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The tractarians: A study of the interaction of John Keble, Hurrell Froude, John Henry Newman, and Edward Pusey in the genesis and early course of the Oxford movement

Andrew C. Conway University of Nebraska at Omaha

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Recommended Citation Conway, Andrew C., "The tractarians: A study of the interaction of John Keble, Hurrell Froude, John Henry Newman, and Edward Pusey in the genesis and early course of the Oxford movement" (1965). Student Work. 355. https://digitalcommons.unomaha.edu/studentwork/355

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AMD EARJMC COURSE OF TUB OXFORD HOVEMIST

A T h e s is

t o t h e

Department of History

and th e Faculty of the College of Graduate Studies

University of Omaha

Xn Partial Fulfillment

of the Requirements for the Degree

Hester of Arts

t y Andrew C# Conway

June 1 9 4 5 UMI Number: EP72993

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i i PREFACE

The story of religion# as fascinating as It la myster­ ious# la as old as man himself. Christianity# which comprises a major part of religion# has for many centuries been a sig­ nificant force at work fashioning the lives of Individuals and the destinies of nations, the writer9s purpose Is not to examine In detail world religious development# but rather to examine the Influence of one small group of men on a signifi­ cant development of Christianity in Great Britain.

The Oxford movement# so called because It was conceived by a few men affiliated with Oriel College# Oxford, was the answer of men of the High Church party to the wave of reform agitation and liberalism sweeping the country. It is an en­ thralling episode in the story of Christianity in the British

I s l e s .

ihe writer Is indebted to numerous individuals for as­ sistance In varying kinds and degrees in the work of complet­ ing not only this study but all other requirements necessary for the degree—to Dr. A. Stanley Trickett# Head of the His­ t o r y D epartm ent a t th e U n iv e r s ity o f Omaha# f o r h i s p a t i e n t guidance of a novice unpracticed in the art of historical re­ search and writing; to Dr. Ert J. Gum for his invaluable ad­ vice and criticism while reading the final draft and making recommendations enabling the writer to prepare the copy in final form; to othera of the faculty of the History Depart­ ment under idiom the writer has engaged in graduate studies;

to Miss Ella Jane Daugherty, administrator of the inter!!- brary loan service at the University of Omaha library for gracious assistance in securing reference material; and, most of all, to his wife, Johnnie, whose patience, helpful­ ness, understanding, and faith enabled the writer to adhere to the task until completed.

iv T&BLF: OF CQITTEWTS

PREFACE

C h a p te r I . 'IRE HISTORICAL BACKOROtJlTDi AH0LICAH CHRISTIAHITY IH THE TURBULEHT DAIS OF THE BARLY HINETEEKffi CEHTURY......

Introduction The Two Main Parties In the Early nineteenth Century Church of England Character of the Clergy The Influence of Eraatlenlsm Repeal of the Teat and Corporation Acts* and Roman Catholic Emancipation U tilitarianism and Liberalism She Reform B ill of 1832 the Irish Church Temporalities Bill

I I . KEBLE1S EARLY LIFE AMD ACTIVITIES PRIOR TO THE MOVBMEHT. . * ......

Pre-Oxford Years A Student at Oxford Tutor and Fellow of Oriel The C lergym an The Christian Year Professor of1'Poetry fCeble* s Mystic Influence

I I I . OTHER PARTICIPANTS EARLY IK HIE MOVEMENT. , .

Richard Harrell Froude John Henry Newman Edward B. Pusey Hugh James Rose I s a a c Wi111 oms William Palmer Arthur P. Perceval Charles M arriott Summarisation IV . THE SIGNAL FOR ACTION! KEBLE*3 SERMON OH "HAHOVAL APOSTASY1’ ...... 7k The Setting end Occasion for the Sermon 7k Theme o f the Sermon 77 H e s u its 85

V. TO ACTS FOE T ® TIMES...... 88

The Ha&lelgh Conference 88 Addresses to the Archbishop 92 The of the Tracts 9k The Hature of the Tracts 9© The Purpose of the. Tracts 98 Contributors to the Tracts 101 The Changing Character of the Tracts 103

V I. THE FI JUT TWELVE YEARS OF fflE REVIVAL .... 107

Pusey Joins 107 Neuman* s S t . M ary1 s Serm ons 110 The Via Media of the Anglican Church 111 '■file ?£anacle"'oF~TractarIan''"3ueeess 113 Hxe Question of Romanism 115 Froude * s Death—Publication of his Remains 110 Tract 90 122 Divisioni Development of the Penchant for Home 125 The Secessions 129

V II. OPPOSITION TO THE MOVEMENT...... 132

University and Church Authorities 132 The Divinity Professorship Controversy 135 Ihe ’’Martyrs* liemorial** 137 The Jerusalem Bishopric 139 The Poetry Professorship Contest lij.0 Pusey* s Oondeimatl on 11*2

V I I I . THIS CONCLUSION ...... 11*5

BIRUO0RAFHY ...... 153

vi CHAPTER I

TIE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND: ANGLICAN CHRISTIANITY

III THE TURBULENT DAIS OF THE EARLY

NINETEENTH CENTURY

Ihe first three decades of the nineteenth century in

Greet Britain lend themselves to division into two equal but somewhat diverse periods* During the first fifteen year span foreign affairs—the war with France, primarily—was the fo­ cus of attention* In the second period the problems o f p eace following the victory over Napoleon were of major concern*

During the second period the nation was also torn with the continuing problem of social and political reform. One of the most absorbing facets of this many-sided problem was the assault on the state church by the combined forces of liber­ als, dissenters, Homan Catholics, and unbelievers.

The assaults on the church were Instrumental in uniting and bringing Into action a small group of resolute, resource­ ful clergymen at Oriel College in Oxford University who were determined to defend the Church of England and to restore to it the power and prestige which they believed that it should rightfully have. The concerted action of this small group of men developed into a movement destined to have a profound effect on the religious lives of many of the English people. 2

The movement eventually came to be know by a number of dif­ ferent names* among the most common being the Apostolic move­ ment* the Anglican revival* the Anglo-Catholic movement of

1833# the Oxford movement* Puseyism, the ITactarian movement* and the High Church revival.

It is the purpose In this study to examine the roles of four independent but like-minded men—John Keble, Hurrell

Froude * John Henry He wan* and Edward Fuse y—who interacted on one another to an unusual degree In bringing about the genesis and early development of the Tractarlan movement.

V&itle many authorities attribute to Wewman unquestioned lead­ ership of the movement* the writer shall essay to show that

It was the interaction of these four individuals* rather than the actions of any one man, that brought about the beginning and early successes of the movement. As a prelude to such a study, it will first be necessary to describe briefly the general state of religion and the church in early nineteenth century England, the era of George III and George IV. At that time the Anglican church was composed mainly of two bod­ ies* alike in many respects but differing widely in others.

The United Church of England and Ireland* commonly called the Church of England, was an exceedingly complex In­ stitution. "Her apologists* * wrote ffalevy, "might say of the

Church what Bishop Jebb said of her liturgy—that it ’is not the work of one man* of one society, or of one age 5 it la like the British Constitution* a precious result of accumulative 3

1 and collective wisdom1. ** Toward the end of the first quarter of the nineteenth century, about 1825-30, two characteristic forms of Church of England C hristianity were recognisable.

Discernible within each of these groups were various parties or sects. H The difficulty of giving a coherent account of the parties within the Church of England,n declared Geoffrey

Faber, modern British publisher and historian, "is increased by the confusion which has existed In the use of the terms, 2 High, Low, and Broad Church. ..." The Orthodox, commonly referred to as High Churchmen, was the favored group which had long occupied and were accustomed to positions of preem­ inence in the church. They considered themselves to be the very essence of Anglican Christianity. The High Churchmen had Inherited the traditions of a serious, scholarly, staid

Anglicanism, and looked to the great line of Anglican eccles­ iastics from Hooker to Water land as authority for their the- 1 ology. "The divinity which it propounded,tf wrote R. W.

Church, a chronicler of as well as a participant in the move­ ment, "though it rested on learning, was rather that of strong common sense than of the schools of erudition."^

•**?’,!ie Halevy, A History of the English People in the Nineteenth Century, Trans", i. 1. BaTkliiand- D.n A. ”'$arkeFT6 voT s .; 'Wcv ToriScijBarnes & Noble Inc., 1961), I, p. 390. Cited hereafter as Halevy, A History of the English People. 2 Geoffrey 0. Faber, Oxford Apostlea (Baltimore: Penguin Books Inc., 1954)» P* 90. rCited hereafter as Faber, Apo a tie a.

3ft. w. Church, ‘The Oxford movement, Twelve fears, 1 6 3 3 - 1614,5 ( 3 d ed. j London: Macmillan £ Co., I 9 0 I4T, pT 10. ' Cited hereafter as Church, Oxford Movement. k

Sermon® preached by the High Churchmen were scholarly,

discreet discourses delivered without the emotion and vehe­

mence characteristic of the Evangelicals. Any display of emo­

t i o n or enthusiasm was shunned. The clergy often kept up

their University connections and learning, and were known at

times to employ their learning in unusual and not very profit­

able inquiries, though some were genial and witty, many were

in reality often intolerably tedious, quarrelsome, and exces­

s i v e l y pretentiouswT hese were the orthodox Churchmen,”

s a id C hurch, "whom their rivals, and not their rivals only,

denounced as dry, unsplritual, formal, unevangelical, self-

righteous; teachers o f mere m o r a lit y at their best, allies

and servants of the world at their worst."

High Churehmea gazed with ill-concealed contempt on

those of the how Church group, the Evangelicals, *foo comprised

the other major segment of the Anglican communion. These men

were Inheritors not of the ancient Anglican traditions but of

those which had arisen among the sympathizers and followers

of the great eighteenth century Methodist revival. These men had, through their earnestness, diligence, zeal, and courage,

come to be popularly recognized as the group best entitled to

be called the religious party. They were the second and third

generation o f those whose theology had been molded and matured under the influence of teachers like nervey, Ptomaine, C e c il,

Venn, Fletcher, Newton, and Thomas Scot

^Ibld., pp. 10-11. 5.1 bl<3., p. 12. 6Xbld.. pp. 12-13. 5

Host religious M s tor Ians attest to the great moral

strength and deep spirituality of the Evangello&ls. **ftegard©d

purely as a spiritual force #11 wrote 0. H. Overton# the eminent

church historian, Mthe Evangelicals were undoubtedly the

strongest party in the Church during the first thirty years 7 of the nineteenth century.” so widespread was this feeling

that frequently deep spirituality was taken as priiaa facie

evidence that a man was en Evangelical. Again# speaking of

the Evangelicals# Overton declared that *• • • they consti­

tuted by far the most prominent and spiritually active party

during the greater pert of the period before ua /T 8 0 0 - l 83 ^ 7 .

They were the salt of the earth in their day, and the Church 8 owes a debt of gratitude to those holy men. ...”

