OF BRITISH LIBERALISM DEPOSITED BY THE COMMITTEE OM (Brafcmate Studies.
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QILL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY
SCCI'JISM 3GIRC^3 OF BR IT ±31-; LIBLRALISI
^/u,faru£tkc/ &<& & /njKuJbfor* %t /hcu/0* 's Jfepi^e U 6<&*u*40fa. ^mUiU^t #.<9 Scottish Sources of British Liberalism.
Bitterly opposed to the measures of burgh reform much dis cussed at the time, and fondly clinging to "abcient opinions", Sir Walter Scott wro£e to Croker in the year 1826:- "Scotland, completely liberalised as she is in a fair way of being, will be the mast dangerous neighbour to England that hhe has had since 1659. . . If you UNSCOTCH us you will find us damned mischievous Englishmen. The restless and yet laborious and constantly watchful character of the people, their desire for speculation in politics or anything else, only restrained by some proud feelings about their own country, now become antiquated, and which bold measures will tend much to destroy, will make them under a wrong direction, the most for- (a) midable revolutionists who ever took the field of innovation.w
Scott is obviously prejudiced by national and party feeling? combined with his natural conservatism. His words not only indic ate the confusion between the terms liberalism and revolution, common in the minds of those whd> feared Jacobinism, bit also suggefetr an interesting relationship between England and Scotland. The stimulus which the French Revolution gave to liberal movements in Britain is of undeniable importance^, and has a place in every history of the period,in which it was felt. In Scotland, as in England, there were men/like Pitt and Dugald Stewart, who wel- corned it with caution, like Mackintosh and Fox, who received it with enthusiasm; and in both countries^there were men like Grey and Archibald Fletcher, who did not need the example of France to urge them to advocacy.^of reform in the matter of political institutions. This is true of England to a much greater extent than of Scotland. It will be the purpose of this thesis to show fcgt L,$GKtuutTi UfE or J/A- UMTER scotr (mw rom /mj/V,J+. -2- that in spite of Scotland's political inactivity In the latter part of the eighteenth century, she was in a position to influence England along liberal lines early in the nineteenth; in other words, that British Liberalism, partly English and partly French, is also partly Scotch.
The yalon had led to no immediate understanding between the two countries. The rebellions of 1715 and 1745 hardly pro moted good feeling, though they convinced the majority of the Scotch people that Jacobitism, however potent as a romantic ideal, was impracticable in the realm of politics. Scotland remained hostile to English interference and set herself to maintain her national identity, since her political independence had been surrendered. As Jacobitism declined, Toryism grew; Scotland gave general allegiance to George III/Ths accession to power of a Scotch minister, the Earl of Bute, did not draw the two peoples together; on the contrary, the violent antipathy of the English to the king's favourite extended itself to his countrymen. Sensible of the feeling against her, Scotland tended to withdraw into herself^and to concentrate on her material developement and local administration.with little regard for British politics. This indifference, added to the venalty of individual mem bers went towards making the forty-five Scoteh representatives in Parliament an almost solid body of government supporters. It is true that these members were elected by a very small section of the nation — there were not many more than four thousand (b) voters in Scotland before the Reform Bill — but it is apparent
(&). TERRY • HISTORY OF SCOTLAfW i 566. that the mass of the people were either unconcerned with their behaviour in Parliament,or approved of their supporting the gov ernment as such. The General Assembly of 1770, in passing an
address of loyalty to the Crown condemned the prevailing viru lence of political agitation. At the time of the American VVar the great majority of Scotch towns and counties were among those who sent addresses in favour of the Gogernment policy; Glasgow, owing to her trade connections, was among the few exceptions who (c) petitioned for conciliation. Local circumstance rather than party feeling caused the Scotch members.to desert the ministry of the day, as when Foxfs India Bill received the opposition which was to be expected from a people which had shared largely in appoint ments in the East India Company. The system by which the Government practically handed Scot land over to one man, in return for the votes of his countrymen in Parliament, was seen in its entirety during the political ascendancy of Henry Dundas. By birth, education, and ability, he was In a position to exercise a powerful influence over Scotch domestic affairs. He entered Parliament in 1774, and was appointed
Lord Advocate in 1775; underAsuccessive ministries of North, Rockingham and Shelburne,he continued to dominate Scotland at homeland to represent her interests abroad. It was only near the close of the Fox and North coalition that he was replaced by the Whig, Henry j^rskine, as Lord Advocate. His return to office under
Pitt^when he became Home Secretary (1791-1794), Secretary at War (1794-1801), then First Lord of the Admiralty (1804-1806), gave him wide opportunities for exerting patronage, and Scotland was (d) solidified under him accordingly. His supremacy, though generally acceptable^, was not satisfactory to the Scotch Whigs - witness
(c) cnm A^amuRY OF SCOTTISH Rtsr&grn 50,51 1 +$+ (d\ flASSOH: FD/TfBORGtf SKETC£S AHD mtlQRlZS /4-8-/$7. -4- the complaint of the y~ Lord Binning HAVE Scotland". There was then , however, an effec- (f) tive protest against it. Though the interest of Scotland in British politics was very small in the eighteenth century, individual Scots hkd not hesi tated to seek in England a wider field for their abilities. The exodus from Scotland to London was not halted by the coldness of the English reception. Scorned for their poverty, taunted with their thrift, despised as place-hunters, perhaps because they vi.ere too successful, Scotchmen continued to .go to England. VKe know that at one time a Scot, Mansfield, was Chief Justice, that others, Gilbert Elliot and James Oswald, were at the Treasury Is) Board, that Ramsay was Court painter and Adam^Court architect^. It is difficult, however, to make an estimate of the Scotch "invasion". We know the conspicuous figures, like Strahan and Andrew Millar the publishers, John Murray the bookseller in Fleet Street, Gilbert Stuart the rather infamous pamphleteer, Smollett, Pallet, and Thomson, the men of letters, Perry the editor of the kerning Chronicle, pVedderburn and ^rskine, the lawyers. It is interesting to note that of the three hundred and thirty.four licentiates of the Royal College of Physicians,in tne last fifty years of the century seventy were 3c$£6h. Certain Scotch doctors, the Hunters, Pringle, Fordjfce, and Pitcairn were very high in tixeir profession, and men of imp©ttance (e) cAtimu. :un(ed.mDCAsm)/ssi-i^/so. (s) Ltcnr- tncuwt in m uaimrmt emmr ••Tmso /f7Z- (fj COCKBURN- T7FI70R/ALJ 367. Ch)//C///A ROLL Of Ttlt ROYAL COLLFCf OF FNTJ/CJAffS 2T- in London. For the rest,we m.'st infer the presence of many ^cots in England from scattered references to individuals, and the English atti^tude of the time towards Scotchmen in general. It is not necessary to look very far for evidences of English antipathy. Trie "North Briton" collected all the topics that could excite the national hatred