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PDF Hosted at the Radboud Repository of the Radboud University Nijmegen PDF hosted at the Radboud Repository of the Radboud University Nijmegen The following full text is a publisher's version. For additional information about this publication click this link. http://hdl.handle.net/2066/107356 Please be advised that this information was generated on 2017-12-06 and may be subject to change. JOHN KEBLE'S LITERARY AND RELIGIOUS CONTRIBUTION TO THE OXFORD MOVEMENT DOOR W. J. A. M. BEEK JOHN KEBLE AN ESSAY ON HIS VINDICATION OF IMAGINATIVE THINKING •':. V joìui 1\еЫе (I7Ç2-I866) Trom a chalk-sketch by £f. Richmond /863 JOHN KEBLE'S LITERARY AND RELIGIOUS CONTRIBUTION TO THE OXFORD MOVEMENT ACADEMISCH PROEFSCHRIFT TER VERKRIJGING VAN DE GRAAD VAN DOCTOR IN DE LETTEREN EN WIJSBEGEERTE AAN DE R.K. UNIVERSITEIT TE NIJMEGEN, OP GEZAG VAN DE RECTOR MAGNIFICUS MR L. G. A. SCHLICHTING, HOOGLERAAR IN DE FACULTEIT DER RECHTSGELEERDHEID, VOLGENS BESLUIT VAN DE SENAAT IN HET OPENBAAR TE VERDEDIGEN OP VRIJDAG 18 DEC. 1959, DES NAMIDDAGS TE 2 UUR DOOR WILLEM JOSEPH ANTOINE MARIE BEEK GEBOREN TE VENLO 1959 CENTRALE DRUKKERIJ N.V. — NIJMEGEN PROMOTOR: PROF. DR. W. H. VAN DE POL Voor mijn Vrouw en kinderen TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction IX Chapter 1. John Keble, the man, and his Conception of Life . 1 Chapter 2. The Spirit of the Age and Keble's Reaction to it. 25 Keble's Ideas of the Church 34 Chapter 3. Moral Sense. Probability. Faith, implicit and real . 47 Chapter 4. Keble's Theory of Poetry. The Analogy between Poetry and Religion 73 1. Feelings and Emotions .... .86 2. Expression and Reserve ... .... 87 3. Imagination and Association . 89 Chapter 5. Symbolism and Sacramentalism 98 Chapter 6. The Sacraments . 121 Confirmation . 126 Matrimony . 127 The Ministry . 128 Baptism . 130 Sin after Baptism and Confession . ... 132 The Holy Eucharist . 137 Chapter 7. Keble's View of the Anglican Position . 155 Conclusion . ... 174 Bibliography 179 Index . 188 VII INTRODUCTION It is generally admitted that John Keble was one of the three great leaders of the Oxford Movement. This movement must be looked upon as a form, that is to say the specific English form, of the struggle between faith and liberalism that was fought throughout Western Europe in the nineteenth century. While the immense number of books on the subject makes it possible for the reader to get a fairly adequate idea of the personalities of Newman and Pusey and their shares in the religious revival in the Anglican Church, this is by no means the case with Keble. It is true, most books on the Oxford Movement give the main facts of his life. He is praised for his spiritual ideals, his personal devotion, his humility and asceticism, his childlike simplicity and artistic sensi­ tiveness. His volume of poetry, the well-known Christian Year, is men­ tioned as foreshadowing the approach of the movement, but for the rest there is all but silence. Speaking about Keble and Tractarianism, Newman observed in his Ahologia pro vita sua that "the true and primary author of it, . .. as is usuai with great motive powers, was out of sight" 1). Must this strik­ ing statement be taken as an exaggeration due to Newman's lifelong feelings of friendship and respect2 ) for Keble, or is it to be taken at its face-value, so that we must conclude that Keble actually deserves to be called the originator of the Movement? Besides, there is the often quoted saying of Richard Hurrell Froude, "If I was ever asked what good I have ever done, I should say I had brought Keble and Newman to understand each other" 3 ). Referring to the harmonious working of these three widely different minds, R.W. Church said about Froude 1 ) J. H. NEWMAN, Apologia, Longmans, London 1865, p. 17. 2) Keble's reputation in the Oxford of the early twenties may be gathered from the words Newman used to describe his feelings when he received the congratu­ lations of the Fellows of Oriel College after his election to a Fellowship of that College. "I bore it", he says, "till Keble took my hand, and then felt so abashed and unworthy of the honour done me, that I seemed desirous of quite sinking into the ground". Apologia, p. 17. 3 ) R. H. FROUDE, Remains, ed. Rivington, London 1838, vol. i., p. 438. IX that he had accepted Keble's teaching with enthusiasm and "brought to bear upon Newman's mind, at a critical period of his development, Keble's ideas and feelings about religion and the Church, Keble's reality of thought and purpose, Keble's transparent and saintly simplicity..." 