GENERAL ELECTIONS in MONTENEGRO 14Th October 2012
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Montenegro Country Report BTI 2014
BTI 2014 | Montenegro Country Report Status Index 1-10 7.50 # 22 of 129 Political Transformation 1-10 7.90 # 23 of 129 Economic Transformation 1-10 7.11 # 28 of 129 Management Index 1-10 6.51 # 18 of 129 scale score rank trend This report is part of the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2014. It covers the period from 31 January 2011 to 31 January 2013. The BTI assesses the transformation toward democracy and a market economy as well as the quality of political management in 129 countries. More on the BTI at http://www.bti-project.org. Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2014 — Montenegro Country Report. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2014. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. BTI 2014 | Montenegro 2 Key Indicators Population M 0.6 HDI 0.791 GDP p.c. $ 14206.2 Pop. growth1 % p.a. 0.1 HDI rank of 187 52 Gini Index 28.6 Life expectancy years 74.5 UN Education Index 0.838 Poverty3 % 0.0 Urban population % 63.5 Gender inequality2 - Aid per capita $ 163.1 Sources: The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2013 | UNDP, Human Development Report 2013. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate. (2) Gender Inequality Index (GII). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $2 a day. Executive Summary Preparations for EU accession have dominated the political agenda in Montenegro during the period under review. Recognizing the progress made by the country on seven key priorities identified in its 2010 opinion, the European Commission in October 2011 proposed to start accession negotiations. -
RESOLVING DISPUTES and BUILDING RELATIONS Challenges of Normalization Between Kosovo and Serbia
Council CIG for Inclusive Governance RESOLVING DISPUTES AND BUILDING RELATIONS Challenges of Normalization between Kosovo and Serbia Contents 2 PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 5 SUPPORTING THE BRUSSELS DIALOGUE 16 ESTABLISHING THE ASSOCIATION / COMMUNITY OF SERB-MAJORITY MUNICIPALITIES 24 KOSOVO’S NORTH INTEGRATION AND SERB POLITICAL PARTICIPATION 32 PARLIAMENTARY COOPERATION 39 COOPERATION ON EU INTEGRATION 41 PARTICIPANTS Albanian and Serbian translations of this publication are available on CIG’s website at cigonline.net. CIG Resolving Disputes anD BuilDing Relations Challenges of normalization between Kosovo and serbia Council for Inclusive Governance New York, 2015 PrefaCe anD AcknowleDgments Relations between Kosovo and Serbia are difficult. Since Kosovo’s declaration of independence in February 2008, all contacts between officials of Kosovo and Serbia ceased. Belgrade rejected any direct interaction with Pristina preferring to deal through the EU Rule of Law Mission and the UN Mission in Kosovo. However, encouraged by the EU and the US, senior officials of both governments met in March 2011 for direct talks in Brussels. These talks were followed in Brussels in October 2012 by a meeting between the prime ministers of Kosovo and Serbia. These EU-mediated dialogues resulted in a number of agreements between Serbia and Kosovo including the April 2013 Brussels Agreement. The Agreement’s main goal is to conclude the integration of the Serb-majority municipalities in Kosovo’s north into Kosovo’s system of laws and governance, including the establishment of the Association/Community of the Serb-Majority Municipalities in Kosovo. The sides also pledged not to block each other’s accession processes into the EU. -
A European Montenegro How Are Historical Monuments Politically Instrumentalised in Light of Future Membership of the European Union?