against tne countrymen of Bute. Churchill's "Prophecy of Famine" pictured the hungry north erners descending upon England. In politics, prejudice was so strong that Horace V.alpole alleged the Scottish birth of Gilbert Elliot as the only reason that he should not lead the House of Commons. When "Humphrey Clinker" appeared in the year 1-771, it was fiercely attacked on the grounds that it was written to defeitc£ d) the Scotch. Accusations of Jacobitism were frequently brought against them. Lord Mansfield was. charged by Junius with Jacobite O) connections. Hume's "History of England" was assailed as an apology for the oturts. Dr Johnson's contemptuous remarks crystallised the common opinions, when hostility grew weaker, the b English feeling of superiority remained. Lord Camnell ±ells us that when as a young man among his English friends>he was found guilty in a mock trial, he was"sentenced*' 'to be carried back to the place from whence I came', which considering what that w-:s, the court considered punishment enough, and hoped would operate (D„ as an example to all Scotchmen. This was in jest, but it reflects a degree of £te truth. The facts of t ,e English attitude concern us rather than the cause; they are sufficient to indicate that there was not likely to be, at the close of the eighteenth cent ury, any ready acceptance in England of ocotch ideas as such,37^ that presumably there could be little free exchange o;f opiniomg. While Scotchmen were rising to positions of importance, or eking out scant livelihoods in England, men of enterprise and & W tICKY - M 51-, 55.5 7. W LECRY- MT 57. (/) FffCrC.M/T. "DAVID HURRAY* CD CAHF3ELL LIFE--1- 138. -6- (m) ability were developing the resources of their ovm country. Along with a steady increase in material prosperity went a quickening of the intellectual life of Scotland- A connection between the two movements is an inference that must not be pressed thaX too far; uhe significant fact is^the attainment of high places in the world of thought by certain Scotchmen, put thejr country in a position to exert on England an influence strangely in contrast to the Scottish apathy regarding British politics on the the of U* English one hand, and^ill-concealed contempt^for things Scotch on the other. The "Scotch Renascence", as it is sometimes called, covered a wide field. Hutcheson, Hume, Adam Smith, Reid, and Beattie in philosophy; Allan Ramsay, Macpherson and Robert Fergusson, the poets; John Home and William Robertson; Karnes and Monbodd©, the literary critics; Boswell the biographer; Smollett and Henry Mackenzie; Thomson, Burns and Scott — these are only the greater names, A host of lesser men made reputations which have lasted in varying degrees. In the world of science, James Watt, Alex ander Wilson the astronomer, Dr Joseph Black the chemist, Hutton the geologist, the three Manros, John and James Gregory, Cullen, John rtobi4son and fiobert Simson were among the foremast contri butors to the intellectual life og their age. In philosophy, in history, and ineconomic science, Scotland has outstanding figures, as Dugald Stewart pointed out:- "It will not, I hope, be imputed to me as a blameable instance of national vanity if I conclude this section with remarking on the rapid progress that has been made in our own country, during the last fifty years, in tracing the origin and progress of the present establishments in Europe M mCHIIWOII- SOCIAL AI1D IHOCIS TRIAL HI J TORY OF SCQTLAFtD FART I -7- "'On this interesting subject (says Mr Gibbon) a strong ray of philosophic light has broke from Scotland in our own times; and it is with private as well as public regard that 1 repeat the names of Hume, Robertson, and Adam Smith'". The first of these names needs no comment. The effect of his "Experimental Method of Reasoning into Moral Subjects" has been far-reaching. His philosophy was, in the main, the work of his youth. In his later years he produced essays on political and eoonomic subjects and a "History of England". His influence along these lines is not comparable to his;sfci^u]ation of philosophic thought; hi3 work in economics was useful to Adam Smith; his history, combined witn that part of the writing of his rival Smol lett which brought the narrative down to the yearl762, lived only to be relegated to the realm of literature by the growth of his torical science. William Robertson, whose "History of Scotland" appeared in 1^59, to be followed ten years later by the "History of Charles the Fifth", was hailed by his contemporaries as one of the great est of historians. His friend Hume wrfite of the applause which the "Charles the Fifth" received in London; "only", he adds,"I have heard that the Sanhedrin at Mrs Macaulay's condemn you as (p) little less a friend to government and monarchy than myself? Mrs Macaulay and her associates, with their democratic sympathies, were pmsbsbly a little severe. It Is easy enough to find passages in Robertson's, work suchcas those in which he speaks with enthu siasm of the spirit of liberty in Castile, or of Louis £l»s first teaching other princes "The fatal art of beginning* their attack on public liberty by corrupting the source from which it should flow.w (n) R05ERTS0R- WORKS ("*>) I: *L (PREFACE BTD.STEWART.) (P) R0BERTS0I7 IBID. I - p.XXAV. (o) SETH- EIIOLIStl PHILOSOPHERS' 14-9. (f)./BID. M , 503 :9^ It is impossible, however, to regard these as ^articular evidence of his liberal opinions. His "History of America" appeared in tbe year 1777, and of course barely touched on the /nar. Of it Burke wrote, "I believe few books have done more than this toward clearing up dark points, correcting errors, and removing prsju- (r) dices", rhe viewpoint of these two men diverged in after years. Robertson lived until 1793, and a later critic than Dugald Stewart has said that the historian was "warped by the spirit of party, and was so much dazzled by the splendours of the French Revolution that even his sagacity was imposed on, and he could not listen to the 'ravings' of Burke, as he called them". IF hi3 status as an historian of avowedly liberal opinions cannot be fixed^we remember that, as Moderator of the General Assembly, he was openeminded and tolerant to the point of procuring the rejection of a remonstrance against 3 bill for improving the condition of Scottish Roman Catholics in the year 1779. It is significant of the temper of the time that, daunted by the popular outcry, the cautious Moderator reversed his decision and allowed the remon- (t) strance to pass. The third of Gibbon's trio is identified with the classical economy that reigned In Britain during the middle years of the nineteenth century. Adam Smith's close approximation of the theoretical to the pradtical gave his work an influence on legislation which we must attempt to estimate later. For the present it is enough to mention his importance in contributing to the intellectual life of his time. His "Theory of Moral Sentiments" was widely read in England and gave him a considerabte reputation. He was professor of moral philosophy at Glasgow from 1752 to 1763, and since he was, as early as 1753, incorporating into his lectures those principles which he afterwards elaborated (W ROBERT SOU- IBID -If> xlv. CO. CRAIIf A CEHTURY OF SCOTTISH HISTORY,!: 69-73. is) GRAHATI- JCOTTIW ntnQFLtnm mm is™CENTURY-, SS M. m- LIFE, OF ADAM WITH. sf. -9- in the "Weath of Nations", his students must have had an opportunity of receiving his liberal opinions. The influence which he had over one. young man may be cited as an example of what per*- sonal contact with him might mean. Shelbourne wrote to Dugald Stewart in 1795,- "I owe to