (1819:276-285), about a Tongan chief who went from Vavau to Fiji for sandalwood, 'dass in Tonga ungemein hoch geschatzt wird' (Mariner 1819:277), is also well known. The voyager lost everything in Futuna, where he was ship- wrecked, and returned to Fiji to get another load of sandalwood. In

Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 12:32:20AM via free access Tbngan Traditions - Model Building and Historical Evidence 435 order to obtain this he had to visit several of the Fijian islands, and was obliged to take part in one of the many wars there. After a voyage of several years, he at last reached Vavau again. Such risks notwith- standing, voyages within the Tonga-Samoa-Fiji area were not regarded as being particularly dangerous, and many people participated in them. James Cook, during his visit to the Tonga Islands in 1777, was told about the islands of 'Hammoah (= Samoa), Vaughwaugh (= Vavau) and Fidgee (= Fiji), each larger than Tongatabu' (Cook 1967:162). With respect to Samoa and Fiji, he received the following information:

'Hammoah which is also under the domination of Tongatabu lies two days sail to the North or NW of Vaughwaugh, it is described as being the largest of all the islands, with harbours and every other necessary. Fidgee lays three days sail from Tongatabu in the direction of NWBW, they describe it as a high but very fruitful island abounding with Hogs, Dogs, Fowls and all the kind of fruit and roots that are found on any of the others. It is not subject to Tongatabu, on the Contrary they frequently make war on each other and it appeard from several circumstances that these people stand in much fear from those of Fidgee.' (Cook 1967:163.)

Beaglehole, Cook's editor, points out in footnotes to this passage that Samoa was not dominated by Tongatapu at that time, and that there is no record of a war between Tonga and Fiji. These data demonstrate suffi- ciently that the distance between the islands did not prevent contacts between Tongans, and Samoans — or rather, between Tongans and Samoans, and between Tongans and Fijians. Data that would enable us to conclude that contacts also existed between Fiji and Samoa are very scant, to say the least (Kaeppler 1978:249; Hjarno 1979/80:117). Schoeffel (1987:180) mentions a certain tui samoa, a Samoan chief, who was said to have originally come from Fiji and whose successors took part in fights with the Tongans. This person, however, remains rather inconspicuous in other sources. Kirch (1984:241), therefore, makes the Tonga Islands the hub of a complex system of exchange, consisting of numerous dyadic relations. The Fijian goods that reached Samoa came there via Tonga, and conversely, Samoan goods in the Fiji Islands arrived there by way of the Tongan connection. One of the most import- ant goods to go from Fiji, via Tonga, to Samoa were red feathers (Hjarno 1979/80:117). Kaeppler (1978:250) suggests that wooden vessels and bowls may have gone from Samoa, via Tonga (?), to Fiji. Hjarno (1979/80:107,113-115) tries to explain the way in which red feathers were circulated in Samoa in terms of a system of distribution of prestige goods. This concept is elaborated by Kasja Ekholm, who defines prestige goods as 'products which are not necessary for material subsis- tence, but which are absolutely indispensable for the maintenance of

Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 12:32:20AM via free access 436 Henri J. M. Claessen social relations' (Ekholm 1977:119). Those who possessed such goods could easily convert them into women and slaves - two categories of people given in exchange for prestige goods by lower-ranking lineage leaders. From this situation, which Ekholm found to be characteristic of the Early State of Kongo, she deduced that 'women tend to move up in the lineage hierarchy, wife-takers ranking higher than wife-givers' (Ekholm 1977:120). It was in this way that a conversion of 'money into human beings' was established (Ekholm 1977:120). The Samoan situa- tion conforms to Ekholm's model in many respects. Hjarno describes in detail how Samoan notables succeeded in importing red feathers from Tonga in exchange for their daughters. They then handed these out to lower-ranking chiefs in exchange for 'brides and toga [= mats, C.]' (Hjarno 1979/80:107,113-115). In return, the lowerchiefs received the red feathers as well as political support. Central to the argument is the monopolization of red feathers by the few Samoan leaders who had trading connections with the Tongans. There is, however, one aspect of that is overlooked in Hjarno's analysis, namely the fact that rank is passed on through women. Males may attempt to monopol- ize political power and political office, but it is women who determine rank (Schoeffel 1987:186). There is, thus, no reason to suppose that the procurement of mats and lower-ranking brides gave the receiving chief a higher rank - as implied in the figures given by Hjarno (1979/80:107, 114, 115). Rather, he 'converts money into human beings', i.e., he secures the support of his wife's family. In this way the chief boosts his political position and eventually obtains more, or higher, . These may enable him, in the end, to marry women of higher rank. This will give the children born of such a union likewise a higher rank. It is certainly possible here to speak of a system of distribution of prestige goods, but only when the 'conversion of money into human beings' is taken as the chief criterion, rather than change of rank (cf. Claessen 1987:53-59).

