DOCSLIB.ORG

Civil War in Bosnia, 1992-94 Hungary

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Civil War in Bosnia, 1992-94 Hungary CIVIL WAR IN BOSNIA, 1992-94 HUNGARY ROMANIA SEA N t o, 50, 100, 150, Miles Yugoslavia 1990 Civil War in Bosnia 1992-94 Edgar 0' Ballance First published in Great Britain 1995 by MACMILLAN PRESS LTD Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and London Companies and representatives throughout the world A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN 978-1-349-13668-1 ISBN 978-1-349-13666-7 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-1-349-13666-7 First published in the United States of America 1995 by ST. MARTIN'S PRESS, INC., Scholarly and Reference Division, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010 ISBN 978-0-312-12503-5 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data O'Ballance, Edgar. Civil War in Bosnia, 1992-94/ Edgar O'Ballance. p. Col. Includes index. ISBN 978-0-312-12503-5 I. Yugoslav War, 1991- -Bosnia and Hercegovina. 2. Bosnia and Hercegovina-History-1992- 1. Title. DR 1313.3.02 1995 949.702'4---<\c20 94-32534 CIP © Edgar O'Ballance 1995 Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 1995 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the temlS of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Tottcnham Court Road, London WIP 9HE Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. II 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 04 03 02 0 I 00 99 98 97 96 95 Contents Preface vii Acknowledgements xiv Abbreviations xvi Chronology xviii List of Maps xxiii 1 Sovereign Independence 1 2 As it Happened 17 3 Civil War 27 4 Sarajevo: April-May 1992 39 5 The UN Returns: June-July 1992 53 6 The Geneva Conference: August 1992 78 7 UNPROFOR-2: September-October 1992 97 8 The Vance-Owen Plan: November-December 1992 118 9 American Involvement in Bosnia: January-March 1993 136 10 Sterile Negotiations: April-June 1993 155 11 Alliances of Convenience: July-August 1993 179 12 The Approaching Second Winter: September-December 1993 207 13 Unexpected Initiatives: 1994 235 14 Retrospect and Prospect 245 Maps 255 Index 261 v Also by Edgar 0 'Ballana THE ALGERIAN INSURRECfION: 1954-62 ARAB GUERRIllA POWER THE ARAB-ISRAEU WAR: 1948-9 CML WAR IN YUGOSlAVIA THE CYANIDE WAR THE ELECTRONIC WAR IN THE MIDDLE EAST: 1968-70 THE FRENCH FOREIGN LEGION THE GREEK CML WAR: 1944-49 THE GULF WAR THE INDO-CHINA WAR: 1946-54 THE KURDISH REVOLT: 1961-70 THE LANGUAGE OF VIOLENCE THE MAlAYAN INSURRECTION: 1948-60 THE RED ARMY OF CHINA THE RED ARMY OF RUSSIA THE SECOND GULF WAR: The Liberation of Kuwait THE SECRET WAR IN SUDAN: 1955-72 THE SINAI CAMPAIGN: 1956 TERROR IN IRElAND: The Story of the IRA TERRORISM IN THE 19805 THE THIRD ARAB-ISRAEU WAR: 1967 NO VICTOR, NO VANQUISHED: The Middle East War 1973 TRACKS OF THE BEAR: US-USSR Relations in the 19705 WAR IN THE YEMEN: 1962-69 WARS IN AFGHANISTAN: 1839-1992 WARS IN VIETNAM (1954-73) Preface This is a brief account of the short, stormy, wartorn existence of the sovereign independent Balkan Republic of Bosnia­ Hercegovina, which formally began on 7 April 1992 when it was reluctantly recognised by the European Community (EC), even though it did not conform to demanded specifications, one of which was that it should have internal stability. At the time a Serb separatist armed insurrection, supported by the 'rump' government of former Yugoslavia, was gathering mo­ mentum in Bosnia. The sovereign Republic of Bosnia had been largely the dream of one man, President Alija Izetbegovic, a dedicated Muslim who had almost single-handedly worked and planned to turn his multiethnic country, whose population of about 4.3 mil­ lion people consisted of about 44 per cent Muslims, 33 per cent Serbs, 19 per cent Croats and 4 per cent others, into a unitary sovereign state, while his secret agenda was to give it a predominantly Islamic-orientated character. The Republic of Bosnia lies on a fault line of history, where over the centuries the rough edges of great empires had rubbed abrasively together, leaving a residue of multiethnic, multi­ religious groups conditioned by their backgrounds, fears and prejudices, having only really been brought together by Pres­ ident Tito's administrative divisions of YUgoslavia, which created the present boundaries of the republic. Communism