a journey 1 made with Mr Smith from Edinburgh , to London the difference between light and darkness through the best p&rt of my life. The noveltyvof his principles, added to my youth and prejudices made me unable to comprehend them at the time, but he urged them with so much benevolence as well as eloquence, that they took a certain hold, which though it did not develope itself so as to arrive at full conviction for some years after, I can truly say has constituted ever sinee the happiness of my life as well as the source of any little con- (v) sideration 1 may have enjoyed in it." rhis passage does not make it clear whether it was Smith's et .ical principles or his economic ideas that Snelburne adopted; the fact of Shelburne's subsequent advocacy of Free Trade may indicate that it was the latter. The appeal, of Smith's doctrines to the young men of Edinburgh is described by Cockburn,-"The middle aged seemed to me to know little about the founder of the science, exeept that he had recently been a Commissioner of Customs, and had written a sensible book. The young, by which I mean the liberal young of Edinburgh, lived upon^him. With Hume, Robertson, Millar, Montesquieu, Fergusson, and De Lolme, he supplied them with most (w) of their mental food". Adam Smith is perhaps the best example of the eighteenth century Sc&tchmem who influenced England through tneir writings;3-n^ Scotland through tneir university connedtion. Hume, of course, (v) ME • LIFE OF ADAH WITH: /JJ. k~). COCBBURR : nEttORIALS (edit)im *0. -10- was at no time a professor;;his reputed atheism was an effective barrier to that, but the Scottish school of moral philosophy, founded by men who were impelled to defend orthodoxy against his attacks, had its home in the universities. Reid became Smith's successor in the chair of moral philosophy at Glasgow and lectured there until 1780; Beattie taught the same subject at Aberdeen for the thirty years beginning in 1760. Dugald Stewart succeeded Reid and carried oh his teaching and tradition. The part of the Scotch universities in the intellectual activity of the century is undoubtedly great. The abolition of the "regenting"system at Edinburgh in 1708,-at Glasgow in 1727, and St Andrew's and Aberdeen later stilly encouraged more efficient lecturers and new methods. Many of the men who were holding Scotch professorships in the latter half of the century were of outstanding ability. William Robertson became principal of Edinburgh University in 1762 when Adam Fergusson Aas lecturing on moral philosophy, Blair on rhetoric, and Matthew Stewart on mathematics. At Glasgow at the same time there were Joseph Black-, lecturing on chemistry, Cullen and Gregory on physic. , and Alexander Monro (the second) onv anatomy. It was not surprising that the reputation of the univer sities increased and that it became customary for young English men to study in Scotland, especially after the disturbances on the continent prohibited travel. It is difficult to generalize regarding the relative status of Scotch and English universities at this time. Adam Smith, who had studied at Oxford has much to say against it. "In the university of Oxford tha greater part of the public professors 'have, for these many years, given up altogether the pretence of teaching^"In the universities the youth neither are taught, nor always can find any proper ijieans of being taught, the sciences 0O DlC .frJTt Idf0&. (Y) 5/7/77/ \JEALTH OH HAT/Otis (ed. E*.rym*~) IT 2+7.250. -11- which it is the business of these incorporated bodies to teach."_ The Earl of Malmesbury said of his days at Oxford,"The men with whom I lived were very pleasant but very idle fellows. Our life was.an imitation of high life in Loddon. ... It has often been a surprise to me how many of us made our way so well in the ' world and so creditably."-Charles James Fox's industry in reading caused his tutor to remark,"Application like yours requires some intermission. You are the only person with «hoil 1 have had con- (z) nection to whom I could say this."•The Duke of Bedford whose eldest 3on had gone to Cambridge declared that"nothing was learned in the English universities."-Lord John Russell wrote to his father in the year 1809,"Lord Holland and Mr Allen have been talking to me on the advantage of going to Edinburgh for the winter. They say that I am as yet too young to go to an English university, that I shall learn more in the meantime there (A) than anywhere else."-.Bedford wrote to him a few years later,"As to going to Cambridge, ^ can see no possible benefit like to result from it except you call the various excellences attending the science of horse-racing, fox-hunting, and giving extravagant entertainments an advantage, for these, I believe, are the chief (B) 3tudiea of our youths at Cambridge." On the other hand, Lord CampAell who took his degree at St Andrews, and afterwards heard lectures from Dr Thomas Brown at Edinburgh, says,"I have ever regarded with envy the foundation laid at great schools in England of solid and exact learning. . . I have struggled hard to supply the deficiency but I entered the lists by no means on equal terms with an Oxford first classman, or a Cambridge wrangler.^ Whatever the conclusion regarding the relative merits of -12- Scotch and English universities, we know from sources such as the letter of Lord John Russell just quoted, that the fthig leaders regarded the Northern colleges, and especially Edinburgh, as particularly desirable for the education of their sons. Lady Holland writes of Mr Kinnaird, eldest son of Lord Kiibnaird, "Being a Scotchman, and having studied at a Scotch university. (D) report puffs him high, of course." The habit of many pfofessors of takinc their English pupils to live with them must have facilated intercourse between master and student and led to a real acquaintance on the part of the student with the former's opinions. Of Cook, lecturer on moral b philosophy at St Andrew's, Lord CampAeIl. records that "he must have had considerable reputation,for many youths belonging to wealthy families in England were sent down to board in his house for the benefit of his tuition, while they were attending the university. I cannot find that any of them rose to such eminence as Lord Melbourne,the pupil of Millar at Glasgow and Lord John Russell, the pupil of Dugald Stewart at Edinburgh. Lord Campbell is not enthusiastic over Professor Cook's abilities; he ascribes more virtue in his own case to the lectures of Dr Brown at Edinburgh. Melbourne, as Lady Holland tells us,"returned from (F) Glasgow quite bitten with a Scotch mania." His tutor was lecturer in civil law and jurisprudence, and a Vvhig with French symp&thiea Lord John Russell, while attending Stewart's lectures, lived in the house of Ffofessor Playfair,"one of the most delightful of (w men and a very zealouo lover of 'liberty.? It is interesting to notice the testimony which some of the students at Glasgow and Edinburgh bear to their professors' teach ing. Campell writes of Brown,"to him 3 am^ chiefly indebted for my political principles. My father, though generally very -Im moderate and rational, when the French Revolution broke out violently took part with Burke and the alarmists. Brown was a very determined liberal. He foresaw a new era of happiness 'to France and even imagined that our institutions might be peaceably improved after the same fashion. Kith all my admira tion of the ancient republics, i never at any time thought that a republican form of government was adapted to our territory, population, or habits, but I early imbibed,and I have steadily preserved, a predilection for the popular part