It would seem natural to assume from the great spirit­

ual awakening resulting from the growth of Evangelicalism

that this party held a dominant position in the church, but

such was not the case. The fervor of the Evangelicals had a profound effect on the middle and lower classes but made lit­ tle or no impression on the clergy, the universities# or the upper classes, the High Church party maintained control of positions of leadership, authority# and high pecuniary en­ titlem ent in the church# and with few exceptions excluded the

If. Overton, The ^ngliah Church in the nineteenth Century# (1600-1833) (London: Longmans, Green, ^"Co.,1" 16^)# p. $X. CiteSHhere&fter as Overton# English Church.

8 I b i d . , p . 1 0 0 . 6

9 Evangelicala fro m such posts,

Outside the church end arrayed against it were the forces of dissent, atheism, and Homan Catholicism. None of these individually represented any appreciable force, but col­ lectively they presented a formidable body of opposition to the Establishment. Tlosian Catholics labored under the bitter hatred, fear, and suspicion harbored in English breasts against foreign "popery**. All these group® struggled under sever© civil and political disabilities Imposed on them by the government, the growing spirit of liberalism, however, pro­ voked increasing agitation for removal of these restrictions.

In short, the Establishment was a house divided within itself and assailed from without by Implacable enemies, but with those of the High Church party firmly entrenched in posi­ tions of authority and prestige. Each party proclaimed itself to b© the epitome of Church of England Christianity. Outside the Establishment stood the various dissenting g ro u p s , whose greatest aim was the establishment of a democratic and secular state and elimination of the state church. D. C. Somervell described the Eatsblished Church a® a heavily privileged in­ stitution, and added that a Church so privileged was always tempted to be more concerned with its privileges than Its mis­ sion. r*The State, it was said,11 wrote Somervell, -'paid

9 Francis Warre Cornish, The Engliah Church in the nine­ teenth Century, vol. VIII of a ill slory a7 the^MgTTsfT^.i^eH, Kh .lirm ephens k W. Hunt~“( B' vo ls. j London7" Mscmil Co., 1910), p. ?• Cited hereafter as Cornish, English Church. 7

lip service to the Church, an<3 the Church in return paid life*

service to tile State.The clergy of the state church, though perhaps no better or no worse than the clergy in the

dissenting sects, bore a great deal of the responsibility for the state of affairs within the church.

J. H. Overton observed that

the Church had reached low-water mark before the eight­ eenth century closed, and the dawn of the nineteenth cen­ tury synchronized approximately with the turn of the tide. Abuses allowed to go on for nearly a century without a remonstrance began then, at any rate, to be recognized as a b u s e s .

Wot least among the causes of the unfavorable status of the church was the role played by her bishops and clergymen.

Evils which had flourished for centuries continued unabated.

Although many were above reproach it was only natural that th© errant conduct o f aass should be m a g n ifie d in the mind of the laity to the point that it cam© to be regarded as typical of the conduct of all the clergy. Those clamoring for a thor­ ough overhaul o f ©very institution in the country were quick to point out the shortcomings of the state church and th© clergy. Ample evidence of gross misconduct on the part of the clergy was not difficult to find. Viewed in retrospect, it now is difficult to understandwhy such abuses were allowed to continue as long as th e y d id .

o . Somervell, English Thought in the nineteenth Century {London: Methuen & Co., l§ ^ ), p. 16. Cited hereafter a s Somervell, th o u g h t.

^^Overton, English Church, p. 3. a

line bishops, by and large, were a group which Hired a

life of ease on a plane far removed, socially and economically,

from the ordinary clergy and the people. They sat in parlia­ ment and dutifully cast their votes in support of the policy

of the party of the minister who had appointed them. They en­

tertained lavishly while parliament was not in session, occa­

sionally wrote scholarly books, and somatimes could be seen

traveling in state to the chief towns of their dioceses. It was often the case that their qualifications as well as aspl- i p rations for spiritual leadership were seriously lacking.

Revenues received by the bishops from their dioceses were extraordinarily lucrative. The Archbishop of Canterbury received an annual income of £»32,00Qj the Bishop of urban

£*20,000. 'Hie Beans of the cathedral churches of Westminster,

Windsor, and St. Paul * s had annual incomes ranging from £*7,000 to £.1 2 , 0 0 0 , while many of the benefices throughout the land had annual revenues of from £.5,000 to &1Q,000. These incomes are th© more Imposing when on® considers the far greater value of money in that day. Hies© wealthy Incumbents often secured an underling to perform the duties of their office at a salary of lesM than two pounds a week while retaining for themselves the entire balance of the revenues from their benefices.^

*\ 9 Henry 0. Wakeman, An Introduction to the History of the Church of iaigland (London7 "STvl’ngTdns,"T9??)*, p. '"TJiJo • Cited H ereafter as Wake man, Xntroduc tlorx.

^ H erbert L. Stewart, A Century of Anglo-Catholic Isa (London: J. h. Dent h Sons, X9S91,""p. XIJ5-" Cited hereafter as Stewart, Century. 9

"khen su ch was th© s t a t s of things,” wrote th© church historian, H. 0 . Wake man, *the wonder was that the clergy were on the whole so good as they seem to have been.” There were many of them, he continued, who had consciences Hsingularly unresponsive to their duties.Some lived no different dur­ ing the week than their friends in secular pursuits—hunting, fishing, drinking, and gambling—only visiting their church on Sunday to plod through a superficial service for which they had no Interest and no liking. Some had no residence in their parish and spent their lives in Idleness and dissolute­ ness in nearby tom s. Drunkenness, the vice of the age, was common among th© clergy in many areas of England and Wales.

Pluralities and non-residence were two prominent evils which exposed the church and clergy to severe criticism . The first of these, in which a clergyman was assigned responsibil­ ity and revenues for more than one parish, led naturally to the second, in which the incumbent either could not or did not l i v e i n h i s own p a r i s h . Too many o f th e c le r g y w ere p o o r ly educated and took their duties far too lightly. Many oi the supposedly good clergymen did very little , probably because so little was expected oi' them. Hie Hector of Str&dishall, in Suffolk, after having been absent from his parish for al­ most a year, attempted to salve his conscience by addressing his charges a long letter which he explained would give him an imaginary presence among them. The rector of a large

^Wakem&n, Introduction, p. h$0* 10

London pariah, 3t* Mary-le-Bow, Cheapslde, applied for and was granted by the Archbishop of Canterbury (Or. mannera*Sut­ ton) the benefice of Farningham, near Sevenoaks, in order that he might have a pleasant country retreat located near London*

Strange tales were told of the laxity of bishops in examining candidates for ordination. One performed this rite in a tent on a cricket-field, he being one of the players; another con­ ducted the examination while he was in the process of shaving*^

In his description of the English, church E. A* Knox wrote of ». • • the scandalous system of pluralities and vested interests. * * .," and the nepotism practiced by some of the highest officials of the church • He recorded the case of

Bishop Sparkes of Ely who bestowed on his eldest son benefices v a lu e d a t 4 2 , 6314. annually, on his younger sons still larger sums, and on his son-in-law preferments valued at 42,213 an­ nually* file Tories considered this to be a perfectly accept­ able arrangement, in fact the Bishop was doing no more than his duty in providing for his kith and kin. It was not only condoned but was actually defended that there must needs be two classes of clergy, **• . . the gentlemanly clergy drawn from the aristocracy, tempted into Holy Orders by rich prefer­ ments with light duty, and poor clergy, who did the work, 16 ’passing rich, * as the saying was, *on 4^0 a year*

15 Overton, English Church, pp* 7-8.

^BL A. Knox, The Tractarian Movement, I 8 3 3 -I4.5 (L ondon: Putnam, 1933)» P* 89. Citecl hereafter' a 3 Knox, Movement. 11

In the year 1820 a book appeared which, though It con­ tained somewhat exaggerated and misleading c h a r g e s , was un­ questionably an exceedingly accurate barometer o f the temper o f th© tim e s* The Black Book r e v i l e d the church and the c le r g y I n la n g u a g e of almost unprecedented viciousness. Th© church, quoted Overton from the book, w, . .i s * that ulcerous concretion, that foul and unformed mass of rapacity, intoler­ ance, absurdity, and wickednessj• the Church Catechism is

’this poisonous production;* a Church o f E ngland p r i e s t i s *a furious, political demon, rapacious, insolent, luxurious, hav­ ing no fear of God before his eyes;*. . . .**17 the B la ok Book was followed in 1831 b y Hie E x tr a or dinar y Black Book which was no less abusive than its predecessor.

Other writers of th© time tended to give more credence to th© accusations contained In t h e s e two publications than did Overton* Said H. L. Stewart, **• • • the most darning evi­ dence of all Is in those cold statistics collected in th© famous Black Book, • . • published in 1820 by th© party of

Church Reform*** out of the total of twenty-seven bishoprics, eleven were held by members of the nobility, and fourteen by men who held some connection with nobility or royalty. Of th© remaining two, on© was held by an Individual who had been a sealous worker on behalf of the Pitt administration, th© other by one endorsed by on© of the large city companies.

Th© conclusion was obvious, th© church was on© of th© most

■^Toverton, English Church, p. 11. 12 accessible roads to sucocas, and by the religious standards which prevailed i n the E stab lish m en t no one n e ed have an y *» o Qualms about following the road if the opportunity arose.

one of the moat scathing denunciations of the early nineteenth century English church ever written came from the pen of a renowned liberal of the day, himself an ordained xuin- i a t e r o f th e Anglican communion. According to Sydney Smith,

the thermometer of the Church of England sank to its lowest point in the first thirty years of George III. Unbelieving bishops, and a slothful clergy, had succeeded in driving from the Church the faith and seal of Methodism which Wesley had organised within her pale. Jho spirit was expelled and the dregs remained. Ihat was the age when jobbery and corruption, long supreme in the State, had triumphed over the virtue of the Church| when th© money-changers not only entered the temple, but drove out th© worshippers! when ecclesiastical revenues were mono­ polised by wealthy pluralists; when the name of th© curate lost Its legal meaning, and, Instead of denoting the In­ cumbent of a living, cam© to signify the deputy of an absentee. ^

Xhomas Arnold, another clergyman of the liberal school, a classmate and intimate friend of John Keble at Oxford, and who later became one of th© bitterest enemies of the Oxford movement, wrote In 1832 that ffth© Church, as it now stands, ort no human power can save. . • .” Again, In January, 1833,

18 x Stewart, Century, p. 1 4!$.. ^Lftdy Holland, A Memoir of the H©verend Sydney Smith U vol s. s Mew Torks Harp^TiTBroThera, I855)T*l7pp. 52=337 Cited hereafter as Holland, Memoir«

^Arthur ?. Stanley, the Life and Corr© 3pondenee o f Xhotaas Arnold (B oston : James R. OagQocT"&'rC o ., I 8 |3 ) , p ."*^83 . Letter from fhomaa Arnold to J. E. fyler, June 1 0 , IB3 2 . Cited hereafter as Stanley, .»lfe. 13 la a move destined to bring down upon hi a head the wrath of the Oxford High Churchmen# he proposed that dissenters fee wel­ comed into the church. Nothing* as it seems to me,** he s a i d , floan save the Church but an union with the Dissenter a j now they are leagued with the antlchriatian party, and no merely 21 internal reforms will satisfy them.”