in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY), consisting of six constituent republics, was slowly re­ placed in 1989-91, not by Western-style democracy as had been hoped, but by rabid nationalism and separatism. Suddenly ethnic origin became paramount. At first the EC and the com­ peting Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE), which set themselves up as arbiters of European dif­ ferences, strove to keep the SFRY intact, but were unsuccessful. Two ethnic, separatist wars were fought against the Belgrade Federal authority. The 'Ten-Day War' in June 1991 gained sovereign independence for the Republic of Slovenia, and the longer one, from June to November that year, brought the same status to Croatia. The defeated Yugoslav National Army vii viii Preface UNA), now almost completely Serb in content, withdrew in ignominy from those two republics. Two other constituent re­ publics, Bosnia-Hercegovina and Macedonia, were now both demanding independence, leaving a Yugoslav rump of Serbia and Montenegro. Macedonia eventually peacefully obtained its independence in March 1992 when the JNA marched out, but it was not generally recognised internationally as Greece objected to the use of the name, which it insisted had aggres­ sive implications. Meanwhile, in December 1991 Germany broke EC ranks by formally recognising the independence of Slovenia and Croatia. Overtaken by events, and its facade of unity disrupted by this disloyalty, the EC did a smart policy V-turn, laying down con­ ditions for the recognition of Bosnia-Hercegovina. By this time the Serbs, the largest ethnic group in the SFRY, in their al­ leged quest for a Greater Serbia, demonised and drenched in odium, were universally regarded as being responsible for the chaotic Yugoslav problem. It took some time for Western public opinion to realise that all, including Croats and Muslims, were equally guilty of atrocities, and that there was little to choose between them. Independence was declared in Bosnia-Hercegovina in Janu­ ary 1992, and the required (by the EC) referendum (in which Bosnian Serbs abstained) was held at the end of February, showing a majority to be in favour. In the 'One Day Revolu­ tion' (2 March), impromptu street-fighting between insurgent Serbs and government forces in Sarajevo, the republic's capi­ tal, was contained, and independence was duly proclaimed on the 3rd. Meanwhile Bosnian Serbs, under the leadership of Radovan Karadzic, had established their own breakaway Assembly in October 1991, and on 27 March 1992 proclaimed their own separate Bosnian Serb Republic. Serb militias, which had been actively fighting government forces since September 1990, now launched their Drina Valley Campaign, followed by their North­ ern Corridor one, and within a few months held over 60 per cent of the countryside of the republic. The Siege of Sarajevo began with a heavy burst of shellfire on 21 April. The city has continued to hold out, although incessantly shelled by Serb guns positioned in the surrounding hills. At first the Bosnian Croats, led by Mate Boban and his militia (the HVO), ostensibly supported the government, but did not Preface ix involve themselves wholeheartedly in the struggle against in­ surgent Serbs. They too had their secret agenda, and quickly formed their own 'Croatian Community of Herceg-Bosna' in eastern Bosnia-Hercegovina, the area in which they mainly lived. Adjacent Croatia gave them covert support. The occupying JNA forces in Bosnia-Hercegovina were slow to evacuate and there were many incidents, but by the end of April they had left. General Mladic, ex:JNA and a Bosnian Serb, became commander of the army of the insurgent SD­ BiH (Serbian Democratic Republic in Bosnia-Hercegovina). This vicious three-sided (as later the Croats declared their hand) civil war, dominated by a siege-and-starvation strategy and involving ethnic cleansing, detention camps, atrocities and hordes of refugees, dragged on month after month, as neither faction could raise sufficient military force to defeat the others. It became a confused struggle between territorial warlords and rival militias. The United Nations (UN), the EC and the CSCE, already on the Yugoslav scene, having settled as they thought the Slovenian and Croatian problems, now turned their attention to Bosnia-Hercegovina, but