of our constitu tion, and an ardent zeal in the cause of civil and religious (H) liberty." Stewart evidenced such sympathy with the early movements of the French Revolution and such generally liberal opinions that he gave much offence to Edinburgh Tories. Francis Jeffrey's father forbade his son to attend any of Stewart's -courses."He delivered lectures on political economy, based chiefly on Adam Smith, with some-reference to general politics, which iv^rt attended by Sydney Smith, Francis Horner, Lord Webb Seymour, Lord Henry Petty, Francis Jeffrey, Henry Erskine, Henry Brougham, and Henry Temple among others. Temple and J. W. Ward lived with him; Lord "in ebb Seymour, Henry Petty, Lord John Russell, and (h James Mill were among his pupils. Such names as these give point to Mackintosh's saying,"without derogation from his writings,.it may be saicff that his disciples were among his best works."'That their contact with him had an appreciable influence may be judged from their statements. James Mill writes of the "delight ful exhortations to mental enterprise,and to press forward unceas ingly to new attainments,to which I listened with rapture from (M) CAnPeBLL:Uf£: 1:17. (I) CO&l/fl/Y - LIFE OF LORD JEFFREY (/87Z) 4% DtCT »/>T. &I6G-. bSTEWBRTl -14- the lips of Mr Stewart." In another letter he says,"The taste for the studies which have formed my favourite pursuits and which (K) will be so to the end of my life, 1 owe to iV.r Stewart." Cockburn's opinion of his influence is stated with still greater enthusiasm.UTo me his lectures were like the opening of the heavens. I felt that I had a soul. His noble views enfolded in glorious sentences elevated me into a higher world. . . . Flourishing in an age which requires all the dignity of morals to counteract the tendencies of physical pursuits and political convulsions, he has exalted the character of his country, and of his generation. No intelligent pupil of his ever ceased to respect philosophy, or was ever false to his princ ipleo without feeling the crime aggravated b^ the recollection of the moral- (^1 ity that Stewart had taught him." Palmer^ton says, 1"I lived with Dugald Stewart and attended his lectures at the university, in those three years I laid the foundation of whatever useful knowledge and habits of mind I (M) possess." These statements are the affectionate tributes of men in mature life to. the teachers of their youth. "«ve have evidence of the mental activity of the students of these universities in tne records of some of their societies. The Speculative Society, founded at Edinburgh in 1764, in the judgement of one of its members"has trained more young men to public speaking, talent and liberal thought,than all the other private institutions in CO Scotland."A list of. its members includes. Sir falter Scott, John Allen, Henry Brougham, Jeffrey, Horner, Lord Henry Petty, Lord Kinmaird and Lord Glenelg. At its weekly meetings the sub jscts debated upon and discussed ranged widely through politics, an rniAPtER-COR RES port DEUCE I+. rw BUL\*/ER>UFE OF PALrtERsron it. (U COCtCRURIi: Pie no RIALS ZiZ^h. (MY CQCK&URtf. /fl/O. US. -15- morals, and literature, for example -"Ought any permanent support to be provided for the ^oor?" - "uught there to be an established religion?" - "Should the slave trade be abolished?" -"Is it for the interest of Britain to maintain what is called the Balance of Europe?" - "Has the belief in a future state been of advan- (0) tage to mankibd or is it ever likely to be so?" At St Andrew's there was the Philosophical Society, meeting to discuss such topics as, - "whether Brutus was justified in- killing Caesar?" - "Whether democracy is a good form of govern- (P) ment?" - "Whether Free Trade is beneficial to a state?" All this indicates* an interest both in philosophic dis cussion and in practical questions of the day, that might well be of force in shaping the later careers of the members. That the Scotch universities exerted a real influence on the course of British Liberalism is a large claim. On the one hand, we have their intelledtual atmosphere, and some students' estimates of their professors, - on the other, actual achieve ments, such as Russell's work for Parliamentary reform and Campbell's law reform, Horner's chairmanship of the Bullion Committee of 1610, or Jeffrey's editorship of the Edinburgh Review,, and Lansdowne's various activities in the cause of toleration. - It is a far cry, sometimes, between a man's educa tion and his political belief. Nevertheless, the attendance at the Scottish universities of so many people who were afterwTards leaders of liberal opinion may .be regarded as something more than a coincidence. The topics of discussion in the students' Societies reveal an interest in what may properly be termed political economy. This was not, in the period with which we have been dealing, a a subject of acknowledged standing in,the universities, - as (OJ MA&SON-' EDINBURGH StiETCHCi AHO n£MO*tfS,JT&.tSO. {py CAfM»6«X•- LIFE : T'.ZO. -16- late as 1825 an effort to found a chair at Edinburgh was not (Q) . successful. "Xet it was a subject of real importance to Scotland. The economic developement of the latter half of the eighteenth century drew attention to questions regarding the encouragement of trade, agriculture and industries. This movement was centred in Glasgow, where there was a "Political Economy Club" "to further the trade of the town, and a "Select Society" of three hundred members to promote the improvement of land, linen (R) manufactures, shipping and art. These facts imply that in Scot land practice accompanied theory. In the year 1752 David Hume pointed out in his political discourses the connection between economic facts, and social and political life. Robert Wallace in 1762 published his "Various Prospects of Mankind, Nature and Provide.ice>" Sir James Steuart in 1767 published a survey of political economy, from the point of view of mercantilism. Ten years later, "Ari inquiry into the Mature and Theory of Re-nt", by James Anderson, was published. These books give some indication of the work done by Scotchmen in economic theory before Adam Smith. It was not, however, until the science fell into his hands og-Adam Smjlh, that it became a force- in political life. The "Wealth of Nations" appeared in 1776. "hen it was first mentioned in the House of Commons -in the year 1783, it had gone (S) through two editions, and was on the eve of a third. Fox's allusion to "that excellent book", which he himself had no& read shows that it must have had a general reputation. The extent of its immediate influence is difficult to determine, it has been suggested that when Smith received a commissionership of customs in 1777, it was perhaps due to Lord North and Sir Grey Cooper, in recognition of the suggestions as to taxation, which North (Q) COCKBURN : JEFFREY ZIO Cfi)RA£ AOftri SMITH ~t had acted upon.There are letters to show that Smith was consulted (T) by Eden and Carlisle as to Irish policy and American trade. The association of Pitt's policy with Adam Smith's doctrine is of long standing. It may well be that the influence of the thinker on t|ge statesman has teen exaggerated; Dr Rose recognises the probably that later editions of "The wealth of Nations" were modified, so as to bring them in line with some of Pitt's enact- (u) ments. Resemblances are apparent between his French and Irish policies, and Smith's opinions on these subjects. Ae may gain some idea .of Pitt's estimate of the latter from his budget speech of 1792, in which he expressed the belief that the philosopher had given to the world the best solution to all commercial