A European Montenegro How are historical monuments politically instrumentalised in light of future membership of the European Union? MA Thesis in European Studies Graduate School for Humanities Universiteit van Amsterdam Daniel Spiers 12395757 Main Supervisor: Dr. Nevenka Tromp Second Supervisor: Dr. Alex Drace-Francis December, 2020 Word Count: 17,660 Acknowledgments My time at the Universiteit van Amsterdam has been a true learning curve and this paper is only a part of my academic development here. I wish to express my gratitude to all the lecturing staff that I have had contact with during my studies, all of whom have all helped me mature and grow. In particular, I want to thank Dr. Nevenka Tromp who has been a fantastic mentor to me during my time at the UvA. She has consistently supported my academic aims and has been there for me when I have had concerns. Lastly, I want to thank the family and friends in my life. My parents, sister and grandparents have always supported me in my development, and I miss them all dearly. I show appreciation to the friends in my life, in Amsterdam, London, Brussels and Montenegro, who are aware of my passion for Montenegro and have supported me at every stage. Dedication I dedicate this thesis to the people of Montenegro who have lived through an extraordinary period of change and especially to those who believe that it is leading them to a brighter future. Abstract This thesis seeks to explore how historical monuments are politically instrumentalised in Montenegro in light of future membership of the European Union. -
Political Parties of Kosovo Serbs in the Political System of Kosovo: from Pluralism to Monism JOVANA RADOSAVLJEVIĆ & BUDIMIR NIČIĆ 3
1 NEW SOCIALINITIATIVE Political parties of Kosovo Serbs April in the political 2021 system of Kosovo: From pluralism to monism 2 Political parties of Kosovo Serbs in the political system of Kosovo: from pluralism to monism JOVANA RADOSAVLJEVIĆ & BUDIMIR NIČIĆ 3 Characteristics of the open society within Serb community in Kosovo Political Civil society parties of organizations in the Kosovo Serbs in Openness of Serbian Serbian community in the political system media in Kosovo Kosovo – Beteween of Kosovo: From perceptions and pluralism to presentation monism Attitudes of Kosovo Openness of institutions Community Rights in Serbs of security to the citizens of Kosovo Kosovo institutions Analysis of the Kosovo Serbs in the economic situation in dialogue process the Serb-populated areas in Kosovo Research title: Political parties of Kosovo Serbs in the political system of Kosovo: From pluralism to monism Published by: KFOS Prepared by: Nova društvena inicijativa (New Social Initiative) i Medija Centar (Media Center) Authors: Jovana Radosavljević, Budimir Ničić The original writing language of the analysis is Serbian language. Translated by: Biljana Simurdić Design: tedel Printed by (No. of copies): tedel (100) This paper is published within OPEN, a project carried out by the Kosovo Foundation for Open Society (KFOS) in cooperation with the organizations Nova društvena inicijativa (New Social Initiative) and Medija Centar (Media Center). Views expressed in this publication are exclusively those of the research authors and are not necessarily the views of KFOS. Year of publishing: 2021 CONTENT 05. WHO ARE 16 03. IMPORTANT PLAYERS AND POLITICAL PARTIES 9 WHAT ARE THEIR OF KOSOVO SERBS, ROLES FROM PLURALISM TO MONISM 01. -
Kosovo Political Economy Analysis Final Report
KOSOVO POLITICAL ECONOMY ANALYSIS FINAL REPORT DECEMBER 26, 2017 This publication was produced for review by the United States Agency for International Development. It was prepared by Management Systems International, A Tetra Tech Company. KOSOVO POLITICAL ECONOMY ANALYSIS FINAL REPORT December 26, 2017 IDIQ No. AID-167-I-17-00002 Award No: AID-167-TO-17-00009 Prepared by Management Systems International (MSI), A Tetra Tech Company 200 12th St South, Suite 1200 Arlington, VA, USA 22202 DISCLAIMER This report is made possible by the support of the American people through the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). The contents are the sole responsibility of the Management Systems International and do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID or the United States Government. CONTENTS Acronyms ...................................................................................................................................... ii Executive Summary .................................................................................................................... iii I. Introduction ............................................................................................................................... 6 II. Methodology ............................................................................................................................. 7 A. Foundational Factors ........................................................................................................................................... 7 B. Rules -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
(MNEE) Dataset