their peacemaking efforts proved futile. None of the faction leaders wanted peace, but only to achieve their individual objectives, which conflicted with each other. The numerous ceasefires were almost instantly broken, and promises were seldom kept. The UN Security Council approved a series of threatening resolutions, including an arms and economic embargo on Serbia. The presence of international TV teams kept the world viv­ idly informed of the horrors of the siege of Sarajevo, and occasionally elsewhere, but most of the remainder of the re­ public was a dark, unknown area, from which journalists Were mostly barred and through which UN-sponsored and individual aid convoys struggled to penetrate to deliver aid to besieged cities and regions. Only belatedly did Western governments come to realise that a proportion of the food aid sent to Bosnia went to feed the warring militias, enabling them to continue fighting.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Siege of Sarajevo Endangered Civilians
    BALKAN January 8, 2004 Page 6 VIEW FROM THE HAGUE SIEGE OF SARAJEVO ENDANGERED CIVILIANS On 5 December this year, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia sentenced General Stanislav Gali ć to 20 years in prison for spreading terror among the civilian population during the siege of Sarajevo. The city of Sarajevo was under siege for about three and a half years. For almost two years of that time, from September 1992 to August 1994, General Gali ć was the commander of a branch of the Army of Republika Srpska (VRS), called the Sarajevo Romanija Corps, or SRK, which had virtually encircled Sarajevo. Parts of the city were controlled by the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Prosecution alleged that the SRK under General Gali ć's command conducted a campaign of sniping and shelling attacks on civilians in Sarajevo. Under international humanitarian law war as such is not considered unlawful. However, certain principles of warfare apply that military commanders must respect. One such principle obliges military commanders to distinguish between military objectives, on the one hand, and civilians, on the other, and not to attack civilians under any circumstances. And yet, the SRK's campaign resulted in a large number of deaths and injuries to civilians. The Tribunal Prosecution alleged that the SRK, under General Gali ć's command deliberately killed and injured civilians in order to terrorize them. Terrorising civilians Terrorising civilians during armed conflict is specifically prohibited by Article 51 of Additional Protocol I to the Geneva Conventions of 1949. The former Yugoslavia ratified this protocol in 1978.
    [Show full text]
  • Worlds Apart: Bosnian Lessons for Global Security
    Worlds Apart Swanee Hunt Worlds Apart Bosnian Lessons for GLoBaL security Duke university Press Durham anD LonDon 2011 © 2011 Duke University Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America on acid- free paper ♾ Designed by C. H. Westmoreland Typeset in Charis by Tseng Information Systems, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data appear on the last printed page of this book. To my partners c harLes ansBacher: “Of course you can.” and VaLerie GiLLen: “Of course we can.” and Mirsad JaceVic: “Of course you must.” Contents Author’s Note xi Map of Yugoslavia xii Prologue xiii Acknowledgments xix Context xxi Part i: War Section 1: Officialdom 3 1. insiDe: “Esteemed Mr. Carrington” 3 2. outsiDe: A Convenient Euphemism 4 3. insiDe: Angels and Animals 8 4. outsiDe: Carter and Conscience 10 5. insiDe: “If I Left, Everyone Would Flee” 12 6. outsiDe: None of Our Business 15 7. insiDe: Silajdžić 17 8. outsiDe: Unintended Consequences 18 9. insiDe: The Bread Factory 19 10. outsiDe: Elegant Tables 21 Section 2: Victims or Agents? 24 11. insiDe: The Unspeakable 24 12. outsiDe: The Politics of Rape 26 13. insiDe: An Unlikely Soldier 28 14. outsiDe: Happy Fourth of July 30 15. insiDe: Women on the Side 33 16. outsiDe: Contact Sport 35 Section 3: Deadly Stereotypes 37 17. insiDe: An Artificial War 37 18. outsiDe: Clashes 38 19. insiDe: Crossing the Fault Line 39 20. outsiDe: “The Truth about Goražde” 41 21. insiDe: Loyal 43 22. outsiDe: Pentagon Sympathies 46 23. insiDe: Family Friends 48 24. outsiDe: Extremists 50 Section 4: Fissures and Connections 55 25.