4). What exactly were these ideas and feelings of Keble? What was it that made his influence so great, although he purposely kept in the background? How well-known he was may be evidenced by his large correspondence as a spiritual adviser and by the fact that in the first few weeks after his death there appeared obituaries in as many as thirty papers and periodicals 5 ). The existing biographies hardly touch on such questions. Among them, the one by Keble's friend Sir J. T. Coleridge, and another by Walter Lock, sub-warden of Keble College towards the end of the nine­ teenth century, are the most extensive, though typically Victorian, ac­ counts of Keble's life 6 ). The most valuable part of Coleridge's work is formed by the great number of letters which are published there for the first time. The information contained in them may be supplemented from the very useful volume of correspondence edited and published by the fathers of the Birmingham Oratory 7 ). Then there are three recent publications on Keble. One cannot admit, however, that they have led to a deeper understanding of his position. On the contrary, I think serious objections should be raised against the way in which they have interpreted Keble's ideas and aspirations. First there is the book by Kenneth Ingram 8). The author adduces Keble's staunch loyality to the Church of England, in its combination with the great toleration Keble showed towards other denominations, as a proof of his being one of the first advocates of a liberal-minded Catholicism. He admits that Keble himself was unconscious of this and that liberalism was even 'utter anathema' to him 9 ). All the same, he concludes that "it is to Keble that we owe the fact that the way to a truly English [which is the same as liberal in the author's opinion] Catholicism still lies open" 10 ). Mr. Ingram justifies this conclusion by saying that Keble 4) R. W. CHURCH, The Oxford Movement, London 1892, p. 31. 5) Preserved in Keble College Library. e) J. T. COLERIDGE, A Memoir of the Rev. J. Keble, M.A., 1st ed., Oxford and London 1869, 2 vols. — W. LOCK, John Keble, a Biography, 1st ed., London 1892. Ί) Correspondence of J.H.Newman with John Keble and others, 1839-1849, edited at the Birmingham Oratory, London 1917. s) KENNETH INGRAM, John Keble, The Tractarian Series, London 1933. 9) id., p. 128. 10) id., p. 181. X was convinced that "Catholicism can legitimately possess an Anglican as well as a Roman form, although he would have suspected such in­ dividual liberal Catholic declarations as were set forth in Lux Mundi and later in Essays Catholic and CriticaF' u). The writer evidently ignored the fact that Keble strongly defended the principle of authority as embodied in the Tradition of the Church Universal. If Keble was convinced that Catholicism can possess various forms, this conviction of his was based on the assumption that both the Anglican and the Roman Church were living branches of the one Catholic Church. Mr. Ingram is, indeed, stretching historical truth too far when he maintains that Keble as well as Pusey were fighting the Erastian principle much more than any latitudinarian liberalism 12). The liberal attitude of the State was the very cause of their objections to the Erastian principle. In his excellent book dealing with the development of romantic critical theory, entitled The Mirror and the Lamp, Mr. Abrams also discusses Keble's Lectures on Poetry. He has discovered a parallelism between the poetic theories of Keble and Freud in them, their common thesis being that poetry is the imagined fulfilment of ungratified personal desire. So far one may agree with the author, though I do not think Keble would have approved of the words 'imagined fulfilment'. Then, however, the writer goes on to conclude that this parallelism "may be taken as one more evidence of the extent to which psycho-analysis is a secularized version of religious belief and ritual" 13). There is no reason to doubt Mr. Abrams' sincerity, but this is, to say the least of it, a misleading remark when made with reference to Keble's view of the relation between religion and poetry. The writer has probably overlooked an essential element in Keble's attitude towards life in general. Keble regarded life as one inseparable whole, so that it was quite natural to him that art and religion should run parallel courses, all human activities having God for their final object. Viewed in this light, poetry was to Keble something akin to religion, a kind of sacrament. If Keble trans­ ferred ideas from the religious sphere to poetry, it was only to show his unbelieving contemporaries that there is an analogical parallel between the two. He taught them that experience of the 'healing function' of poetry might be used as a means to the believing acceptance 11 ) KENNETH INGRAM, op. cit., p. 177. Lux Mundi (1889) and Essays Catholic and Critical (1926) represent the liberal movement of theological thought in the Anglican Church.
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