Such a summary of the defects found within the ranks of the clergy of the Church of England appears, unfortunately, to Indict the entire body. Ibis, however# was not the case, because there were many in the church who were conscientious,

Industrious, spiritually minded men of th© highest integrity.

These were, regrettably, in the minority, and the misdeeds of their more unscrupulous colleagues were exposed by their ene­ mies to the wrath and indignation of th® English people.

The attitude of the state toward the church in tire at

Britain had long been governed by a concept known as Erastlan- ism, a practice which had gained varying degrees of acceptance among the clergy. The doctrine of Sraatianisa* is generally attributed to Thomas Drastus, a Swiss theologian and scholar of tha sixteenth century. It la doubtful, however, that

Erasbus ever went as far in his beliefs as did those *foo sub ­ sequently developed the doctrine for which his name became the title. S. E. 01 lard, English clergyman and religious his­ torian, believed that Erastiani&m, particularly In its English concept, was the teaching of th© i.nglishmen Eelden and Hobbes

bid., p. Arnold to Whateley, Jan., 1833* Xk

22 In the seventeenth century* In i t s most commonly a ccep ted use the term means th e absolute supremacy of the state In

Blatters of religion and the church* Neither the church nor

the B ib le was the final authority in religious belief, but

the state. In its ultimate expression, the church was no more

than the religious department o f the s t a t e , as much su b jec t

t o , and the creature o f , the government as were any of its other departments* '~ven before the time of Henry 7111 there were English kings who asserted the independence of the crown against p a p a l

Interference i n church, affairs* io n e , however, succeeded I n doing so with such Immunity as did he* With the ecclesiasti­ cal legislation o f Henry*s r e ig n , Brastlanlsza in England en­ te r e d a new p h a s e . The A ct of Supremacy, passed during the s i x t h session of Henry’sReformation Parliament (1534-15355* gave the k in g the title of riSupreme Head on Earth of the Church o f E ngland** and may be regarded as the final act i n the break with Rome. The eighteenth century, according to the Swedish clergy­ man and historian, Y. f. Brllioth, saw Erastlanlsm reach its 23 zenith in the English nation. The period o f Its ascendancy also encompassed the first one-third of the nineteenth century.

^Sidney L. Ollard, a short History of the Oxford Hove- ment (London: A. R. Mowbray IT'To7 , I5T7 P« S itedh ' e r e - a J ie r a s Ollard, History* ^3vngve T. Brllioth, !!he Anglican Revival {London: Long­ mans, Green fc Co.* 1925), pTTo7*uTE53 HereaFfer as B r l l i o t h , R evival* 15

The mediaeval concept of the bishop and archbishop as great men of the realm, whose first d uty was to the king, and whose

presence was more to be desired at court than in their dio­

c e s e , still largely prevailed. These high officials of the

church were store politicians than churchmen. As the role of

the king diminished and that of parliament increased, the

bishop9s duty was no longer directly to the king but was to

work in parliament and in his diocese for furthering the af­ fairs of the minister to whom he owed his appointment, Such a situation was obviously not conducive to the development of great spirituality among the high officials of the church.

" The K ing , n wrote Halevy, "acting on th© advice of Par­ liament# was the supreme head of a religion in which, to em­ ploy the accepted terminology, the ,Eraatian 9 principle was

scrupulously respected, a religion essentially national whose source was the will of the secular government. Clergymen could not read from their Prayer-books, however, without re­ alizing that the church claimed to be something very differ­ ent from what it actually was as a mere institution of the state. Rather than a mere denomination among many, distin­ guished by larger privileges and larger revenues, the church, they believed, was descended directly from the Apostles of

Christ. ^ The threat of krastianlsm to true religion was obvious in 1833 to the Oxford High Churchmen, and protest

^Halevy, A History of the Knr.lish People, I, p. 390,

2?Church, Oxford Movement, pp. 8 -9 . 16 a g a in s t i t was one o f the m o tiv a tin g f o r c e s behind the Oxford movement. ’*• • • it was no merely political danger,r* said

OHard, "for Erastianism has ever proved, in England a s e ls e ­ where, the most insidious foe of spiritual r e l i g i o n *

Two separate but related events occurred near the end of the third decade of the nineteenth century that intensi­ fied the alarm of High Churchmen for th© safety of the church.

As individuals and groups hostile to th© state church became increasingly bolder, the small group at Oriel College tdiich was to be the nucleus of the Oxford movement were already being gradually dram together through their common desire to restore and preserve the sanctity of the church.

In 1828, after much agitation, dissenters, with Homan

Catholic support, led a successful fight for repeal of th©

Test ami Corporation Acts. These acts imposed serious legal disabilities on dissenters, preventing them from holding any public or government office* In actual practice these acta were no longer rigidly enforced. Ihere were some who were appointed to certain civil and m ilitary positions, but they were all formally excluded from the universitlea, from minis­ terial office, and from commissions in the m ilitary services.

Lord John Hus sell led the fight in parliament in 1828 for repeal of the acts. Sir Hubert Peel, a lifelong opponent of repeal, led the unsuccessful government opposition. The repeal bill passed and received the assent of the king

*v)llard, History, p. 9. 1? on May 9# 1828• B iis am ounted to m serious reversal for the

Established Church* It was entirely conceivable that dissent* era would be elected to parliament ttfiere they could legislate for the church; a dissenting prime minister could conceivably select the highest officials of the Church of England. A fu­ tile attempt was mad© to assuage the alarm of church authori­ ties by requiring dissenters to declare upon taking office that they lould not use their position in any way to the det­ riment of the Established Church# Irreparable damage, how­ ever, In th© opinion of churchmen, had been done; one of th® most alarming consequences was opening of th® way for renewed clamor for Homan Catholic emancipation# Ifee Roman Catholics were not slow In seising the opportunity, and their demand for emancipation received the full support of those recently benefited by repeal of the fast and Corporation Acts.

On April 13* 1029, less than one year after dissenters were g r a n te d t h e i r r i g h t s , th e Homan C a th o lic e m a n c ip a tio n measure received the endorsement of the king. She adminis­ tration, led by Peel and Wellington, opposed the measure as long as possible. It was the Irish County Clare election which returned Daniel O'Connell, th© great Irish patriot and champion of emancipation, to parliament that finally broke the opposition of the government. Civil war loomed as a very real possibility had the measure been rejected. Peel's re­ versal of his stand against ©mancipation earned him th© fer­ vent hostility of his constituents at Oxford, and even th© 18

loss of his seat in parliament* Ihey felt that he had be­

trayed th© church which he had been returned to support*

Passage of these two measures struck a serious blow at the supremacy of the Established Church*

Mill® these attacks on th© Established Church were tak­ ing place, for such were they considered by the high Church party, other eventa of equally disturbing nature were taking place elsewhere* th© doctrine of utilitarianism , espoused by

Jeremy Bentham, James and John Stuart Mill, and their disci­ ples, was capturing the minds of large numbers of people*

Its maxim of the greatest happiness for the greatest number held a special fascination for the masses*

In 1824, Bentham, together with John Bowring, estab­ lished the Westminister Review, which became the organ of the radicals* the Benthamites founded © university In London i n

1025 which, unlike Oxford and Cambridge, accepted anyone re­ gardless of his religious beliefs and tfoich also provided its students a broader education at less cost than did the two 27 older universities* Bentham was extremely hostile to the

Church of England j he was, in fact, hostile toward religion itself* He published a large volume, Church of England Cate­ chism Examined, highly critical of the church, in which he proposed its reform on democratic and economic principles*

'Relevy, A History of the ^ a g lta h People. II, p. 189. 2 8 X b ld ., p . 3 1 . 19

J. A. Froude, a brother or on© of the original leaders of the Oxford movement, described the tinea as a period %&en

M. « • Conservative England had been seised with a passion for Kefor®. rUi© constitution was to be cut in pieces and boiled in the Benthamite caldron. • • • In a reformed state PQ there needed a reformed Church." 7 In his history of the movement Church attached considerable significance to the in­ fluence of utilitarian radicalism on social, political, and religious mores of e a r l y nineteenth century England. It gained a hold on the minds o f many individuals prominent in society and politics and even threatened for a time to become the dominant philosophy of the country.30

Ihe liberalism so feared by churchmen was not the purely political liberalism of the day; it was a new and rising reli­ gious liberalism inspired In part by the political liberals.

It was an attack, declared Ollard, on the very essence of

Christianity, the belief that rational Intelligence, education and civilisation would cure all the evils and sorrows of man* k i n d . ^ Wmwmn described the liberalism which he so feared as . . . false liberty of thought, or the exercise of thought upon matters, in which, from the constitution of the human mind, thought cannot be brought to any successful issue, and therefore is out of place. Elberallsm then is the

^James Anthony Froude, Short Studies on Great Subjects (ij. vols.j Hew Yorks Charles S crib n erS o n s,~T8<3>?j',T If, p. ISk* Cited hereafter as Froude, studies.

•^Church, Oxford Movement, p. IB.

3^ 0 Hard, History, p. 9. 20

mistake of subjecting to human judgment those revealed doctrines which are In their nature beyond and Indepen­ dent of it# and o f cla im in g to determ ine on intrinsic grounds the truth and value of propositions which rest for their reception sim p ly on the external authority of the Hivine W ord* 32

averton described the growth of & liberal political

concept which . held as one of its primary goals the

destruction of the Church as a national establishment*” whose

adherents were influenced by the writings of Bentham and

M i l l . 33 Enemies of the church saw in the acts of 1826 and

1029# tdiieh removed the restrictions from dissenters and

Roman Catholics, evidence that her days were numbered. By

1 8 3 0 the clergy was aware that the forces of liberalism, both

secular and religious, posed a serious danger to the contin­ ued existence of the church in its existing state.

Greville recorded In his Memolr a in 1029 his belief that • • very few years will elapse before the Church will really be In danger. People will grow tired of paying so dearly for so bad an article*"3^

In the year 1 8 3 2 there occurred a series of events that culminated in passage of a reform act by parliament which,

3^Jo h n Henry Mewman, Apologia pro vita sua (Londons Longmans, Green Je Co., 1927 J, P* 288• C lteX H erea fter a s lawman, Apologia*

3 3 ;>verton, English Church, pp. 311-12.