    [Show full text]
  • France and the Dissolution of Yugoslavia Christopher David Jones, MA, BA (Hons.)
    France and the Dissolution of Yugoslavia Christopher David Jones, MA, BA (Hons.) A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of East Anglia School of History August 2015 © “This copy of the thesis has been supplied on condition that anyone who consults it is understood to recognise that its copyright rests with the author and that use of any information derived there from must be in accordance with current UK Copyright Law. In addition, any quotation or extract must include full attribution.” Abstract This thesis examines French relations with Yugoslavia in the twentieth century and its response to the federal republic’s dissolution in the 1990s. In doing so it contributes to studies of post-Cold War international politics and international diplomacy during the Yugoslav Wars. It utilises a wide-range of source materials, including: archival documents, interviews, memoirs, newspaper articles and speeches. Many contemporary commentators on French policy towards Yugoslavia believed that the Mitterrand administration’s approach was anachronistic, based upon a fear of a resurgent and newly reunified Germany and an historical friendship with Serbia; this narrative has hitherto remained largely unchallenged. Whilst history did weigh heavily on Mitterrand’s perceptions of the conflicts in Yugoslavia, this thesis argues that France’s Yugoslav policy was more the logical outcome of longer-term trends in French and Mitterrandienne foreign policy. Furthermore, it reflected a determined effort by France to ensure that its long-established preferences for post-Cold War security were at the forefront of European and international politics; its strong position in all significant international multilateral institutions provided an important platform to do so.
    [Show full text]
  • Bosnia to War, to Dayton, and to Its Slow Peace – European Council On
    REPORT BOSNIA TO WAR, TO DAYTON, AND TO ITS SLOW PEACE Carl Bildt January 2021 SUMMARY The international community was gravely unprepared for the conflicts that followed the dissolution of Yugoslavia. In particular, it neglected the challenge of Bosnia. Europe alone was not enough to bring peace, and the United States went from disinterested to disruptive and finally to decisive for a credible peace process. Russia in those days was a constructive actor. The war in Bosnia lasted years longer than it should have more because of the divisions between outside powers than because of the divisions within the country and the region itself. The fundamentals of the Dayton Agreement in 1995 were not too dissimilar from what had been discussed, but not pursued, prior to the outbreak of the war. It is a solution that is closer to the reality of Belgium than to the reality of Cyprus. After the war, many political leaders in Bosnia saw peace as the continuation of the war by other means, which has seriously hampered economic and social progress. Ultimately, it will be difficult to sustain progress for Bosnia or the region without a credible and clear EU accession process. INTRODUCTION It was a quarter of a century ago that the most painful conflict on European soil since the second world war came to an end. Peace agreements are rare birds. Most conflicts end either with the victory of one of the sides or some sort of ceasefire that is rarely followed by a true peace agreement. The map of Europe shows a number of such ‘frozen conflicts’.