and economic questions. When reference was made to Smith in the House of Lords in 1793, it was with the suggestion that the new principle of government, founded on the abolition of the feudal system, originally advanced by Dean Tucker, and since "more generally inculcated by Adam Smith", had been exported to France. Lord Loughborough, replying to this, said that "in the works of Dearviucker, Adam Smith, and Mr Stewart, to which allusion has been made, no doctrines inimical to the principle of civil government, the morals or religion of mankind were contained, and to trace the errors of the French to these causes was mani- (v) fastly fallacious." -^his indicates the confusion of the specula tive doctrines of political economy with discussion on the first principles of government to which Dugald Stewart refers,- "The doctrine of free trade was itself represented as of a revolutionary tendency, and some who had formerly prided them selves on their intimacy with Mr Smith, and on their zeal for the propagation of his liberal system, began to call in question (T; RAE'AOArl SMITH 290-23-f,3SO.35?r (U) f.H.ROSE. PITT l&%~4- (V) FARC HIST. J33; <33©-f- -16- the expediency of subjecting to the disputation of philosophers the arcana of State policy and the unfathomable wisdom of feudal ( W) ages.* This identification of political economy with revolutionary principles was a passing phase. A relation between economic doct rines and the liberalism of the nineteenth century is more difficult to determine exactly. To say that a statesman was inf luenced by a (Theorist, as Shelburne was by Adam Smith is very incomplete evidence. Too much influence must not be claimed for the "health of Nations". ue must remember that free trade did not come until sixty years after its publication: it was tne logic of dire necessity rather than abstract reasoning that finally convinced Peel. Gladstone notes,"^hen I entered Parliament in 1632, the great controversy between protection and artificial restraint, and free trade, of which Cobden was the leading figure, did not enter into the political controversies of the day, and W was still in the hands of the philosophers." The biographies of Cobden and Bright demonstrate how little influence theoretical arguments had on the legislators, how much depedded on popular agitation; yet, to quote Professor Dicey,"an historian would stand convicted of ignorance or folly who should imagine that the fallacies of protection were discovered by the intuitive good sense of the people. .... The principles of free trade may, as far as Englishmen are concerned, be treated as the doctrines of Adam Smith The theory of free trade won by degrees the approval of statesmen of special insight, and adherents to the new economic religion were one by one gained among the persons of intelligence. of Cobden and Bright finally became potent advocates of truths^which (?) they were in no sense the discoverersJ (W) ME' WO Z9Z. (X) nORLEY: GLADSTONE (,9IZ) j,,^. iYJ Mw AttD Cp/„,0„ ,„ En&LAND^^ ^5 -19- In connection with the gradual permeation of economic principles through the minds of the governing classes, the work of J. R. McCulloch must not be overlooked. This nan made a great name as an economist in his day; though he possessed little originality he was instrumental in spreading knowledge of the science. Born in i»igktownshire in 1789, after lecturing and writing on political economy in Edinburgh, he came to London about the year 1823. In 1824, he gave a course of lectures there. He writes to Macvey Napier - "The evening class does no good, and for this reason, that I am attended only by people in the higher ranks, who are all too much engaged in the evening to have any time for discussion respecting the formation and distribution of wealth. My morning class has, however, been remarkably successful. I have a numerous and dis tinguished audience, who all seem to be very well pleased. I have not modified one sentence about the Bank, the East India Company, the Corn Laws, etc., for I perceive clearly that the public is to be my only patron here, and that you will best conciliate its favour by giving full force and effect to conclusions derived from fefee principle. The young Earl of Clarendon and Mr Baring's eldest son are among my pupils. Sir James Mackintosh has been present at almost every lecture, and I believe you will soon see the names of Huskissdn and Robinson among my visitors, - a circumstance which will be chielly important as it will tend to remove any obstacle on account of political opinions to young Tories coming to my (z) private prelections." A year later he writes, again to Napier,"At present the rage 1£ for Political Economy, and if not a lion, I am at all events a lion's whelp. A Political Economy Club has been founded in the city, exclusive of the tiest End Club, to which I am a perpetual visitor. It consists of about thirty merchants of the first water, CD mritft- C0RRe$t>OH0£NCE 33, and it jal y have for j . , (aa) • d how acute- 3 ; ire." rhere we 3, ..... lea-r^n from his letter, uy—five j tils s, including, as nc with delight, five 1 about fifteen jmbers of Parliament. .,ohT^ words indical - cal scone itself from the stigma under which it had formerly laboured. Aft®r 1819, Ricarde frequently held the attention of the House of Commons, and probably helped fo form opinion favourable to the (bb) adaption of Peel's measures in 1646. McCulloch himself was a staunch big, and it was he who commented on the pity of Mill's being "so inrorrj^ly a Radical". Yet the group of which Mill was a con- \ icuoas f^^ure was largely responsible for :ead of the opinion, which, embracing both political economy and personal etMcsy . iesprea feet un the course of nin ith century legislation. s Philosophical Radicals _nents of the doctrir of Bentham and the u ^arianism, which was one of their chief lets, became, translated into terms of individualism, a guiding (cc) prim . of liberal l€ Latars. As an le of this relation- may take the career of Henry Broughai . _ early disciple- ship to Bentham in Leal school undoubted had its effect on him.'We m? notice the similarity between Brougham's words," ; pe , I r< t, I mean the mi< le classes, the wealth and intelligence of the countty, the glory of the Bri- tish nair.e." - and James Mill"s,"There can ve no doubt that the mi ank w rves to science, to art, and to legislation It* leir most distinguished Cua) Ft/\PlFR:ie,(0+l. (U) EtlCYCL.miT. "RlCAROB" ice) DICEY: LAW & OPINIO II 111 EliCLAtlD (/dl+) Lm -21- far extended, the opinion would ultimately decide. Of the people beneath them, a vast majority would be sure to be guided b> their (dd) advice and example." This is merely a single,instance of the way in whihh ^higs and Benthamites found a meeting ^lace. The rigid doctrines of utilitarianism were necessarily modified//vinto Acts of Parliament. This was effected largely through the work of the young men who came after the great lav/ ref©©mer. It is James Mill's influence in this group that relates the Philosophical Radicals with the subject of this thesis. Mill's own debt to Bentham must not be minimised, yet the influence he had on those who came in contact with him is not that of an unoriginal thinker. An idea of the force of his person ality is obtained from Mrs Crete's account of his connection with her husband."Before many months, the ascendancy of James Mill's powerful mind over his young companion made itself apparent. Presently he felt himself enthralled in the circle of Mil's speculations, and after a year OE SO of intimate commerce, there existed but little difference In point of view, between master and