3^charles C. P. Greville, the Orevllie Memoira* A Jour­ nal of the Reigns of King George XV and King William iv7 ed.” Henry He eve (2 v'S'l s »;~”Sew 7 o S j D. A ppleion t t o ., IBSF) ,‘“Y, pm 156• Cited hereafter as Greville, Memoirs* 21 though dasigned primarily to correct politics! inequities, mss regarded by churchmen as the most serious affront to the church yet seen. The Reform Bill of 1632, with its attendant agitation throughout the country, cannot be ignored as one of the primary immediate causes of the Oxford movement* 'Hie movement, according to Church, • • began . • • in a vigor­ ous effort for the immediate defence of the Church against serious dangers, arising from the violent and threatening temper of the days of the Reform Bill Newman, in his famed Apologia of later years, described his own fears for the church as its enemies grew bolder:

* • • there had been a Revolution In Prance; the Bourbons had been dismissed: and 1 held that it was unchristian for nations to cast off their governors, and, much more, sovereigns *ho had the divine right of inheritance. . • • Hie great Reform Agitation was going on around me as 1 wrote* The Itiiga had come into power; Lord Grey had told the Bishops to set their house in order, and some of the Prelates had been insulted and threatened in the streets of London* The vital question was, how were we to keep the Church from being liberalised? there was such apathy on the subject in some quarters, such imbecile alarm in others; the true principles of Churchman ship seemed so radically decayed, and there was such distraction in the councils of the Clergy.3«

The high officials of the church composed one of the few groups which opposed the Reform B ill anywhere near unani­ mously. Many believed that parliamentary reform would soon be followed by a general revamping of church privileges.

35church, Oxford Movement, p. 1.

^Newman, Apologia, p. 30. 22

Diseat abli shme nt was a distinct possibility.^? the unbending opposition of the bishops to the bill earned them the ill will of the populace and even threats of violence. In Bris­ tol the bishop1s residence was burned by an angry mob; the

Bishop of London was forced to forego a preaching engagement because of threats and warnings. the Bishop of Lichfield was mobbed after he had preached in London, as was the Archbishop of Canterbury in his own city. It was not an uncommon sight to see bishops burned in effigy.-'

Much of the stricture levelled at the bishops was oc­ casioned by statements made by Lord Grey during his speech before parliament in support of the b ill, though misunder­ stood and often quoted out of context, Grey 1 a statements later had serious repercussions. He cautioned the bishops not to subject the church to further odium from the people by continued opposition to the bill. In his plea, Grey declared that he wished to see the rights and privileges of the church remain undisturbed and her doctrine remain pure. Ihen, re­ ferring to a bill against pluralities recently introduced by the archbishop, he uttered the statement from which the con­ troversy subsequently ensued;

^ G e o r g e Macaulay Trevelyan, Lord Grey of the Reform Bill (Londons Longmans, Green as Co• 1MT» P• 2897 "~CTxe3 fieri after as Trevelyan, Grey. of J Overton, English Church, p. 13« 23

*lfioae right reverend Prelates have shorn that they were not indifferent or inattentive to the signs of the times, they have introduced, in the way in which I think all such measures ought to he introduced, namely by the leading members of the Church itself, measures of amel­ ioration. In this they have acted with a prudent fore­ th o u g h t. ftm j appear to have felt that the ©yes of the country are upon them; that it i£ neceasary for them to set their house in order, ancPprepare to meeiHEh© coming storS.'”'"Y TmpTore tKeSTTo follow, in the present occasion, th e earns p ru d e n t c o u r s e .” 39

Despite Grey* a plea the horde Spiritual voted against the bill, twenty-one to two, and as a result stirred up fur­ ther severe anti-clerical sentiment and rioting across the land. Word that Grey had bidden the bishops to set their houses In order spread quickly across the country, and they became the object of every kind of vituperation that angry mobs could devise.^ Hie bill became law in June, X 8 3 2 .

Km P. hidden, a noted English theologian and writer, described the feeling of Church of England clergymen before passage of the Reform Sill as one of apprehension. After passage their feeling turned to one of perpetual alarm .^

Keble voiced his fears in October, 1 8 3 2 following pas­ sage of the bills

^Trevelyan, Grey, pp. 307-06. F o r another account of this incident considerably less kind to Lord Grey than the above see "State of the Government, The Quarterly Review, XLVI (Wov., 1831), pp. 276-78. ~

4 ° i m . d. , pp. 3X6-17.

^■ffenry Parry Lid don, Life of Edward bouverla Pua.y vols., i+th ed.; London: Longmans, Green St Co., I, pp. 265-66. Cited hereafter aa Llddon, Life.

±59827 Zk

I have been considering • • • what line It becomes the clergy to tales with a view to the possible proceedings of the first revolutionary Parliament, • • . and I have made up my mind that we can hardly be too passive until some* thing really illegal, and contrary to our oaths and en­ gagements, Is pressed on usi such as 1 conceive it would b e , w ere m to admit alterations in the Liturgy, or Arti­ cles, on less authority than that by which they were sanc­ tioned! or to be aiding in any compromise which should transfer corporate property to other people, or any pre­ tence of equalisation or the like* The only measure of the latter kind which i can think of with any sort of toleration would be the annexation of the great tithes, by the several Chapters and Colleges, to the livings from which they arise, idxerever such annexation is desirables and this appears to me not only expedient but a matter of absolute religious duty* • • • What 1 say la, let us be attacked from without, If it be God’s will, sooner than begin alterations within, with a set of presumptuous workers who cannot agree* • • • Everything looks like a sweeping storm at hand ***2

A small group of High Churchmen at Oxford was already

being drawn together by their mutual desire to defend the church and resist reform. Kehle, Richard Harrell Froude, and

John Henry Mewman, T o rie s a l l , d e d ic a te d th e m se lv e s to r e ­ sisting the khig reform measures* Such measures were prompted by utilitarians and "useful knowledge people** as Hewman con­ temptuously called them* Ihey believed a direct assault on tli® church to be inevitable*^ the assault was only a few months awayi It was to be In the form of a measure designed to legislate away almost one-half the dioceses of the church in Ireland*

It was said that the Reform Bill placed three-fourths of Ireland’s representation with priests and demagogues uhose power was due mainly to their hostility to the religion and

^ 1 bid* ^Faber, Apostles, p. 21*2. 25 government of England. In view of this it ©am© a a no sur­ prise that one of the first steps of the Reformed Parliament was a drastic measure against the Church of Ireland which proposed to eliminate ten of its twenty-two bishoprics.^*

the measure was Introduced into parliament in February,

X@33 b y L ord A lthorp, Chancellor of the E xch eq u er i n L ord

Grey’s government. It proposed to eliminate a special tax, the cess, imposed on all the Irish regardless of their reli­ gious belief, which was used to pay the costs of maintaining places for worship, thenceforth the cost would be met with church funds, which would be provided by reducing the total number of archbishoprics and bishoprics from twenty-two to twelve, resulting la a saving of 0,000. $he bill p a s s e d on

J u ly 30, 1 8 3 3 , and, to almost everyone’s surprise, created a strong rise of publio sentiment in favor of the church.1^

Many who had seen in earlier reforms no threat to the church but only the correction of political and social Injus­ tices, saw in the proposal to suppress the Irish bishoprics a very real threat to religion, with more almost certain to fol­ low. Ihe proposal was an unmistakable manifestation of the claim of the state to final authority in matters of religion.

^Overton, Knglish Church, p. 320. bid., p. 321. CHAPTER II

KEBLEfS EAHLT LIFE AHD ACTIVITIES PRIOR TO TEE MOVEMSBT

Originally residents of Suffolk, the Kebles had resided

In Gloucestershire since the sixteenth century. Sir Henry

Keble became Lord Mayor of London In l5 llt and helped rebuild

Aldermanbury church. Subsequently, Richard Keble acquired the manor of East Leach Turville in Gloucestershire, which remained a family possession until early In the eighteenth century. John Keble was the son of the Her. John Keble, him­ self a graduate and a fellow of Corpus Christl College, and vicar of Coin St. Aldwyn’s near Palrford. The younger Keble m s b o m I n 1 7 9 2 , which made him senior in age to others of the Traetarlan party. The family, a happy, close-knit group, was composed of five children—three sisters and one younger brother, Thomas, who, as did John, achieved considerable aca­ demic distinction at Oxford and later became a clergyman.

Until his enrollment at Oxford at only fourteen years of age, Keble remained at home under virtually the sole in­ fluence of his parents. He never attended a public school before his college days, but received his entire pre-college education from his father, who was aided, one of his biogra­ phers recorded, by two of his aunts, his father’s sisters who lived In Fairford. Keble’s later years were characterised by 2 7 a natural shyness and reserve which mss probably accentuated by his early environment, though he might have fared as badly or worse at a public school, hater In life Keble himself voiced the opinion that his lack of public school experience had Imposed on Mm certain problems—*. • • a certain desul- torlness in study and a want of practical knowledge of the world. . . .* Despite the weaknesses in his early education, wh@ grew up with a fresh genuine interest in classics and mathematics, in English literature and history; with an un­ questioning deference to his parent’s wishes. • . • Ihomas Mosley, who was associated with Keble during his Oxford days, described his early training as lacking that quality necessary to temper him for life outside the shelter of his own family circle. "He could only live in a calm and sweet atmosphere of hia own. He had not the qualities far controversy, or debate, which are necessary for any kind of public life. He very soon lost his temper in discussion. fhere was only on# way of getting along with Keble in contro­ versy, and that was to submit and agree with him completely. "If he could avoid controversy," wrote Faber, "he avoided it;

^W alter Lock, John Kebles a Biography (^ondon: Methuen & Co., 1893 )9 P* 2. Sited hereafter'as Lock, Keble. **T. Healey, Reminiscences Chiefly of Oriel College and the Oxford Movement (2 vola• , 23 ed ’7;""C onSSn : Longmans, Green & 'to., 1 8 8 2 pp• 219-20. Cited hereafter as ho?,ley, Reminiscences• 2 8

If he could not avoid it he lost his tem p er . Notwith­

standing the disadvantages of his early life his subsequent

academic accomplishments at Oxford were outstanding.

Prom the background depicted above# Keble went to Ox­

ford, where, after an unsuccessful attempt to enter Magdalen

College, he received, In December, 1806, an open scholarship

to Corpus Christl College. Early In 1807, while only four­

teen years of age, he entered college. His early college

life was uneventful. Corpus Christl then was a small college,

which had the effect of encouraging cloae intimacies among

the undergraduates. Keble developed some very close friend­

ships during this period, xaost of which he retained through­

out his life. John f. Coleridge, nephew of the poet, re­

mained a lifelong friend. He later became Keble*s adviser on

ecclesiastical-legal questions, and finally became his biog­ rapher. Charles Dyson, perhaps the most intimate friend of

all, remained one of Keble1s most treasured confidants

throughout hia life • There was another friend, Thomas Arnold, a religious liberal, who was to play a major, though opposing, role in the religious revival soon to originate at Oxford#^

One of the most Important results of these and other friendships m s their effect on the reserved young home-bred boy of instilling in him the confidence which was lacking as a result of his earlier training. In a less favorable and leas congenial atmosphere such a temperament as his could

^Faber, Apostles, p. 96. U-9 i^ock, Keble, pp. 29

have become even more restrained and withdrawn! in that in

which he found himself it blossomed and flourished*

In the summer of l8l0 .Keble gained a rare academic dis­

tinction in his college, a double first-class in classics and

mathematics, a distinction achieved before that time by only

one other person, Sir Robert Feel* It was all the more

remarkable because of his youth and his supposedly imperfect

preparation for college* Keble passed his final examination

in Easter term, 1810 and received his degree. He remained at

Corpus and on April 21, l 8 ll, Just before his nineteenth

birthday, was elected to an open fellowship at Oriel College.