Montenegrin Elections (MNEE) dataset List of Abbreviations and Names of Parties and Coalitions Last updated: 11 March 2021 If you notice any issues or discrepancies or have questions regarding the table, please send an email to: [email protected] Table Election year Abrreviation Original name Notes and English translation If a party or (coalition partners information on coalition represents in brackets) sources (where a minority, which applicable) minority it represents? 1990 SKCG Savez komunista Crne Future dominant League of Gore party. In 1991 it was Communists of renamed into Montenegro Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS). 1990 SRSJCG (LSCG-SP- Savez reformskih Source: Adžić (2019). Alliance of Yugoslav PSCG-NOK-SNR- snaga Jugoslavije za Reformist Forces for SDSCG-DACG) Crnu Goru Montenegro 1990 LSCG Liberalni savez Crne Liberal Alliance of Gore Montenegro 1990 PSCG Partija socijalista Crne Party of Socialists Gore 1990 SP Socijalistička partija Socialist Party 1990 NOK Nezavisna orgazinacija Independent komunista Organization of Communists 1990 SNR Stranka nacionalne Party of National Bosniak ravnopravnosti Equality 1 1990 SDSCG Socijaldemokratska Not to be confused Social Democratic stranka Crne Gore with SDP (formed in Party of Montenegro 1993) or SDS (Serb Democratic Party)! 1990 DACG Demokratska Democratic alternativa Crne Gore Alternative of Montenegro 1990 DK (SDA-DSCG-SR) Demokratska koalicija Source: Pavićević Democratic coalition Bosniak and Albanian (2007, 25). (coalition, see notes) *details on the members of coalition in -
Propaganda Made-To-Measure: Dimensions of Risk and Resilience in the Western Balkans
ASYMMETRIC THREATS PROGRAMME A Study of Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Serbia PROPAGANDA MADE-TO-MEASURE: DIMENSIONS OF RISK AND RESILIENCE IN THE WESTERN BALKANS Rufin Zamfir (editor) Funded by: A project by I Bucharest, Romania May, 2019 The report can be accessed at www.global-focus.eu or ordered at [email protected] +40-721259205 26, Hristo Botev bvd, et. 4, ap. 9 Bucharest, Sector 3 GlobalFocus Center is an independent international studies think-tank which produces in-depth research and high quality analysis on foreign policy, security, European affairs, good governance and development. It functions as a platform for cooperation and dialogue among individual experts, NGOs, think-tanks and public institutions from Romania and foreign partners. The Asymmetric Threats programme focuses on strategic communications, terrorism and radicalization, cyber security and hybrid war. DISCLAIMER The views expressed belong to the individual authors and do not necessarily reflect the position of the GlobalFocus Center. GlobalFocus Center reserves all rights for the present publication. Parts thereof can only be reproduced or quoted with full attribution to the GlobalFocus Center and mention of publication title and authors' names. Full reproduction is only permitted upon obtaining prior written approval from the GlobalFocus Center. OiiOpinions expressed in thispublica tion donot necessarilyrepresent those of the BlkBalkan Trust for Democracy, the German Marshall Fund of the United States, or its partners. Argument and Methodological Explanation (by Rufin Zamfir) pg. 1 Albania (by Agon Maliqi) pg. 7 Society pg. 9 Economy pg. 16 Politics pg. 21 Foreign Policy and Security pg. 26 Bosnia and Herzegovina (by Dimitar Bechev) pg. -
Nationalism and Modernity
Orientalist Ethnonationalism: From Irredentism to Independentism Discourse analysis of the Albanian ethnonationalist narrative about the National Rebirth (1870-1930) and Kosovo Independence (1980-2000) Dukagjin Gorani Cardiff School of Journalism, Media and Cultural Studies Cardiff University This thesis is submitted to Cardiff University in fullfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy December 2011 1 Acknowledgments I would like to thank the most important people of all, my family and friends. None of this would have been possible without their support. I remain eternally grateful to their patience and understanding throughout the long years of this study. To Dr Tamara Witschge, my chief supervisor: your academic guidance and impervious belief in me is enshrined within every line of this research. For many months, you have been the voice of optimism that helped me navigate through countless moments of despair and aimlessness. Thank you. Finally, to everyone at Cardiff University and particularly to Dr Terry Threadgold: thank you for your understanding, open heart and open mind that made me feel at home in the beautiful Wales. 2 Abstract Orientalist Ethnonationalism: From Irredentism to Independentism Discourse analysis of the Albanian ethnonationalist narrative about the National Rebirth (1870-1930) and Kosovo Independence (1980-2000) The thesis focuses on the chronological identification and detection of the discursive analogies between the category of ‗the nation‘ and those of ‗the West‘, ‗Europe‘, ‗democracy‘ and ‗independence‘ in the Kosovo Albanian ethnonationalist narrative. The study represents a multi-dimensional exercise analysing the ethnonationalist discourse from a wide array of sample text which was produced during two relevant historical periods: the period between 1870-1930 and the period between 1980-2000. -
Vulnerabilities to Russian Influence in Montenegro