    [Show full text]
  • Memorial of the Republic of Croatia
    INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE CASE CONCERNING THE APPLICATION OF THE CONVENTION ON THE PREVENTION AND PUNISHMENT OF THE CRIME OF GENOCIDE (CROATIA v. YUGOSLAVIA) MEMORIAL OF THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA APPENDICES VOLUME 5 1 MARCH 2001 II III Contents Page Appendix 1 Chronology of Events, 1980-2000 1 Appendix 2 Video Tape Transcript 37 Appendix 3 Hate Speech: The Stimulation of Serbian Discontent and Eventual Incitement to Commit Genocide 45 Appendix 4 Testimonies of the Actors (Books and Memoirs) 73 4.1 Veljko Kadijević: “As I see the disintegration – An Army without a State” 4.2 Stipe Mesić: “How Yugoslavia was Brought Down” 4.3 Borisav Jović: “Last Days of the SFRY (Excerpts from a Diary)” Appendix 5a Serb Paramilitary Groups Active in Croatia (1991-95) 119 5b The “21st Volunteer Commando Task Force” of the “RSK Army” 129 Appendix 6 Prison Camps 141 Appendix 7 Damage to Cultural Monuments on Croatian Territory 163 Appendix 8 Personal Continuity, 1991-2001 363 IV APPENDIX 1 CHRONOLOGY OF EVENTS1 ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THE CHRONOLOGY BH Bosnia and Herzegovina CSCE Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe CK SKJ Centralni komitet Saveza komunista Jugoslavije (Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia) EC European Community EU European Union FRY Federal Republic of Yugoslavia HDZ Hrvatska demokratska zajednica (Croatian Democratic Union) HV Hrvatska vojska (Croatian Army) IMF International Monetary Fund JNA Jugoslavenska narodna armija (Yugoslav People’s Army) NAM Non-Aligned Movement NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organisation
    [Show full text]
  • Never Again: International Intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina1
    Never again: 1 International intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina July 2017 David Harland2 1 This study is one of a series commissioned as part of an ongoing UK Government Stabilisation Unit project relating to elite bargains and political deals. The project is exploring how national and international interventions have and have not been effective in fostering and sustaining political deals and elite bargains; and whether or not these political deals and elite bargains have helped reduce violence, increased local, regional and national stability and contributed to the strengthening of the relevant political settlement. This is a 'working paper' and the views contained within do not necessarily represent those of HMG. 2 Dr David Harland is Executive Director of the Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue. He served as a witness for the Prosecution at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in the cases of The Prosecutor versus Slobodan Milošević, The Prosecutor versus Radovan Karadžić, The Prosecutor versus Ratko Mladić, and others. Executive summary The war in Bosnia and Herzegovina was the most violent of the conflicts which accompanied the break- up of Yugoslavia, and this paper explores international engagement with that war, including the process that led to the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement. Sarajevo and Srebrenica remain iconic symbols of international failure to prevent and end violent conflict, even in a small country in Europe. They are seen as monuments to the "humiliation" of Europe and the UN and the
    [Show full text]
  • Managing Arms in Peace Processes: Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina
    UNIDIR/96/7 UNIDIR United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research Geneva Disarmament and Conflict Resolution Project Managing Arms in Peace Processes: Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina Paper: Barbara Ekwall-Uebelhart and Andrei Raevsky Questionnaire Analysis: LTCol J.W. Potgieter, Military Expert DCR Project Project funded by: the Ford Foundation, the United States Institute of Peace, the Winston Foundation, the Ploughshares Fund, the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation; and the governments of Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, the United Kingdom, the United States of America, Finland, France, Austria, the Federal Republic of Brazil, the Republic of Malta, the Republic of Argentina, and the Republic of South Africa. UNITED NATIONS New York and Geneva, 1996 NOTE The designations employed and the presentation of the material in this publication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the United Nations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area, or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. * * * The views expressed in this paper are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations Secretariat. UNIDIR/96/7 UNITED NATIONS PUBLICATION Sales No. GV.E.96.0.6 ISBN 92-9045-110-6 Table of Contents Previous DCR Project Publications............................... vii Preface - Sverre Lodgaard .......................................ix Acknowledgements ............................................xi Project Introduction - Virginia Gamba ............................xiii Project Staff ................................................xxi List of Acronyms ...........................................xxiii Part I: Case Study ................................... 1 Chapter 1: Introduction B. Ekwall-Uebelhart and A. Raevsky .............. 3 1.1. Background to the Conflict - B. Ekwall-Uebelhart..........