Election as a fellow of Oriel was a singularly great

distinction for Keble, particularly in view of his youth.

His progress at the University from this point onward was rapid. During the following year he achieved notable academic

successes, gaining both the chancellor9s essays, the English

essay on translation from dead languages, and the Latin essay on a comparison between Xenophon and Julius Caesar as m ili­ tary historians. No one else during his time achieved such o u ts ta n d in g acad em ic s u c c e s s e s . As an u n d e r g r a d u a te , Newman was awed by Keble9s achievements• Describing him later, New­ man said that n m . .1 shall only mention Keble. At eighteen he took two first classes. Soon after he gained the two es­ says in one year, and a fellowship at Oriel. He is the first 30

man in Oxford ^Italics not in the origlnal/V1^ His accom­

plishments earned for Mm, in addition to the great personal

distinction, numerous financial awards and other gifts*

Keble never succeeded in achieving the easy fam iliarity

at Oriel that he had enjayed at Corpus* The atmosphere in

Oriel common room was one of vigorous, questioning, penetrat­

ing discussion which repulsed rather than attracted him* He

at first had no duties in the college but devoted his time to reading and to Instructing private pupils* He was offered a

sub-1ibrar1an ah ip at the Bodleian Library in 1 8 1 3 but did not

accept it* F*»om I 8 II4. to 1 8 1 6 he was public examiner in the final schools, m s ter of the schools in 1 8 1 6 , and was again public examiner from 1 8 2 1 t o 1 0 2 3 *

During the time that he had no regular Instructional duties Keble read widely on a variety of subjects in history, literature, and theology, with theology coming more and more to occupy hi a attention* Included among hi a reading was

Ariosto, Chateaubriand, Madame de 3tael, Blackatone’s Commen­ taries, Ockley* s Histo ry of the Saracens, Spenser, Words­ worth, Southey, and Byron*

As a fellow of Oriel Keble found himself, while still only a youth of nineteen, in the most distinguished society to be found in Oxford. Coleridge described the Oriel College

^John Henry Newman, he t ter a and Corre apondence of John H enry Newman d u rin g h i s l i f e i n 'i 'h e E n g l!s h C hurch, 1 e d • Anne Mosley "(if volI'r’jf 1^'nSon: ^ongmans, Green as Co*,r,TT8>91), I , p* 75* Cited hereafter as Newman, Letters* Letter from J. H. Newman to h i s f a t h e r , May 16, 1 8 SFI 31

of Keble*s tine as tf* • . that foody, which even then gave the

tone to the Intellectual pursuits of the University, and

which within a few years, by the gradual accession of remark­

able men, was to acquire name and celebrity far and wide* * •

#w5 l there were two factors, however, which Influenced him

to give up his place in Oriel and return to Fairford* He was never as content in the more stilted air of Oriel as he was

at Corpus, and his interest In theology was on the Increase*

ftsa six years at Oxford since his enrollment as an un­

assuming freshman had seen him rise to the top of the ladder

of university reputation* lawman, describing the scene at his own election as a fellow of Oriel in April, 1822, a©ids

”1 could bear the congratulations of • • • but when Keble ad­

vanced to take my hand 1 quite shrank, and could have nearly

shrunk into the floor, ashamed at so great an honor* * . •

Keble*s achievements and the high esteem in which he was held could easily have had unfavorable effects on someone with less humility and with the immaturity of Keble, but it was not so with him* 11 His honours,” wrote Church, ”were borne with meekness and sim plicity; to his attainments he joined ©

temper of singular sweetness and modesty, capable at the same

-^\John Taylor Coleridge, A Memoir of John Keble (2 voIs•, 2d ®d* w* core*; London s~J• Parker W ’'ffoT/THS^T), I, p* ij.8 * Cited hereafter as Coleridge, Keble *

^Hewman, betters, I, p. 72. 32 time* 'when necessary, of austere strength and strictness of p r i n c i p l e . «t the height of his success at Oxford he determined to devote his life to the church.

I n 1 6 1 4 , in anticipation of his approaching ordination as a priest, Keble wrote Coleridge and described his Inner* most feelings ms he neared %£iat he considered one of the most

Important events of his life. Keble revealed his high esteem for spiritual matters, his lack of concern for secular af­ fairs, and his disdain of worldly anxiety and aspirations ms he sought to dedicate himself heart and soul to the work of a clergymans

The salvation of one soul la worth more than the framing of the Magna Charts of a thousand worlds. • . • Can there he, even among the angels, a higher privilege that we can form any idea of, than the power of contributing to the everlasting happiness of our neighbour, to be especially delegated and assigned to us by Almighty God? I would t h a t 1 were as free from worldly care and ambltlon^as the thought of . . . my high calling ought to make me.^U

On T r in i t y Sunday, l 8 lf>, shortly after reaching his twenty- third birthday, Keble was ordained deacon by the Bishop of oxford? one year later he was ordained priest.

In 1 8 1 5 he began assisting his father in the parish of

Coin 3t. Aldwyn 1a, and during the summer of that year he as­ sumed sole m inisterial responsibility for the two neighboring villages of East Leech and Burthorpa. ‘Hi® pariah and minis­ terial duty was Keble*a work for the next two years.

^Church, oxford Movement, pp. 2 3 * 314..

^Edward p. L. Wood, John Keble (London; A. R. Mowbray & Co., 1909), p. 11. Cited TareaftSer as Wood, Keble. 33

Toward the end of l 8 l? he was Invited to return to

Oriel as a tutor* Reluctant to leave his curacy, he accepted the position at Oriel with some misgivings and only after much hesitation* By accepting the posi tlon, however, he ac­ quired once again a close connection with Oxford, where he remained for the next five years* During these years he shared the parish work in Gloucestershire with his brother,

Tom* Each performed the duties on alternate Sundays while the elder Keble attended to the work during the week* During these years Keble came to realise more than ever that his real Interest lay in the pastoral life of a clergyman in a country parish*

His mother died in hay, 1823, Increasing Keble 1 a d e s i r e to return and live near his aged father* In 1 8 2 3 he gave up the Oriel tutorship and returned to devote full time to his curacy. He became curate at Southrop, near Fairford, and also retained responsibility for the two small villages of

East Leech and Burthorpe. During the three years that he re­ sided at Southrop he was offered the Archdeaconry of Bar'oa- does, which he declined* This period, from 1023 to 1826, was an Important one for Keble in developing his principles and imparting them to others* * These three years,” declared

Lock, "are in some ways the most important of his life. They laid the germs of the Tractarian movement."^

£%bld., pp. 13-15. ^6U>ek, Keble. p. 16. Uhen Keble left oriel for Southrop in 1823 several of

his pupils followed Mm to continue under his tutorship*

Three of them were men of considerable ability and promise—

Burrell Froude# Robert Wilberforce, and Isaac Williams.

While they were being molded and influenced by Keble, he in

turn was being subjected to their searching and questioning

intellect, particularly that of Froude. Keble1s own nature

expanded under their association, but the effects of his re­ ligious and moral teaching on hla pupils were to be of much greater and more far-reaching signifieance. ”^ong before the

Oxford movement was thought of • . . / wrote Church, "a num­ ber of its characteristic principles and ideas had taken

strong hold of the mind of a man of great ability and great seriousness. • • • John Keble. • . After he had in­ stilled these principles in the minds of his pupils they con­ tinued to develop and became, in some respects, of greater consequence than they had been in the mind of the teacher.

In 1825 Keble accepted the curacy of Hursley under

Archdeacon Keathcote, ending the brief but fruitful period at

Southrop with his pupils. He did not remain long at Hursley.

In 1826 his "favorite" sister, Mary Anne, died suddenly at

Fairford and once again he returned to be near his father and sister. He remained at Fairford as his father’s curate until the death of the elder Keble in 1 8 3 5 , refusing the offer of several higher positions during this period In order to

5?Church, Oxford Movement, p. 23. 35

*>8 remain near his aged father*

Despite the fact that he had become one of the moat

distinguished men in Oxford, Keble, in his life as a clergy­

man, never deviated from the modest, unassuming manner which

had always been character!atic of him* He led a simple,

pious life| *• • • he went in andout among the poor, he was

not averse to society, he preached plain, unpretending, ear­

nest sermons; he kept up his literary Interests Isaac

Williams, who found his acquaintance with Keble and his asso­

ciation with him in the country at Southrop the turning point

of his life, regarded with admiration and astonishment

Keble’s treatment of the poor In his diocese:

nAt Harrow, as at other public schools, the poor were never spoken of but by some contemptuous term—-looked upon as hateful boors, to be fought with or cajoled for political objects; but for them to be looked upon with tender regard and friendship more than the rich, and in some cases even referred to as instructors of the wisdom which God teaches—this was a new world to me **®0

But he was capable of the most extraordinary sternness,

even fierceness, toward those who sought the overthrow of the

Anglican church, the church that he believed had descended

directly from the apostles* Mewman, during his Mediterranean

$®Lock, Keble, p. 21.

^Church, Oxford Movement, p. 24.

saac Williams, The Autobiography of l aaae Williams (b o n -ion s bongmana, Green & Co., 'IBC)2J”, quoted'"in William G. Peck, The Social Im plications of the Oxford Movement (Hew York: C^rTeiH fcrm ...... 5Z.-TTS53TW eafter as Williams, Autobiography. 36

Journey In the fall of 1032# a time when unprecedented at­ tacks on the church were taking place, declared! "We are In good spirits about the prospects of the Church. We find

Keble is at length roused, and (if once up) he will prove a se co n d AmbroseKeble had imbibed deeply of the teachings of his Ion-juror father during his youth, absorbing ideas and principles to which he tenaciously clung throughout his life .^ He was intensely loyal to the Church of ingland and found In the Prayer-book an adequate standard of doctrine and practice. He held no sympathy for the Evangelicals, and was a thorough High Churchman and a strong io ry .^

hate in 1827 Keble, on the advice of his friends at Ox­ ford, consented to become $ candidate for the presidency of

Oriel College which had recently become vacant. There was only one other candidate, Edward Hawkins, a former fellow of

Oriel and vicar of St. Mary's church. Hawkins won the elec­ tion, with both Hewrnan and Pusey easting their votes In his behalf, an act both later bitterly regretted when Hawkins be­ came one of the most outspoken critics of the Oxford move­ ment. Heither of the two, however, knew or understood Keble then as they did later I n the iSjO's after they became allied

^Mewman, betters, I, p. 377.

^Faber, Apostles, p . 95 * The Hon-jurors were the clergy of the state church who refused to take the oath of allegiance to William and Mary, or to their successors, after the revolution of 1606.