pupil. Mr Mill had the strongest convictions as to the superior advantages of democratic government over the monarchial or aris tocratic; and with these he mingjed a scorn and hatred of the ruling classes which amounted to positive fanaticism. Coupled with this aversion to aristocratic influence,(to which influence he invariably ascribed most of the defects and abuses prevalent ^n the administration of public affairs) Mr Mill entertained a pro found prejudice against the ^stablishe (dd) DICEY- IBID /*(,-? "And thus it came to pass that starting from acquired con victions, George Grote adopted the .next phase, viz, the antipathies of his teacher, antipathies which coloured his mind through the whole period of his ripe meridian age, and may ^e said to have inspired and directed many of the important actions of his life. •Originating in an earnest feeling for the public good, these currents gradually assumed the force and sanction of duties; prompting George Grote to a systematic course both of study and self-denial in which he was urgently encouraged by the master spirit of James Mill,to that gentleman's latest breath in 1836. This able dogmatist exercised considerable influence over the young men of that day, as well as over Grote. He was indeed a propagandist of a high order, equally master of the pen and of speech. Moreover, he possessed the faculty of kindling in his auditors the generous impulses towards the popular side both in politics and social theories; leading them at the same time to regard the cultivation of individual affections and sympathies as destructive of lofty aims, and indubitably hurtful to the mental character. "So attractive came to be the concept of duty towards mankind at large, as embodied in James Mill's eloquent discourses, that the young disciples, becoming fired with patriotic ardour, on the one hand, and with bitter antipathy on the other,respectively braced themselves up, prepared to wage battle «hen the day should come on behalf of 'the O^e. faith* according to Mill* s'programme' (ee) and preaching." These young disciples, John Mill, Grote, Roebuck and others, participated in various ways in the politics of their day, diverging more or less from the lines of their master. The fact (€€? frL&ROTE PERSOIiAL LIFE OP GEORGE GROTE. 22-3. of his initial impulse is the ^oint involved here, in 1640, his son was ready to join the ranks of the Edinburgh reviewers, writing to Napier,"1 believe it is the feeling of nearly all refor mers that this is not a time for keeping up a flag of disunion among them; and even 1 who have been for some years attempting, it must be owned with very little success, to induce the Radicals to maintain an independent position, am compelled to acknowledge that there is not room for a fourth party in the country - reckon ing the Conservatives, the whig Radicals and the Chartists as the other three If I can hope to do any good it can only be by merging in one of the existing great bodies of opinion, by attempting to obtain the ear pf the liberal- .^arty generally, (ff) instead of addressing a mere section of it." The work of Mill's circle in another direction deserves to be noticed. Popular education began early in the nineteenth centuryAas an Impending question byA all sections of the nation, Churchmen; and Nonconformists, Tories, Whigs and Radicals. The controversy between the supporters of Lancastrian institutions arid the National Society led Indirectly to the founding of London University. The scheme of this was originally suggested by the fact that Dissenters were practically excluded from the English universities. It developed oh a Npn-theological basis and in this connection it is interesting to note how many of its founders had received their education north of the Tweed. The list includes, besides Isaac Lyon Goldsmid and some prominent Dissenters, Thomas Campbell, Henry Brougham and Joseph Hume. On the first council were, besides these, Zachary Macaulay, George Grote, James Mill, Lord Dudley and Ward (the J. W. Ward of Edinburgh days) Lord Landdowne Henry Petty), the Duke of Norfolk, Lord John Russell, amd a few ss) more, McCulloch was the first professor of political economy. James Mill had once written to Macvey Napier,"! am truly obliged (££} HAPIER' /6/0. 325-fe Cf$) ENCYCL. BRIT, (NINTH Et>.) SZHL 8S+. -24- to you not only for sending me your paper on Bacon, but for writing it. His is a badfctle which I have often to fight in conversation at least, for Englishly -educated people are all hostile to him, as theyf(at least the greater part of them) are hostile to everybody who seeks to advance the bounds of human knowledge, which they have (hh) Hworn to keep where trrey are." There may be a certain element of truth in this as indicative of some aspects of the time. It has previously been suggested that the English attitude towards Scotland in the eighteenth century precluded the possibil ity of much interchange of experience. The tendency of "fc#e old animosities to die down with the passage of time must be recognised when we turn now to discuss the conditions at the end of that century, and the beginning of the next. It has been pointed out that Toryism or "Dundasism" was firmly established in Scotland before the French Revolution. The immediate effect of that movement was to terrify those attached to the established order, and to encourage those dissatisfied wibh that order. Cockburn's description of Edinburgh in the year 1600 may be tinged with party feeling but is not all exaggeration— "with the people put down and the whigs powerless, Government was the master of nearly every individual in Scotland, but especially in Edinburgh which was the chief seat of its influence. The infidelity of the French gave it almost all the pious; their atro cities all the timid; rapidly increasing taxation and establishments- ail the venal; the higher and middi.e ranks were at its command and the people at its feet. The pulpit, the bench, the bar, the colleges, the parliamentary electors, the press, the magistracies, the local institutions,, /ere so completely at the service of tne party in power that the idea of independence, besides being mons trous and absurd was suppressed by a feeling of conscious ingrat- [hh) IYAPIER: /fi/d. 19. -25- (ii) itude." The dissentients to this state of affairs were, as Cockburn shows, chiefly to be found among the ranks of the young lawyers and a few of the college pfofesoors. There was also an element of radicalism of varying strength, which helps to illustrate the temper of the times. Robert Burns, exciseman though he was, wrote In no uncertain terms to the editor of a new radical "Gazetteer", ,fGo on, Sir! Lay bare with undaunted heart and steady hand the horrid mass of corruption called politics and statecraft. Dare to draw in their native colours those 'calm-thinking villains whom no faith can fire', whatever be the shibboleth of their pretended Uj) party'! Scotland had not been behind England in forming "Associations of the Friends of the People". Distinguished names such as those on the list of the English associations seem to be lacking in the Scotch, which werejapparently of less moderate opinions. In the year 1792 a "convention" of delegates of "Associated Friends of the People" was held in Edinburgh. Such democratic aspirations as to live free or die, were voiced, and an address from the United Irish men was read, which expressed satisfaction that "the spirit of freedom moves on the face of Scotland and that light seems to breaV (kk) ^rom the chaos of her internal government." The dismay that this inspired in England may be judged from the discussion