KREMLIN WATCH REPORT VULNERABILITIES TO RUSSIAN INFLUENCE IN MONTENEGRO Kremlin Watch Program 2019 EUROPEAN VALUES CENTER FOR SECURITY POLICY European Values Center for Security Policy is a non-governmental, non-partisan institute defending freedom and sovereignty. We protect liberal democracy, the rule of law, and the transatlantic alliance of the Czech Republic. We help defend Europe especially from the malign influences of Russia, China, and Islamic extrem- ists. We envision a free, safe, and prosperous Czechia within a vibrant Central Europe that is an integral part of the transatlantic community and is based on a firm alliance with the USA. Our work is based on individual donors. Use the form at: http://www.europeanvalues.net/o-nas/support- us/, or send your donation directly to our transparent account: CZ69 2010 0000 0022 0125 8162. www.europeanvalues.net [email protected] www.facebook.com/Evropskehodnoty KREMLIN WATCH PROGRAM Kremlin Watch is a strategic program of the European Values Center for Security Policy which aims to ex- pose and confront instruments of Russian influence and disinformation operations focused against West- ern democracies. Author Mgr. Liz Anderson, student of Security and Strategic Studies at Masaryk University and Kremlin Watch Intern Editor Veronika Víchová, Head of Kremlin Watch Program, European Values Center for Security Policy Image Copyright: Page 1, 4, 12: NATO 2 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY With a population of a little more than 650,000 citizens, levels of Montenegrin society, but most prominently in Montenegro is NATO’s newest and smallest member. It the economic, political, civil society, media, and religious joined the Alliance controversially and without a realms. -
Political Status of Ethnic Groups in Montenegro
Montenegro Ethnicity in Montenegro Group selection We identify the following politically relevant ethnic groups: Alba- nians, Bosniak/Muslims, Croats, Montenegrins, Roma, and Serbs. With 44,9% of the population, Montenegrins are the largest ethnic group in the country. Serbs constitute the largest minority with 28,7%, followed by Bosniaks and Albanians (3464, 3465, 945). For 3464 [Census, 2011] the 2003 census, the term “Bosniaks” was introduced, but Muslims 3465 [Bieber, 2010] and Bosniaks are included in one single category, although there is a slight difference between Serbian speaking Muslims and Bosnian speaking Bosniaks. This is in line with Bieber (3466, 944), who also 3466 [Bieber, 2010] considers Bosniaks and Muslims in Montenegro as a combined ethnic group. Power relations 2008-2016 In 2006, Montenegro declared independence from the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro. Montenegrins are the political majority and they dominate the government. They are mostly represented by the Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS), which has been in power from independence to 2020. Serbs are represented by the party alliance Serbian List (Srpska lista), and more recently the Democratic Front, but Serbs also vote for other parties and approximately 30 percent of the parliament members, from the Serbian and other parties, considered themselves as Serbian (3467, 945). Yet, as the parties representing the Serbs are 3467 [Bieber, 2010] in opposition, and thus without governmental influence, Serbs are considered politically powerless according to the EPR coding rules. In Montenegro, seats are allocated using the d’Hondt method. There is a three percent threshold to gain representation. If none of the lists of a specific minority group achieve a threshold of 3 percent, a lower threshold of 0.7 percent is used (for Croatians, this becomes 0.4 percent) (3468). -
Russia's Role in the Balkans – Cause for Concern?
Russia’s Role in the Balkans – Cause for Concern? By David Clark and Dr Andrew Foxall June 2014 Published in June 2014 by The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society 8th Floor, Parker Tower 43-49 Parker Street London WC2B 5PS Registered charity no. 1140489 Tel: +44 (0)20 7340 4520 www.henryjacksonsociety.org © The Henry Jackson Society 2014 The Henry Jackson Society All rights reserved The views expressed in this publication are those of the authors and are not necessarily indicative of those of The Henry Jackson Society or its Trustees Russia’s Role in the Balkans – Cause for Concern? By David Clark and Dr Andrew Foxall All rights reserved Front Cover Image: Welding first joint of Serbian section of South Stream gas pipeline © www.gazprom.com Russia’s Role in the Balkans – Cause for Concern? AUTHOR | AUTHOR By David Clark and Dr Andrew Foxall June 2014 Russia’s Role in the Balkans – Cause for Concern? About the Authors David Clark is Chair of the Russia Foundation and served as Special Adviser at the Foreign Office 1997-2001. Dr Andrew Foxall is Director of the Russia Studies Centre at The Henry Jackson Society. He holds a DPhil from the University of Oxford. i Russia’s Role in the Balkans – Cause for Concern? The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society is a cross-partisan think-tank based in London. The Henry Jackson Society is a think tank and policy-shaping force that fights for the principles and alliances which keep societies free – working across borders and party lines to combat extremism, advance democracy and real human rights, and make a stand in an increasingly uncertain world.