^3church, O xford Movement, pp. 24-25* 37

In their common cause* Keble accepted the defeat with the

grace and calm so characteristic of him, and returned to the

pastoral diocese that he loved so well. It was said that the

d e f e a t and the graceful way in which Keble accepted it was

perhaps a blessing in disguise, that it may have been largely

responsible for the Influence he exercised over Pusey and

Hewman i n l a t e r y e a r s , and t h a t a s th e c o n tr o v e r s y r a g e d In

Oxford his remoteness from the scene of conflict enabled him

to view the strife with more objectivity and wisdom than if

he to o had been present on the scene. He became a distant,

u n se e n influence, exercising more authority perhaps in his

absence than he would have had he been present.^

In the late 1020*s Keble published a work which gained

him a solid reputation as a religious poet and endeared him

to untold numbers of his countrymen. It appeared anonymously

in June, 162? as a small volume of religious verse under the

title fhe Christian fear. Ihe book enjoyed an Immediate and

sustained popularity that ©ame as no small surprise to the

author and his friends. Biere was a strong demand for more

copies and In less than a year a second edition was printed.

Before the author’s death in 1869 It had gone through ninety-

five editions and in the seven months following Keble *a death

an additional seven editions of 11,000 copies each were

sold. ^ Each of the earlier editions consisted of from 3,000

6 Ui,ock, K e b le , pp. 2 3 -2 5 .

^Kenneth Ingram, John Keble (London: P. Allan, 1 9 3 3 ), p . 314., Cited hereafter asTTngram, Keble. 38 to 5 # 0 0 0 copies. Keble1s verse found a place in the hearts of his readers that few other mirks of religious poetry have fo u n d . 11 When the general tone of religious literature was so nerveless and Impotent, as it was at that tim e,” wrote Hew- man, MKebl© struck an original note and woke up in the hearts of thousands a new music . . . long unknown in England.”

Keble was ,fborn a poet, steeped in all that is noblest and tendersst and most beautiful in Greek and Roman l i t e r a ­ t u r e . ...” and held the keenest sympathy with that new school of poetry, typified by Wordsworth, which was exploring the deeper relations between nature and the human soul.^7

Never did he engage in the writing of poetry for exhibition or publication. For him it was a personal thing by %hieh he gave vent to his deepest emotions.

Poetry had been one of Keble*a favorite means of ex­ pressing himself ever since his undergraduate days. II© began as early as 1 8 1 9 composing the poems ifcich comprised the vol­ ume published anonymously in 1 8 2 7 , and within a short while he had conceived the Idea of a series of poems coinciding with each Sunday and Holy Day throughout the year.^ He added to the collection during the time of his tutorship at

Oriel, and added still more during his pastoral work in

Gloucestershire and Hampshire. Events occurred during these

^Hewman, Apologia, p. IS.

^church, Oxford Movement, p. 2$*

6 ®Lock, Keble, p. 50. 39

years which stirred him profoundly—the death of his mother in 1823 and his sister in 1826, and his rejection by a young lady whose hand he had sought for yeara.^ These events, and others, left their mark on Keble and his poetry* Ihe collec­ tion of poems, one for each Sunday and each of the Holy Days, was intended as an accompaniment to the services of the

Prayer-book.

The author had never contemplated formal publication of the poems, but i&en pressed by his friends and urged by his father, who wished to see the work published before hla death, Keble yielded and allowed publication, on condition that the name of the author be w ithheld.^ He continued the veil of anonymity in future editions.

Pusey stated many years later that Keble *. • • never liked to speak of the volume or hear it spoken of.* The reason he did not, Pusey explained, was that it laid bare his innermost feelings and emotions. In the words of an aged parishioner at Hursley who remembered Keble, and who spoke of him with deep emotion many years after his death: **Father and I do read the Christian Year every Sunday, and it do bring him out to us more than we knew even when he was aliv e.’

It laid bare his deepest feelings of love and penitence; it had been written purely for his own relief, and it seemed to be wanting in due reserve to publish It.Throughout th e volume Keble lamented the sad state of the church and

69I b i d . , p . 53 • 70X b ld .. pp. 514.-55. Tlx b i d . , p . 5 7 . kO exhorted his brethren to be faithful and firm in their call­ ing even to the point of death* It befitted Christians in the face of adversity, he believed, to draw closer together in the bonds of brotherhood.^ In the words of Overton,

" K eb le 9s yChristian Year1 was partly the cause, but partly also the Index, of a change of feeling which had been going on for some time. • • .

"Ihs Christian fear,” wrote F. W. Cornish, w. • . marked Keble out as the mouthpiece of that deeply-felt disap­ proval of the modern theories of religion and politics which are summed up in the word Liberalism. Both Keble and Wew- man regarded liberalism as little more than a device of the devil and as such to be opposed a t all costs. Keble*s book of poetry was, in a sense, a protest against liberalism . I t taught no new creed or concept, although certain of its teachings had been so long buried and forgotten that to many of his readers they did seem new. With Its popularity and widespread circulation among both clergy and laity it aroused many to come to the defense of the doctrines and teachings which it contained. It Infused new meaning into the Prayer- book and reinstated much of the old High Church tradition in the minds of the people. f‘Eigh Churcbmanahip," asserted J.

A. Froude, ,fhad been hitherto dry and formal; Keble carried

7% bid., p. 59. ?3<>verton, English Church, p. 201*.

^Cornish, .English Church, p. 222. into it the emotions of Evangelicalism, while he avoided angry collision with Evangelical ©pinlona.w75

Keble*s poems have also been described as forming a junction between Romanticism and the Oxford movement. They exhibited the same profound religious sentiments, the same awe and reverence at the unseen mysteries of God, that became one of the primary aspects of the High Church r e v i v a l . 76

In short, Keble * s Christian Year has been characterised as the herald or forerunner of the Oxford movement. *More effective as &*aetarian propaganda, * wrote Knox, "than either its Tracts or Sermons was its Poetry, and especially The

C h r i s t ia n Y e a r . 77 Also, tfKeble • • • heralded the XTectar- ian movement by his Christian Year,”76 and ff. • • it is not too much to say that The Christian Tear prepared the ground for the spread of the Tract&rian teaching. • . ,**79 Mosley observed that

not only did Keble lead, but he ms alone as an author. Had Keble remained quite as he was for two or three years more, and had the others been content to preach and to talk, half Oxford, and a great part of England, would have been called Kebleans to this day. . • . “ 0

The literary defects of the book were recognised from the first, and were acknowledged by Keble, «&o referred to his poems as "crockery,but this detracted little or not

fro u d e. Studies, IV, pp. 173-71*.

76arilloth, Revival, p. 71. 77Knox, Movement, p. 151.

7®jbid., p. iSif. 79jLngramf Keble, p. 3 4 .

^Mossley, Reminiscences, I, pp. 218-19*

^Faber, Apostles, pp. 98, 202-03. k2 at all from the effects it had upon Its readers. The meter was Imperfect and the construction needed Improvement. Mur­ rell Froude did not let his reverence for Keble hinder him from speaking hi a mind on the faults of the book? he admon­ ished Keble that he seemed to have addressed himself too com­ pletely to plain, ordinary people to the exclusion of the higher classes, also that the diction left much to be de­ sired.®** Faber observed that few, If any, modern critics would consider Keble*a work good poetry, and that fewer still would call it good religious poetry. Had it not been far the fact that It was exempt from serious criticism , he said, by virtue of its being in the category of religious poetry, it would have fallen into early obscurity.®-* afhile some of the deficiencies in technical skills of the author were obvious, and were acknowledged by the author himself, it Is obvious that even though Keble was not in the same class as the great

English poets of his era he was far above the rank and file.

His religious poetry had profound effects on its readers.

Dawson described the volume as % • • the classic of Anglican devotional literature.*®^ Keble*s distinction as a poet and a scholar resulted in

1 8 3 1 In the bestowal of an additional honor on him. During the winter of that year he was elected professor of

82Ibtd., p. 2 0 2 . fl3lbld., p. 98.

^Christopher Dawson, 'ihe sp irit of the Oxford Movement Clew Yorks 3heed & Ward, Inc., 1^33T7~P* lT 7 ~ cTteThereafter as Dawson, Spirit. k3

■poetry at Oxford.®® The duties of the office were such that they did not require the incumbent to reside In Oxford, but the election did permit him to strengthen ties with the Uni­ versity and with friends «ho held religious beliefs similar ox to his own. He was required to give several lectures a year, all of which were delivered in i*atin. Due perhaps to the language factor his poetry lectures have never received much publicity.® ^

Ihe appointment did serve as a recognition of Keble1s poetical claims as author of The Christian Year. J • C.

Shairp deplored the fact that a poet of Keble* 3 c a l i b e r should have been so handicapped as to be required to deliver his lectures in hat In.®® He held the office until l8 lj.l.

"Poetry is essentially for him,rt wrote Walter hock, **a relief to the poet, a relief for overcharged emotion. It Is the utterance of feelings which struggle for expression, but which are too deep for perfect expression at all. • • •

Keble maintained that all feeling, whatever its kind, was continually seeking an outlet for expression. Infants found expression in ways peculiar only to them# while adults found their outlet mainly In speech. "My heart was hot within me,

®®Wakewan, Introduction, p. US 7*

Samuel Hal l, i .short Ilia to ry of the Oxford Movement (Londons Longmans, Or e’en m G o . 146©), p7"l>2. Cited hereafter as Hall, History.

®?J. C. Shairp, John Keble: an Essay on the Author of the •Christian Year* (OTnburgfi ?' .^dSonafon leDouglas # X865T# p. ijlgl ClteT™hereaftor as S h a irp , K e b le .

8 8 l b l d . ^^ck , Keble, p. 30. 4 4 and w h ile I was thus musing the fire kindled* and at last I spoke with my tongue"^ was a verse from scripture often quoted by fleble as descriptive of the essence of all poetry*^

By the early 1 ^ 3 0 * s ITeble * s influence* through no par­ ticular effort on his own part, was such that he had come to be sought for advice and counsel by a large circle of friends and acquaintances- "what was it," queried Church* "that turned him by degrees into so prominent and so influential a person?"^ the question* posed by one of Keble’s contempo­ raries, has perhaps never been completely and fully answered*

Ifcere were no striking outward characteristics to set him apart from many other good clergymen throughout England who were sim ilarly alarmed at the growing boldness of the enemies of the church* and at the threat of liberalism to the tran­ quility and security of her priesthood- Keble had not the personal qualities needed to attract around him large numbers of friends, though he was a thoroughly convinced and highly devout churchman* huiable* utterly without worldly ambition* and with a high sense of responsibility for his duty toward the church and its officials. He was lacking in those elusive qualities which draw others and mark one out as a leader.

But there was* nevertheless* a mysterious influence that ra­ diated from Keble and marked him out as one of the foremost leaders, in Its initial phase, of the Anglican revival of 1 8 3 3 *

^Psalms 39:3- ^Eock, Keble * p* 30.

Church* Oxford Movement* pp* 26-2?* k$

The explanation for fCeble* a prominent role in the revi­ val must be sought In his character* Foremost among his at­ tributes must be accounted his deep and enduring humility*

"Had the full win# of notoriety affected him,* wrote Ingram,

”he might easily have become intolerably dictatorial In his assertions. He had just that singleness of conviction which makes for such a development**93 Likewise, had It not been for his mantle of humility, ICeble could easily have adopted an attitude of superiority toward the poor, as did many of his contemporaries* But he was saved from such pitfalls by his deep and unfeigned humility*

Another characteristic possessed by Kebl© in greater measure than most, if not all, of his colleagues, was pure spirituality. Even the Evangelicals, who ordinarily scorned the High Church party, recognised in fCeble a spiritual roan, as did the Noetics, a group of intellectual wags who frequented

O r i e l common r o o m . ^ w,Bie d e p th o f h i s p e rs o n a l r e l i g i o n , ” wrote Wakeman, "the transparent purity of his life and mo­ tives, made him the unconscious centre of strong religious influence* Although by nature retiring, gentle, and mod­ est, he was nevertheless a man of strong religious convictions, q A capable of expressing them sharply and emphatically.