of the "Society for Constitutional Information" and "Corresponding Societies" in the Annual Register for the year 1794. The. circum stance which principally rendered these societies obnoxious was "the regular correspondence they had established with many societies in the kingdom acting on their own principles, but chiefly the intimate communication they held with the convention that assembled (U) COCKSURIi : MEPIORMLS 7&4 Cjj) BUMS: WORKS (tA.p.Ur^W 371 (kk) TERRY; WST. OF SCOTLAND 6>OO »irD-DtC NAT. /3/0&- "T. MUtl?" -26- in Scotland, and to whicn they sent delegates to represent them; intending shortly to summon a convention in England on the same plan and composed of deputies from all the societies established in this part of the United Kingdom." The povernment in Scotland had not been slow in dealing with the convention in q.uestion. Thomas Muir, the young Glasgow lawyer, who nan reaa the address from Ireland, and other leaders, were arrested almost immediately on a charge of sedition. Liberated on bail, Muir went to France, to protest, on a mandate from the London "Society", against the execution of Louis. On his return, (mm) he was-tagain arrested and brought to trial. In 1795, the Scotch "Association of Friends of the People" invited the London society, and other similar bodies to an inter national convention at Edinburgh. About two hundred Scotch dele gates assembled, and voted for annual parliaments and manhood suffrage. Vihen the four English delegates arrived, they met again; this time the Government interfered, the leaders were arrested, (nn) and the convention dispersed. me trials, both of Muir and the others, were held before the high court of justiciary at Edinburgh, and resulted in sen tences of varying severity. Muir's was transportation for four teen years. The trials were conducted in a spirit of partisanship; public opinion was intemperate, the jury prejudiced, and the judges failed to give due weight to claims of constitutional (oo) right and supposed privileges of publie discussion, xn view of the disturbed state of affairs, and the real danger to order, involved in certain aspects of the French Revolution, we must not too easily condemn the repressive measures of the government. (12) AtWUAL REGISTER : /73-f HIST. ZG7-R. (**) C0CK6URH: 15W <57 CRAIK^ A CENT. OF SCOT. HUT. JL is+ fam} DICT ttATLRIOG. "TrlUIR. (n/f) TERRY: HIST OF SCOTLAND. 60/-Z.. -27- Scotland was almost unanimous in supporting tne decision of the court; the affair caused some discussion in Parliament, where the legality of transportation for sedition was disputed, though in effectually, in both Houses. Only a few Scotch members opposed tbe Government at this time; the, Bill for suspension of Habeas Corpus of 1794 met the vehement objections of Lord Lauderdale, who declared that the ministry was pursuing a revolutionary system by a chain of innovations fundamentally destructive of the constitution. The Scotchman, Thomas Erskine, was the successful defender of Hardy, Tooke, amd Thelwall when the leaders of the English Societies were (PP) prosecuted. Expressions of radical opinion, qaelled for a time, broke out again in Scotland after the conclusion of the Napoleonic War. Trade depression and high prices aroused discontent: prosecutions. for dedition were frequent. Demand for parliamentary reform grew* stronger. In the year 1819, Glasgow workmen declared their sympathy for the victims of PJterloo. A proclamation was placarded at Paisley and Glasgow in the name of a committee for forming a Provisional Government. It announced/"Roused from that torpid st&te in which we have been sunk for so many years, we are at length compelled from the extent of our sufferings and the contempt heaped upon our petitions for redress to assert our rights at the hazard of our lives. Let us show to the world that we are not the lawless, sanguinary rabble which our oppressors would persuade the higher circles we are, but a brave and generous people determined to be free. Liberty or death is our motto and we have sworn to return (qq) home in triumph, or to return no more." A strike was called for the first of April 1820, but the "Radical War", as the clashes between the strikers and the troops was called, was soon over. Of the twenty- three persons sentenced to death, only three were (pp) ANNUAL REGISTER .ffl+ HISTORY pZ<&. (qq) TERRY: 1610 607- -28- executed. ±he general effect of the rioting was to emphasize the necessity of extending tne franchise if reform was to come by (rr) peaceable means. The growth of tne Scotch .*hig party is of two-fold signifig- ancs. The party was concerned,in the first place, with such matters as tne improvement of the municipal system, reforms of tbe law courts, and of the burgh and county representation in Parl iament. These were of local interest, coming to the attention of Scotch members in the Hoase, but having only a limited connection with simultaneous developments in England. In the second place, the Scotch ^higs were concerned with general party policy. Lord Holland noteo the influence of Lauder dale,, their leader, on the Duke of Bedford, -"An increasing inti macy with Lord Lauderdale strengthened his attachment to their common friend, Mr- Fox, and helped to inure him to business. It was whimsical that the instructions of Eord Lauderdale, who spoke broad Scotch, and was not remarkable for correct grammar even in that dialect, should have enabled him to take a part in debate, (ss) creditable to himself and useful to tne country; but so it was." The connection with the English Whigs had always been main tained to a certain degree; though it was not until 1821 that an outward and visible sign of this, in the shape of a Public dinner (tt)_ in honour of Fox's birthday, was observed in Edinburgh. The brief period of w'hic control in 1606-7 had made, of oourse, a few changes in Scotch admitstration. There was a relapse again into Tory supremacy, but after the war, party bitterness dj.ad gradually down; in 1829 Edinburgh was able to hold a successful meeting in which Vhiigs and xories joined to show thair approval of the Roman (uu) Catholic Emancipation Bill. English and Scotch came together in the agitation over the Reform Bill. The movement for burgh reform was merged in the (rr) CRAIK : CENT OF SCOT. HIST.IT 296. (ss) HOLLAND: MEffOlRS OF THE WHIG PARTY ^19. (tt) COCR&VRN /&ID 32&. fa")IBIP.O'DC.-R; -29- broader question of parliamentary representation. Scotland sent up two hundred petitions for reform, and at the general election of 1651, there was a majority for the bill, among the Scotch mem- (vv) bers. '«\e have the strange testimony of one of these, that the electors of a certain district on the borders of Fife and Perthshiie were so anxious for a reform candidate that they advertised for A glance at tne speeches In the Parliament of 1631 is illus trative of the conduct of the Scotch members before the Reform BilL They are found participating in debates on naval estimates, on the question of selling convicts to settlers in New South Wales, and on the East India Company's Quarter. On the question of reform petitions and election riots in Scotland, there was a great deal more discussion. A few examples of this wi&l be of Interest. A (ww) debate was begun when Charles Douglas presented a petition f»om certain noblemen, heritors, Justices og the peace, and freeholders of Forfarshire, against reform in parliament as connected with Scotland. It expressed their fears that the proposed alteration in the manner of returning members would not be attended with beneficial effects, and complained of the diminution of County members, tne increase of burgh representation, and that the admis sion of ten-pound house-holders to the right of voting would giTO them undue preponderance over the-. landed interest. «. .R.Maule said that the petition did not speak the sense of Poffar; the inhabitants were generally favourable to reform as introduced by the Government. He gave the measure his-support. Another member declared that ninety-nine one-hundredths of Forfarshire was favourable to reform. Before tne government plan had teen, intro duced, many persons v;ere in favour or universal suffrage and annual (v.v.) TERRY: HIST. OF SCOTLAND UQ. L»v>) PARLIAMEflTARY DEBATES S**$t*IES. JJC 34/-7. (VtfJ PfflL.OEreftTes 3"$E#t£S BE &00- parliaments, but now they expressed satisfaction with the measure. The question of election riots at Ayr and Dunbar was raised by R. Dundas.