The modification of Hjarno's model of prestige goods, and the rejection of Kaeppler's exchange model as discussed above, may be of conse- quence for the theoretical constructions of Friedman, since these are based mainly on the analyses of Hjarno and Kaeppler.

Social Relations . The most important relations between the three groups of islands were the social relations. Many marriages between the notable families of the various islands are mentioned. The data on these marriages are to be found mainly in the oral and Samoa. Fijian sources are relatively silent on the subject, a fact which will be explained further on in this paper. According to tradition, several tui tonga went to Samoa and married women of high status there. The tradition relating to the 13th tui

Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 12:32:20AM via free access Tongan Traditions - Model Building and Historical Evidence 437 tonga is unclear. He allegedly was the first to marry a Samoan woman,s" but Gifford (1929:53) thinks it likely that here a much later ruler, Havea, the 19th tui tonga, is meant. Rutherford (1977:34) mentions no such marriage at all. Both Gifford and Rutherford agree that the 15th tui tonga, Talakaifaiki, was the first to have political influence in Samoa. There is no reason, to my mind, to speak here of a Tongan conquest or occupation of Samoa as do scholars such as Goldman (1970:245), who suggests that there was question of war and subjugation on a large scale (cf. also Gunson 1987:151). Earlier sources on Samoa, however, hardly present evidence for this. Turner (1884:253-55), for example, only states that 'when the Tongans were victorious for a they lived on the common at '. After a certain period of time, the Samoans battled 'against the invaders, gained a victory over them, which ended in their leaving, after forming a treaty of peace between Samoa and Tonga'. Kramer (1902, 1:468) relates that tui tonga Talakaifaiki 'unterjochte' Samoa, and was temporarily ruler there. Schultz-Ewerth (1926:66) is equally, restrained: Tongans, for some time, had political power over [a part of] Samoa and were expelled (cf. also Ella 1899:231). The Samoan leaders responsible for this belohged to the family. This matter-of-fact representation of the relevant events seems more in conformity with the capacity of the political organization of the time than does Goldman's picture of the past. The degree of socio- political organization necessary to structurally subdue people in a far- away place is not found in a chiefdom — which is the level of organization at which Tonga can be assumed to have existed at the time. Authors such as Kirch even seem to doubt that traditional Tonga ever attained any- thing more than the level of chiefdom (Kirch 1984, ch. 9). This is perhaps an over-cautious assessment (Claessen 1970, ch. 2). The ques- tion, thus, becomes one of how to understand the Tongan 'conquest' of Samoa. A possible explanation may be provided by the Tongan custom of 'strategic marriages'. Tongan notables married the daughters of leading chiefs in Samoa and in this way built claims to power. Bott (1981:42) describes this process in the following words:

'Once he had managed to land and get a foothold in the local community, he then married the daughters of an important local -holder in order to secure the support of the title-holder and his people. The usual rule of patrilineal succession was waived so that the son of the immigrant aristocrat and the chiefs daughter could succeed to the leadership position of the old chief.'