    [Show full text]
  • Turkey's Role in the Western Balkans
    SWP Research Paper Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Alida Vračić Turkey’s Role in the Western Balkans RP 11 December 2016 Berlin All rights reserved. © Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, 2016 SWP Research Papers are peer reviewed by senior researchers and the execu- tive board of the Institute. They reflect the views of the author(s). SWP Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Ludwigkirchplatz 3­4 10719 Berlin Germany Phone +49 30 880 07-0 Fax +49 30 880 07-200 www.swp-berlin.org [email protected] ISSN 1863-1053 This research and its publi- cation have been enabled by the generous support of Stiftung Mercator, Essen. Table of Contents 5 Issues and Conclusions 7 Turkey’s Comeback in the Balkans 12 Turkey’s Economy and Non-state Actors in the Western Balkans 15 Turkish Military in the Balkans 18 Countries of Particular Interest to Turkey 18 Bosnia and Herzegovina 22 Kosovo 24 Macedonia 27 Can Old Animosities Die? Serbia-Turkey Relations 30 Turkey’s Activism as Seen from the Balkans 32 Western Balkans – EU’s Forgotten Post? 33 Outlook 34 Abbreviations Alida Vračić is IPC-Stiftung Mercator Fellow 2015/2016 at SWP Issues and Conclusions Turkey’s Role in the Western Balkans For the past two decades, Turkey has been rediscover- ing the Balkans. The end of the Cold War and the dis- solution of the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s and the subsequent violence were decisive points in Turkish foreign policy. New openings toward southeast Europe and the creation of new states greatly transformed the foreign policy strategies of Turkey, which was aiming for far-reaching political impact.
    [Show full text]
  • The Muslim National Question in Bosnia. an Historical Overview and an Analytical Reappraisal
    The Muslim National Question in Bosnia. An Historical Overview and an Analytical Reappraisal. Major-general Carlos Manuel Martins Branco "…Bosnia is the country of hate...a fatal characteristic of that hate lies in the fact that the man from Bosnia is not aware of the hate that lives in him, he shrinks from analysing it and hates every one who tries to do it…those who believe and love, have a deadly hatred for those who do not believe and for those who believe differently and love something else. Unfortunately the main part of their belief and love is used up in hate…" Ivo Andric 1. Introduction This text aims at to understand what kind of country Bosnia-Herzegovina was in 1992 when the war broke-out, and to what extent the ethnic groups living in it identified themselves with the state and with each other. What did really mean to be a Bosnian? To answer those questions we decided to study the evolution of ethnic relations in Bosnia- Herzegovina and the role played by ethnic elites in different historical contexts from a historic sociological perspective, focusing our attention on: the relationship between ethnic groups and power holders; the impact of that relation in the ethnic groups relations; the development of group identity and its forms of expression; and on the evolution of the Muslim question, since the emergence during the Ottoman period of a Muslim community endowed with a separate and particular group identity. 2. Before Yugoslavia The Origins Slav tribes arrived in the Balkans during the 6th century.
    [Show full text]
  • The Third Entity – a Fiction? by Erich Rathfelder
    The third entity – a fiction? By Erich Rathfelder While Bosnia and Herzegovina is already dysfunctional with its two entities, the Croat Member of the Presidency, Dragan Čović, is striving for a third entity. This project is following the para-state “Herceg-Bosna,“ which was carrying out ethnic cleansing during the Bosnian War. In a first step, Čović is trying to undermine the functionality of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by an Electoral Law reform. Slowly it was calming down in the almost full small lecture hall in the Culture Centre Kosača in Mostar on October 3, 2017. The approximately 100 people present were looking curiously at the podium, where Miroslav Tuđman, the son of the first President of the Republic of Croatia, was taking place to present his new book published in 2017 in Zagreb. The former head of the Croatian Secret Service, extremely resembling his father Franjo Tuđman, had to be patient for a little while though. Because, as customary in this region, several speakers first praised the author as a brilliant analyst and a great Croatian patriot. Indeed, the mind-set of Miroslav Tuđman provides important insight into the position of Croatian nationalism in Croatia and in Bosnia and Herzegovina. His book Druga strana rubikona – politička strategija Alije Izetbegovića [The Other Side of the Rubicon – Alija Izetbegović’s Political Strategy] strives to be a settlement with the former President of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which gained its independence from Yugoslavia in the spring of 1992. But not only that: It contains a fundamental positioning of Croatian nationalism and provides the background for the current politics of the Croatian Democratic Union of Bosnia and Herzegovina (HDZ-BiH).