High on the list of reasons for Eeble»s position of

^Ingram, Keble, p. 112* ^paber, Apostles, pp. 9^-95•

^Wakeman, Introduction, p.

^Overton, English Church, pp. lj.9, 61$,. 1*6 preeminence must be included his writings, particularly ihe

Chriatlan Year, which had w. . . a tone of religious feeling* deep and tender beyond what was common even in religious men in the author’s day* * . #«97 xt has been noted that one of

Keble*a parishioners, years after his decease, felt that she could see in his poetry his true character even more than she could see in him during his lifetim e ."*0 Again, in the words o f Wake man,

. . • the publication of the Christian Year brought these qualities of his mind and souX to "bear upon the mind and soul of the Church at large. Its delicacy of thought, its tenderness of expression, its unmistakable spiritual­ i t y o f tone, crept gently • . • into the affections of spiritually minded people. • . .99

Referring to the prominent role of friendships during the course of the Oxford movement, Dawson accounted for

Keble 1 s ascendancy by the personal affection that he inspired among his associates, especially among his pupils. 100 su ch affection, however, was by no means lim ited to his pupils.

Newman w ro te , w h ile on h i s M e d ite rra n e a n jo u rn e y , a s he la y ill at Syracuse early in 1©33, that nl beg.an to think of all my professed principles and felt that they were mere intel­ lectual deductions from one or two admitted truths. 1 com­ pared myself with Keble, and felt that X was merely develop­ ing his, not my, convictions . 1*1 ®1 A few months later, as the

^"Keble and 1 The Christian Year*,” lort h British Review, XhV (Sept., 1 8 6 6 ), p . 25b*

Supra» p. 39. ^ Wake man, Introduction, p. b S l •

I^oawson, Spirit, p. 17* Letters, I, p. 1*16. k?

Tracts for the Hue» were being organised* lewman said to

Keblei tfYou shall be censor of the tracts, but we will obey no one else• Later when H. P. hlddon was contemplating writing a history of the movement, with Pusey as the central figure, Pusey recommended that Keble should be the central figure. MX should be glad to see it brought out,” he said,

" f o r J . K* was a mainspring. **^3

K eble * & outstanding academic achievements at Oxford played a part in creating the reverence in which he was held.

Mosley, describing him in 1026, said that "he was present in everybody1© thoughts, as a glory to the college, a comfort and a stay, for the slightest word he dropped was all the more remembered from there being so little of it, and from it seeming to come from a different and holier sphere.

Keble*s eight or nine years seniority also helped to create an attitude of deference toward him.

Faber, in his study of the bases of Keble * s Influence, concluded that the fundamental reason lay in his personal characteristics—personal!ty, appearance, and Individual man­ n e r is m s . Be outlined them in three broad aspects. In

Faber’s words,

. . . Keble*a ascendancy is a . . . mysterious affair. It rested, evidently, on personality. A man so charming and boyish and unaffected, so pure and sweet and good, so humble and so devout, so learned and so elegant, so capa­ ble of indignation for the truth, must have seemed to

1 0 2 I b l d , , p . U.73* 1 0 3u.ddon, IV, p. 339

lOUjloeley, Reminiscences, I, p. 37« 48

those who shared his vision of the truth a living p r o o f of their own rightness

Further, explained Faber, Keble*s physical appearance complemented and strengthened the impressions conveyed by his personality?

He was not handsome nor distinguished. A boyish figure, of middle height, with stooping shoulders, which he had a trick of every now and then squaring and flinging back; a well-shaped head with a "forehead and hair beautiful in all ages"; clear, brilliant, penetrating eyes, of dark brown; a plainly featured face, with a large mouth; his manner often rather shy and a little awkward. Iheae were the elements of the outward man.^-O®

Finally, facial expressions, mode of speech, and other mannerisms combined with his other characteristics to invest him with the influence that he seemed to unconsciously wields

But the expression which gave light to them ^Eis outward characteristios/ is something that can scarcely be des­ cribed - now quick and gay, now tender, now fiery. A man's manner of speaking has a great deal to do with the impression he makes upon his contemporaries. Keble had a singular power of making every word be used appear significant, "brilliant or a pearl.*1^7

Unfathomable as may have been the reasons for Keble*s influence on his associates, the Influence was nevertheless a very real factor in the role of leadership he played in the struggle with the enemies of the church.

105Faber, Apostles, p. 97. 106Ibld. 107ibld. CHAPTER III

OTHER PARTICIPANTS EARLY Iff THE MOVEMENT

A unique character is tic of the Oxford movement was its small number of active participants. Between the years 1 8 3 3 -

161*5 the movement had its greatest successes, and during that time the number of supporters who actively promoted the doc­ trines of the revival probably at no time exceeded one dosen.

Further, the group which gave in itial Impetus to the movement was composed of only three men—John Keble, Richard Burrell

Froude, and John Henry Newman. Edward B. Fusey, though not initially active, soon became a powerful figure In the reviv­ al. Many accounts of the movement place Fusey in a position o f l e a d e r s h ip e q u a l to t h a t o f K eble and Newman and om it

Froude who d ie d i n 1 8 3 6 while the movement was still in its infancy. But however short his participation in the movement,

Froude made a considerable contribution and any account of the origin and early years of the revival wauld be Incomplete without him.

Burrell Froude was bom in Oartington, Devonshire in

1003, the son of Robert Froude, Archdeacon of Totnes and Rec­ tor of Oartington. His father, rigidly orthodox and uncom­ promising, was a striking example of a Tory High Churchman of the old school. A younger brother, James, became famous as a 50 historian and essayist. Burrell, as he was called, grew up an extraordinary youth* Even when maIX he displayed a vein of unusual mischievousness which often distressed his parents*

.Though o f d e l i c a t e p h y siq u e he was r e s t l e s s l y a c t i v e . Fond of sports, especially sailing, he gave early evidence of gen­ ius, Imagination, and originality of thought far above the average* His earlier mischievousness found outlet in his more mature years in exaggeration and paradox; he enjoyed shocking friends as well as enemies with his polemics* Be was a master of Irony and disputation* However, even in his stormiest outbursts he always had a practical purpose or les­ son to teach, though he usually spolce with the utmost disre­ gard for the feelings of his opponent* Coupled with his im­ petuous! ty Froude had a charming manner and a striking physi­ cal appearance which endeared him to his friends.

froude* a contemporaries, in essaying to describe him, testified unanimously to his superior mental capacities and his high character* Mosley described him as

• • • a man such as there are now and then, of whom it la impossible for those that have known him to speak without exceeding the bounds of common admiration and affection, /and as one whose/ * * * figure and manner were such aa to command the confidence and affection of those about him. Tall, erect, very thin, never resting or sparing himself, investigating and explaining with unwearied en­ ergy, incisive in his language, and with a certain fiery force of look and tone. • • .luo

**To a form of singular elegance,” wrote Oakeley, wand a coun­ tenance of that peculiar and highest kind of beauty which

Mosley, Reminiacences, I, pp. 225-26. Si flows from purity of heart and mind# he added manners the most refined and engaging.

Arthur Perceval# in his characterization of Froude# des­ cribed the "fervent zeal and faighmiaded enthusiasm which shone from his eagle eye# and formed the charm of his conversation.

. • . One of the highest tributes to Froude came from another of his colleagues directly involved in the movement, one whose genius undoubtedly equalled# perhaps exceeded, that o f F ro u d e. Hewman d e s c r ib e d him as w. . . a men o f th e h ig h ­ est gifts—so truly many sided. . . . of high genius# brimful and overflowing with ideas and views# in him original. . . .

£m.I t o 7 an intellect as critical and logical as it was specu­ lative and bold."^^

At the age of thirteen Froude went away to school at

Eton but# when he was sixteen years of age# a serious illness required his removal from school. While recuperating at home

Hurrell caused his parents much anxiety by his unorthodox c o n d u o t . ^ ^

1 ^Frederick Oakelev# Historical Wo tea on the Tractarian Movement# A .D . I6 3 3 ~ l6 k 5 I Uoridon: Longmans, Green & £o.# 1B&5}# "p. O ltS a & re after as Cakeley, Motes. l^^A. P. Perceval# a Collection of Papers dealing with the theological iovement o£~~l6 S j (uoridon :'"’Hiving£ona#'161^)r# p. l5T ci ted Ke ire after as Perceval# Papers.

^l^Mewman, Apologia# pp. 23-2I*.

^^•^Faber# Apostles# pp. 196-9?. He often amused himself by ff. • • tea zing and vexing others." Reprimand made him "ob­ stinate and gloomy." He once told a near relative who had at­ tended him faithfully during his illness that she had lied and knew she did. He continually frightened his baby brother by pretending to be a wolf after promising not to do so again. 52

I n 1821 Froude matriculated at Oriel College where he

soon cams under the influence of Keble. the association thus

formed was to be of the utmost importance in bringing about

the merging of ideas which culminated in the Oxford movement.

Froude was attracted to Keble from the beginning of

their acquaintance. He was eleven years junior to Keble# and

the older man’s noble character and strong High Cbur*chmanship

tended to cause the High Church principles to which the younger had been exposed all his life to crystallize. Keble’s quiet

simplicity, his purity of heart# and Ms deference to others

captivated the lie art of the impetuous, pliant youth and tended

to turn his wild# restless energy into more useful pursuits.

"Keble’s scholarship#M wrote Faber, "dazzled him; he relished his humorous turn of phrase, his love of plain rustic speech

just touched by some hint of clas leal elegance# his freedom from any sort of pose or pomposlty• *^3 Keble, too# was in­ fluenced by the association with his pupil. Froude infused

into the teacher some of Ms impetuous, crusading spirit and inspired him on to higher achievements than might have other­

wise been expected from one of his retiring nature.

When Keble resigned his tutorship and left the univer­

s i t y i n 1 8 23 to devote himself full time to his perish# he

took with him several of his pupils to continue under his

tutelage and to read for their degrees. He settled at

1 1 3 I b i d . , p. 1 9 8 . S3

Sou thro p with Ms pupils, tdiere the process begun at Uriel

continued in ©n ©ir of easy familiarity* At douthrop as at

Oriel the flow of ideas was not ©11 In one direction; Keble

was subjected to the searching Intellect and dialectics of

the younger men, particularly Froude* In 1625 the Interlude

at Southrop was terminated mien Keble was offered end accepted

the curacy of Hursley, but not before he had left an indeli­

ble mark on the younger men. Referring to their association,

He man wrote that n Hurra 11 Froude was a pupil of Keble 1 s f

formed by him, and in turn reacting upon him.