-T. F. Kennedy contended that by reference to tne riots it had been attempted to cast stigmas on the disposition and character of the Scotch. The people of Scotland, that was to say, the intelligent and well educated mass of the people of that country had no connection with those riotous proceAdings which had originated with that low and disorderly class of persons wnich con stitute mobs in all countries. He begged to contradict in the strongest manner the assertion which had been made, in another place, that the people of Scotland only wanted a chief to lead them on to any mischief. So far was this from the fact that nothing could be more sound and well disposed than the minds of the respectable classes in that country..The reply to this by G. Clerk conceived that the-gross outrages and violence which had taken place at the last elections in Scotland justified the conclusion that when the people of that country were assembled in mobs they were more apt to proceed to acts of violence than the people of England. An ardent supporter of the Bill, R. C~. Ferguson, main tained that there could not exist a more loyal and peaceable population than that of Scotland. He denied that the Government had occasioned popular sentiment. The Reform Bill was a fit and proper measure, and those who opposed it ought to bear the blame of the tumults that ensued.. in a later debate the same member declared that the subject of Reform had now been fully discussed, that the greater number of the constituents were as well able to judge of its merits as most of those who were returned to Parliament.-A different point of view was expressed by R.A.Dundas, who asserted that when Scotchmen were so prudent in their private concerns, he could not (XK) /5ID' jg loS-^L but feel s j the m ; xhibitec ct of politics. ;i1 - ^utur^ condition of the people, se ian the illitj of tei ' 3nce lifested selves amon uiet orderly people of Sco + . xcite- lich so universally prevails" A,e I - -;- 33^ .'ice. ] had I ... ley called e grievances \ resent ... to the c - vation of people. Lebat she that the l irs from Scotch constituencies arily : jsted in J. tis, of course, Is only natural. Their conce 1th patters country; participat.. : - of .and was incidental. This is true also of the Scotch peers; 3 were bound to s a subject the Scotch Ban1' i j ox Ion of liversity it: La- (yy) , ment, but "' 3 not ive attention to E glish stic is.gefl - agfe . rit'is Parliament limited Lly as comi lo rid, before i Reform Bill. Gla le considered that s Tf for Engl* improve msion, for Scotland. . . polj jal bii ,. t - a dut; I a pc M sr of ,ich had attache ; Scottish nation j needing _ riod.'v- Obviously, refore, contributions tc _ rati are no stivities of Scotch rspresentatives ore 1852. -.3h, ber ires- boj - h, .... , - --rd Chancellor, esion of *CQ-< recall tne share of those • _ - . ^rs. rhe Sec !Ives (yy) ISID. Z"D SERIES X/V 66* - " • ft 1 - - y% J J / .' . N IB M "H inbur i ** ai - Whigs = -II 3 quarr Lied ^er. When he insis ,e writing a article on the French Revo- : 1 of 1830, he wrote to .ho had succeeded Jeff i ,or in 1 ,TfA±l our session 1 . i on th oint, JIG I can trust no one but myself m it. s Liamen t. . . . . u 6 tin it plainly Is not) to disconnect i id the party from tne ^ain- r, 3 s I 3 care little now such c bic t be is, I 6 ... arty T le$ re really (CC) committed." h tried to d] tne Revie l .e ar 1 3 minisi , | ier L_ id hj . wrote,"It entire liction of its 'inciples, Inbur a = to dec_ . .self averse from all arty or politic lecti . i linburgh T N, I need 11 you;has . Is 1 other day th ctrine of ' ires, if rly procl ird for the , sir principles, irty.tLA i ;-w of h* is ol larrie \ , i wri Ham became ec pier' is , safld rtBo ar im I (j s under a 3r of cc article ,ers, or b} 3ir s, irtic - (EJ •" ," Lnbur (Ah) NAPIER- CORRESPOriOeriCF Z (cc) NAPIER: IBID RR. (EE) H.MPRTINEfW AUTO&lO(t. J (&>Z. (SB) COCK BURN .JEFFREY fao) /6/0-/67. — 9 that I am F) pres Ion." "Review" ) , ition of its exi• 1 to s ation o^ ster and influence, ociations conned ; Lwith 'a. n vl" c of Sec IA/HO wrote ^^>- it one t or an: r is Hice. In i«ter frc .ill to Ler 3f - . n iistory of India" had lot only criticised the alloy of - ] ha eonstituted, 3r v., •• secret agency in t is of individuals, as to be inc , or c le of withtic Lve,for : trans- (&&y ac . 3r could be apj 1. 9JL indictment of .3m, 3,"I J to re vy I ve jaad bi 'orn -Tint , Artij a very for} source curable : with you I tt * am thought of V [acaulay, whe >r had left Scotland as a youn- I, i- . . . It ps signi ''. • rr . , in : si r for itidinbi -._ . s UFF n»o LF7TF/?S F) J-M- ROEBUCK (**. RELEASER) IZO. (FF,) hAPIER: IBID. bl. I.C-G) WILL- H 1ST. OF &R1T/SH INDIA . 5T"ed JSE £3. * (G,G.) " " O practical demonstration of what the union of the two kingdoms meant. The fact that we constantly refer to England and things English when, properly, Britain and things British are intendz£,ls evidence not alone of the predominance of the greater an^ richer partner , butAof the fusion of tne two nations into one. ungli.sh history, for example, easily overlooks the circumstance of Mans field's being a Scot. The change from distrust and misunderstanding to friendly cooperation came gradually but surely. The Scotchmen of the eighteenth century whose intellectual powers compelled hnglish respect and, admiration helped materially. The influence of the French Revolution was felt in both countries, but this, coming from without, either by direct propaganda or indirect contagion of ideas, can be separated from native elements. The contributions of Scotland to that body of opinion which, reacting against the restrictions and anomalies of the old system, brought forward an idea of progress and clashed with the mo©e conservative view, are less easily estimated than the French, not only because they are vastly less, but also because they are so closely Inter woven with the English. John Bright, after a visit to Scotland told the men of Manchester thatvhe believed that the intelligence of the people in Scotland was superior to tne intelligence of the people In England."! told them (i.e. the Scotch) that they were the people who should have repeal for if they were separated from England, they might have a government wholly (mi) popular and intelligent to s degree which does not exist anywhere." I\.o such consideration of the relative merits of hnglish and Scotch has been necessary in this thesis in view of tne union of the two in British national life. Yet the share of Scotland in British Liberalism can be distinctly recognized. The Duke of Argyll wrote (HH) TREVELYAtt JOHN BRIGHT 6+. -38- when he heard that Gladstone nad been reading Burke,"Your perfervi.du.7yu ingenium Scoti does not need being touched with (II) a live coal from thajfrIrish altar." PlORLEY- GLADSTONE TEE ZI7.