It should be noted that, while Bott here is describing the road to power for ambitious younger sons in the Tongan Islands, this method may haye> applied to the Samoan case as well. The Samoan 'rebellion' apparently did not disturb the social relations

Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 12:32:20AM via free access 438 Henri J. M. Claessen permanently. Some time later the twentieth tui tonga is reputed to have fallen in love with a Samoan girl, who chose his brother instead (Gifford ' 1929:54; Rutherford 1977:34). • Kauulufonua, the twenty-fourth tui tonga, is said to have been the ruler who reformed the Tongan political organization 'by delegating his temporal authority to his younger brother who was given the title of Tui Haa Takalaua' (Gifford 1929:56; Rutherford 1977:35). The reason behind this move was, according to Gifford as well as Rutherford, the fear of being murdered. Several predecessors of this tui tonga had already been killed, and in this way he hoped to stay out of harm's way. His immediate predecessor, Takalaua, most probably had married an important Samoan woman, the tui manua (Gunson 1987:150). All of Takalaua's immediate successors (with the possible exception of the twenty-fifth tui tonga, Vakafuhu, who has been left out in Gunson's Table I), contracted marriages with Samoan women until the reign of Uluakimata I, the twenty-ninth tui tonga. This supposition is also in agreement with Gifford (1929:56), who adds that in the same period also sometimes a daughter of the Tongan ruler married a Samoan notable. Gunson states that, following Takalaua's reign, 'all succeeding Tu'i Tonga lived in Samoa which suggests that this was the beginning of the Tongan occupation of the ' (Gunson 1987:151). The question of how far the tui tonga really lived in Samoa aside, the state- ment 'Tongan occupation' does not seem tenable, as was explained above. That there was a need for a deputy to rule the Tongan Islands when the tui tonga was absent does not seem to be too far-fetched (Gunson 1987:151). This does not necessarily contradict the traditional view that the tui tonga created a secular ruling line for reasons of safety, however. His reasons for staying in Samoa may also have been connec- ted with security.

It would seem appropriate at this point to consider what is known about the sister of the tui tonga at that time. The whole question is connected with the fact that in Tongan society 'the basic principle of rank is that sisters have a higher rank than brothers' (Bott 1981:17). Brothers must respect sisters. The rank of father's sister {mehekitanga) is even higher than the rank of a man's sister. 'The father's sister has ritual mystical power over her brother's children' (Bott 1981:18). And, though the tui tonga was the highest-ranking person in Tonga, 'his sisters had higher rank than he' (Bott 1981:32). This higher position was not restricted to women. All children of a sister (especially of a mehekitanga) had a higher rank than mother's brother (for a general discussion see Gailey 1981:102 ff.; Rogers 1977; Kaeppler 1971; Koch 1955:70ff.). This was already known to Cook, who noted this fact in his discussion of the political structure of the Tonga Islands (Cook 1967:178, and note). He had met with the tamaha Moungalakepa (Cook 1967:136) and with her

Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 12:32:20AM via free access Tongan Traditions - Model Building and Historical Evidence 439 . brother Latunipulu, the tui lakepa (Cook 1967:178) - the children of tui tonga fefine Sinaitakala HI (cf. Gunson 1987:160). The French visitors Labillardiere (1800, 11:123) and Dentrecasteaux (1808, 1:293) both met with Nanasipau, the sister of Paulaho — the then tui tonga - and noted her high rank with some surprise. The same high rank was held by her son, the tui ardeo, who was met by the of The Duff (Wilson 1799:231, 265). It is thus an intriguing problem why, until the time of the thirtieth tui tonga, Fatafehi - the son and successor of Uluakimata I - nothing special is said about royal daughters and sisters, except for the two .mentions (Gifford 1929:56) of the marriages of a daughter of a tui tonga to a Samban chief (cf. Schoeffel 1987:178-180). Bott (1982:67) casually mentions that, in former times, the sisters of the tui tonga were not allowed to marry, and says nothing further. One thus cannot but agree with her (Bott 1982:32) that the special position of the sister and the children of the sister of the tui tonga was a comparatively late phenomenon in Tongan history. Gunson (1987:151) connects this development with a cessation of Samoan alliances, and the Fijianization of the Tongan . He does not give an explanation for this shift in alliances, or for the subsequent development of high female positions in the royal family.. He only points to the - possible — introduction of the Fijian custom of vasu, known in Tonga asfahu, whereby a sister's son is given rights to his uncle's property (Gunson 1987:151; Rogers 1977; Koch 1955:70 ff.). This may have boosted the position of a man's sister, but it does not explain the origin of this high position, which seems to have been a fact already prior to that time. An alternative explanation takes as its starting-point a remark made by Bott. After stating that the elaboration of female positions was only a relatively late development, she says:

'Except for Latutama, the sister of Tu'i Tonga Tu'itatui, there is no mention of a Tu'i Tonga Fefine until the time of Tu'i Tonga Tele'a [= Uluakimata I, C. ]; the Tu'i Tonga Fefine Sinaitakala-'i- Langileka was his daughter, and she began the titles of the Fale Fisi (House of Fiji) and the Tamaha. She was roughly contempor- aneous with Ngata, the founding ancestor of the Kanokupolu line of secular chiefs so that titles of rank and titles of power appear to have developed simultaneously.'(Bott 1982:32.)

This development seems to be connected with the political weakening of the position of the tui tonga, who had given secular power to a deputy, the tui haa takalaua. The tui haa takalaua, in his turn, appointed a son as his deputy. This was Ngata, the founder of the tui kanokupolu line. This line soon became very powerful in Tongatapu. Ngata, the founder, married two daughters of a local chief of Hihifo. The third tui kanokupolu married several daughters of chiefs in central Tongatapu,

Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 12:32:20AM via free access 440 HenriJ.M.Claessen and the same applies to other male members of this line (Bott 1981:42, 43). Ngata's father, tui haa takalaua Moungatonga, had married a Samoan woman, who came to live in Tongatapu with a large contingent of Samoan followers (Bott 1981:35). The creation of a more formalized position of the tui tonga fefine and her daughter, the tamaha, may thus be connected with an attempt on the part of the royal line to create a counterweight against newly developing powers (cf. Claessen 1979). This counterweight had to be constituted in such a way that the position of the tui tonga with regard to the other power lines should be safe- guarded and reinforced. This was accomplished with the marriage of Sinaitakala-'i-Langileka to the Fijian Tapu'osi. Though some versions of the account of this marriage sound rather romantic (Bott 1982:32,33), other versions suggest that there was pressure put on the Fijian. I do not know if the Fijian husband of the sister of the Tongan ruler should be described as an 'absentee princely adventurer' (Gunson 1987:151), but the fact is that with the arrival of this Fijian notable a new noble line came to be founded: the Fale Fisi, which gave riset o two important titles, Tu'ilakepa and Tu'iha'ateiho. Bott points out that, in this way, 'a sort of genealogical fiction' was provided

'for allowing the existence of persons of a higher rank than the Tu'i Tonga without being a threat to his position as sacred king and ritual focus of the kingdom. Because Tapu'osi was a foreigner, and, in addition, of low rank, according to Tongan conceptions his descendants were for ever foreign and therefore did not have political status; they had higher rank than the Tu'i Tonga through their descent from the Tu'i Tonga Fefine, but no political authority as rulers.'(Bott 1982:33; cf. Kaeppler 1978:247.)

The thirtieth tui tonga, Fatafehi, is said to have married Kaloafutonga, the daughter of the sixth tui haa takalaua, Moungatonga, who was the sister of the first tui kanokupolu, Ngata (Gifford 1929:60). Fatafehi's sister founded with Tapu'osi the Fale Fisi line, and from that moment on a whole series of intermarriages took place. The tui tonga - with only one exception - married a daughter of the hau - the secular ruler. This function was held first by the tui haa takalaua and later by the tui kanokupolu (Gifford 1929:60; Bott 1981:33, 52, 53; 1982:99)! From that time on the 'great wife' of the tui tonga held the title of moheofo. Before that time, it is true, there was also a head wife, the maitaki, but she was 'simply the one he favoured' (Bott 1982:99). The moheofo was always the mother of the next tui tonga. The position of 'wife-taker' of the hau was advantageous to the tui tonga, for it was the group of the wife-giver which supported the wife-taker (Bott 1981:41). In his turn, the tui haa takalaua, and later the tui kanokupolu, married the daughter of the tui tonga fefine, the tamaha, or another woman from the Fale Fisi

Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 12:32:20AM via free access Tongan Traditions - Model Building and Historical Evidence 441 line (Bott 1981:52, 53, 56, 75; cf! Gailey 1981:66). With regard to the last-mentioned title, Bott (1982:32, 34) points out that there have only been three women who have formally had the title tamaha bestowed on them, but that, in fact, there was also a less precise use of this term, 'by which all the people who stood in the right relationship were called Tamaha even if the actual title had not been specifically granted to them' (Bott 1982:35; Gifford 1929:81). Each of the three 'official' tamaha married a tui kanokupolu (Bott 1982:36). Marriages such as these raised the rank of the children born from such unions, but somehow not sufficiently to endanger the supremacy of rank of the tui tonga (Bott 1982:36). This is in contradiction with the general custom in Tonga that the rank of the mother determines the rank of the children. Bott does not provide any further information on this point, however. The situation in the Tonga Islands for that period can therefore be described in the following terms:

'Along with his daughter, the Tu'i Kanokupolu gave to the Tu'i Tonga power in the form of political support, protection and food. Along with the Tu'i Fefine, the Tu'i Tonga gave high rank and a certain amount of political protection to the Fale Fisi chiefs. In the person of their daughters, the Fale Fisi chiefs gave high rank to the Tu'i Kanokupolu. Political power, in other words, was eventually converted into high rank.'(Bott 1981:57.)

What emerges from this construction is the existence of a kind of equilibrium between the most important descent lines in the Tonga Islands. This relatively peaceful situation seems to have existed during the period between Uluakimata I and Paulaho, the tui tonga met by Cook (Cook 1967:120,121). The relations between the leading authori- ties had become rather tense by that time, however (Cook 1967:174). There is no need here to go into the upheavals that followed Cook's visits. For our purpose it is sufficient to state that the delicate equilibrium between the leading descent lines was thoroughly disturbed. Tensions between the politically ascending tui kanokupolu line and the gradually declining tui haa takalaua line provided the causes of the clashes that followed. The separate efforts of Paulaho and Tupoumoheofo, the then moheofo, to retain (or regain?) political influence contributed to the growing unrest (Herda 1987). In the civil wars that followed, the tui tonga line lost its power and position, while the tui haa takalaua line became practically extinct. The line of the tui kanokupolu acquired all the positions of power and influence. As a consequence also the Fale Fisi lost its importance (Gunson 1977:94 ff.).

Conclusions It seems possible now to answer the questions raised at the beginning of

Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 12:32:20AM via free access 442 Henri J. M. Claessen this article: did there exist a system of exchange of goods - even prestige goods - between Tonga, Samoa and Fiji?" And was there a circulating connubium between the notable families of the three islands? With regard to the first question, it has been pointed out that there was an exchange of goods between Tonga and Samoa, and also between Tonga and Fiji. There is no indication that Samoans and Fijians had regular direct contact with one another. Foreign goods on either of these islands invariably arrived there by way of Tonga. Though sometimes goods of high value (red feathers, mats) were transferred from the one island to the other, indications of the existence of a system of exchange of prestige goods are restricted to Samoa only. With regard to the second question, it has been shown that there was never any circulating connubium between the notable families of the three islands. From the twenty-third to the twenty-ninth tui tonga there were marriages between Tongan notables and Samoan women. About marriages between notables of Fiji and Tonga, and between notables of Fiji and Samoa - which would be necessary for us to be able to speak of the existence of a circulating connubium - nothing is known for that period. At the time of the appointment of the first tui kanokupolu - who had a Samoan mother - and the simultaneous development of the tui tonga fefine I tamaha complex, one, and only one, marriage between a Tongan woman and a Fijian notable of the kind required by the connubium model is known to have taken place. Since that time, the number, of marriages between Tongans and Samoans has decreased considerably. There is no justification for the conclusion, in view of such a limited number of actual cases, that there was a structural relationship between the notable families of Tonga, Samoa, and Fiji. A stronger case can be made for a circulating connubium between the three leading Tongan descent lines, which covered the period from the twenty-ninth to the thirty-sixth tui tonga. After that, the civil war disrupted the entire fabric of social relations.

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