    [Show full text]
  • The Kosovo Report
    THE KOSOVO REPORT CONFLICT v INTERNATIONAL RESPONSE v LESSONS LEARNED v THE INDEPENDENT INTERNATIONAL COMMISSION ON KOSOVO 1 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS Great Clarendon Street, Oxford ox2 6dp Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford Executive Summary • 1 It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, Address by former President Nelson Mandela • 14 and education by publishing worldwide in Oxford New York Map of Kosovo • 18 Athens Auckland Bangkok Bogotá Buenos Aires Calcutta Introduction • 19 Cape Town Chennai Dar es Salaam Delhi Florence Hong Kong Istanbul Karachi Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Mumbai Nairobi Paris São Paulo Singapore Taipei Tokyo Toronto Warsaw PART I: WHAT HAPPENED? with associated companies in Berlin Ibadan Preface • 29 Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the uk and in certain other countries 1. The Origins of the Kosovo Crisis • 33 Published in the United States 2. Internal Armed Conflict: February 1998–March 1999 •67 by Oxford University Press Inc., New York 3. International War Supervenes: March 1999–June 1999 • 85 © Oxford University Press 2000 4. Kosovo under United Nations Rule • 99 The moral rights of the author have been asserted Database right Oxford University Press (maker) PART II: ANALYSIS First published 2000 5. The Diplomatic Dimension • 131 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, 6. International Law and Humanitarian Intervention • 163 without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, 7. Humanitarian Organizations and the Role of Media • 201 or as expressly permitted by law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organisation.
    [Show full text]
  • Verfasser- Und Herausgeberschriften / Authored Books and Edited Books
    Bibliothek des Hamburger Instituts fuer Sozialforschung (Hg.): Krieg in Kroa- tien und Bosnien. Eine Bibliographie 1989 - 1996. Bearbeitet von Natalija Basic, Gudrun Doellner, Christoph Fuchs, Ingwer Schwensen. Hamburg 1997 Verfasser- und Herausgeberschriften / Authored books and edited books Abarinov, Vladimir; Bogomolov, Pavel: Bosnia policy: Russia's split with West widens. In: Current Digest of the Post-Soviet Press. 47(1995),23.08.; S. 6-8 Acevska, Ljubica: Macedonia - Balkan's spark of hope. In: Balkan Forum. 1(1993),5; S. 167- 170 Achenbach, Marina (u.a.): Krieg und Frieden im ehemaligen Jugoslawien. In: Blaetter fuer Deutsche und Internationale Politik. 41(1996),8; S. 964-992 Acheson, Donald: Health, humanitarian relief, and survival in former Yugoslavia. In: British Medical Journal. 307(1993),6895; S. 44-48 Acimovic, Ljubivoje: The principle of self-determination of peoples in the Yugoslav crisis. In: Review of International Affairs. 44(1993),1015; S. 27-29 Acin, Jovica: Gatanje po pepelu. O izgnanstvima i logorima. Beograd: Vreme Knjige, 1993 Ackermann, Alice; Pala, Antonio L.: From peacekeeping to preventive deployment. A study of the United Nations in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. In: European Security. 5(1996),1; S. 83-97 Ackermann, Alice: The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. A relatively successful case of conflict prevention in Europe. In: Security Dialogue. 27(1996),4; S. 409-424 Ackermann, M.; Luso, M.; Muentzel, F. (Hrsg.): Opfer und Taeter. Eine Dokumentation zum Balkan-Krieg. Lengerich (u.a.): Pabst Science Publishers, 1995 Ackermann, Ulrike: Der Umgang mit dem Totalitaeren. Projektionsflaeche Bosnien: ein deutsch-franzoesischer Intellektuellenstreit. In: Mittelweg 36. 4(1995),3; S.
    [Show full text]