Froude took his degree at Oxford and in 1026 was elected

a fellow of Oriel College. The following year he became a

tutor at Oriel. He returned to the college replete with

Keble*© thoughts and feelings, and with his oan m ilitant

spirit looking for ways to give them more effect. It was at

that time that Froude became acquainted with Newman# who also was a tutor at Oriel and had been a fellow since 1022. Newman had already been recognised as a man of great ability but he was suspect because of his Evangelical upbringing and his association with religious liberals* Froude, however, was attracted to Newman, as was Mewman to him, and the two became close friends* Each reacted on the other in the development of their religious beliefs. Newman said that "it is difficult

to enumerate the precise additions to my theological creed which 1 derived from a friend to whom I owe so much.

^%f@wmen, Apologia, p. 2 3 * ^^ibid*, p. 2 5 * 5k

They were of one accord In opposing the dangers confronting what they believed was the true church in England. "Towards

Hr. Keble," wrote Church, "Froude felt like a son to a lather 5 1 to w a rd s H r. Newman l i k e a s o l d i e r to h i s com rade. . • .

I n 1831 F ro u d e 1 a health, never robust and further jeop­ ardised by fasting, failed him and relatives persuaded him to go to a warm climate, hate In 1 8 3 2 , he, In company with his father and Newman, who was Invited to accompany them, sailed to southern Europe where they traveled for several months, they visited Home, a visit to which both friend and foe in later years attached the greatest significance. The trip ended for the Froudes in April, 1 8 3 3 when they returned to

England. Newman, entranced by the sights of Home and Sicily, extended his visit sufficiently to seek out and explore the wonders of the city and the island.

Froude made less direct contribution to the Oxford move­ ment than did others of the original group• His greatest con­ tribution was that he brought Keble and Newman to appreciate each other, without which the movement would never have taken the course that it did, or perhaps would never have taken place at all. "Do you know the story of the murderer," re­ corded Froude In his journal as death was approaching, "who had done one good thing in his life? Well, if I was asked what good deed 1 have ever done, I should say I had brought

* ^Church, oxford Movement, p. I 4.8 . 55

K eble and Newman to u n d e rs ta n d e ac h o t h e r #

Ihe acknowledged thinker, spokesman, and ostensible

leader of the small group after the movement was under way

was John Henry Newman* His background was quite different

from that of the other Tracteriana. he was bom in liondon

February 21, 1001, the son of a banker who was a member of

the new politically powerful middle class* His mother was

Intensely religious, his father only nominally so if at all.

But the religion of the Newman household transm itted to the

son by his mother was also unlike that of the other T rac­

t a r i a n s . It was Evangelical, and because of his Evangelistic

beliefs the High Church group at Oriel regarded him with suss-

plcion.*^ "During his first years at Oxford," wrote lawson,

"and even as late as 1821$., Neman was strictly Evangelical in

his Ideas and used the conventional language of Evangelical

p i e t i s m . 1,119

Newman entered Trinity College at Oxford in June, iSl?

with the Intention of s tu d y in g law. Be demonstrated unusual

scholarship his first year In college and at the end of the

year gained a Trinity scholarship. Among Newman’s freshman

H^Rlchard Hurra 11 Froude, Remains of the late R everen d Richard Hurra11 Froude, ed. J • Keble and 77 BTTtewman TI$ vol s •; London:'"Rlving'tons, 1838-39), I, p. b-38. Cited here­ after as Froude, Remains.

I l 8 j 0hn Tulloch, Movements of Religious Thought in B ritain during the Bineteen¥E"denlurj ?Ne-wIfork;' "dhSr'lea Scribner * s Sons^ r8H5T7H5T~9F« Si fed hereafter as Tulloch, T h o u g h t.

3*i 9 naw 3on, Spirit, pp. 31-32. 56 colleagues was John W. B ow d en , with whom he, despite Bowden’s three years seniority in age, entered into an intimate friend­ ship which continued throughout their undergraduate days.

Bowden later became the author of several of the Tracts for th e Time a . In 1821 Newman abandoned h i s a s p i r a t i o n s f o r th e bar, and decided instead to remain at Oxford, study for the clergy, and try for a fellowship at Oriel College* Examina­ tions for the Oriel fellowship were conducted during Easter week* Newman entered, won, and on April 12, 1822 was elected a fellow of Oriel. lie always looked back on that day as the turning point of his life. He also remembered it as the day of his first formal meeting with Keble.

The development of religious beliefs which were to carry him into the Oxford movement began with tfewman’a elec­ tion as a fellow of Oriel. The powerful minds with which he came in contact, the situations to vfciich he w as e x p o sed , began to dispel the Evangelical doctrines instilled In him by his mother. ,4In the early development of his ideas,” wrote

G* 0. Brodrick, whe owed much to the robust intellect of khately and the accurate criticism of Hawkins. . . • But his reverence was reserved for Keble. • •

C. Brodrick, A History of the University of Dxford (London: Longmans, Green S Co., Ic£ST, p. ?07. c'tiedTEcre- a f t e r a s Brodrick, Oxford. Richard Whately w as Vice-Provost of oriel when Mewman was elected a fellow. He was fourteen y e a r s tfewman's s e n i o r . Edward Hawkins w as a senior fellow when Newman was elected, as well as vicar of St. Mary’s, the ■university church, an office to which Newman was to succeed s h o r t l y . 57

During the ensuing years as a fellow of Oriel Newman

read and studied diligently, tutored private pupils, and re­

ceived an appointment in 1025 as Vice-Principal at St* Alban’s

Hall under Whately.*’2*' In 1023 he became acquainted with

Puaey, who was elected to an Oriel fellowship in April of

t h a t year* E a r ly i n 1826 a v a ca n cy o c c u rr e d and Newman was

appointed a college tutor at Oriel, and in 1828 succeeded 122 Hawkins as vicar of St* Mary’s church*

It was during these years that the budding friendship b etw een Newman and Froude b u r s t f o r t h i n t o f u l l bloom , th e y

were thrown Into closer association following Froude1s elec­

tion as a fellow of Oriel in 1826 and M s appointment as a

college tutor in 1 8 2 7 * the friendship gradually grew, each acting on and Influencing the other, with Froude Imparting to

Newman the ideas and principles previously Imparted to him by

Keble. the Oriel group’s suspicions of Newman because of his earlier leanings toward Evangelicalism and liberal theology

were gradually being allayed. nM. Is a fellow that I l i k e more, the more 1 think of him , ** Froude recorded in his journal

In 1828, !1only 1 would give a few odd pence If he were not a heretic.Netesan said of Froude many years later that he

’’knew him first in IS 2 6 , and was in the closest and most affectionate friendship with him from about 1 8 2 9 t i l l h i s

Faber, Apostles, pp. 150, 157* 1 2 2 Xbid., pp. 1 6 0 , 1 8 3 . INMMVWWMI*

^^3rroude, Remains, I, p p . 232-33* 58

d e a th i n l 8 3 6 .”i2^ By the late 1 8 2 0 *s the strong friendships

developing between these men at Oriel College were gradually

paving the way for the great church revival which was to come

into being in 1833* Church said that 11 th ro u g h F ro u d e , Newman

came to know and to be Intimate with Keble; and a sort of cam­

araderie arose, of very Independent and outspoken people, who

acknowledged Keble as their master and counsellor*

Newman’s appointment to the viearship of St. Mary’s was

an important step in his rise to a position of preeminence.

He was an eloquent speaker, and his Sunday sermons came to at­

tract large numbers of under graduate a. MXt was at this tim e,”

he wrote later, wthat I began to have Influence, which stead­

ily increased for a course of years*w*2^ ftThe Parochial Ser­

mons at St. Mary*s,* observed Liddon, Hstruck a note which

seemed new when It sounded first, and Which, even yet, has not ceased to vibrate.**2^

L a te i n 1 8 3 2 Newman c o n s e n te d to accom pany Froude and his father on a tour of southern Europe and the Mediterranean.

Hie prospect of such a trip in the company of such a companion as Froude almost overwhelmed him. The travelers departed Fal­ m outh on December 5» 1 8 3 2 . Their vessel cruised about the

Mediterranean before they finally disembarked In Sicily. The lure of those historic & southern lands, so rich in Biblical

1 2 ^Newman, Apologia, p. 23*

i 25ehurch, Oxford Movement, p. 31.

Apologia, p. 16. 127ulddon, Life, I, p. 272* 59

and ancient history, fascinated Neman as he wandered over

them while turning over In his *oind the stories of their il­

lustrious past# After viewing the sights of Sicily, the

travelers turned northward across the Straits into southern

Italy, with Naples their first major stopping place#

I t was a t N ap les t h a t word f i r s t r e a c h e d Newman of th e introduction of the Irish Church Temporalities Bill into par­ liament by Lord Grey, fit no time during the trip had England and the problems facing the church been far from his mind, even though he was outwardly utterly beguiled by the beauties of the Journey. "England was in my thoughts solely. # . .,** he wrote, *the Bill for the Suppression of the Irish Sees was in progress, and filled my mind. I had fierce thoughts against the Liberals.Newman believed the liberals, on the continent as well as in England, responsible for many of the woes besetting the church. His criticism continued:

It was the success of the Liberal cause which fretted me inwardly. 1 became fierce against its Instruments and its manifestations. A French vessel was at Algiers; I would not even look at the tricolour. On my return, though forced to stop twenty-four hours at Paris, I kept Indoors the whole time, and all that 1 saw of thet beau­ tiful city was what I saw from the Diligence.1”

Next for that travelers was Home, which from first sight held a singular fascination for Newman. He was overwhelmed by its curious mixtures of antiquity and modernity. Mhile in

Home Newman and Froude made two calls on the English Con­ signor Nicholas Wiseman, Hector of the English College in Home.

128fjewman> A p o lo g ia , p . 3 3 . 129i b i d . 60

Neman later made little more than bare mention of the meet­ ings but Froude returned

• • • home even more utterly set against Homan Catholics than he had been before. His conclusion was that they held the truth in unrighteousnesa; that th e y were wretched Tridentines • . . | that the conduct and behaviour of the clergy was such that it was impossible they could believe what they professed. . • .*30

Tears later when the Homeward trend began in the movement critics remembered these visits and attached the most sinister implications to the .motives of the travelers.

I n Home Newman made th e u n u su a l d e c is io n t o e x te n d h i s stay approximately a month longer than he had originally planned, while the Froudes returned home in late April, 1833*

He remained behind in Rome and eventually retraced some of their earlier journey, first to Naples and finally back again to Sicily. He was overcome in Sicily with a deadly fever; so ill was he that for a time he despaired for his life. Newman owed M s life to a faithful servant, Ckmnaro, who nursed him through his illness. He recovered and set sail for home from

Palermo on June 13* 1 8 3 3 . He arrived in England July 9, 1 8 3 3 , five days before Keble preached the "assise" sermon on "Na­ tional Apostasy" from the university church pulpit, the event w hich Newman re g a r d e d a s th e s t a r t of th e O xford m ovem ent.1^

Though not a member of the original group of Tractar­ tans, Edward Pusey was in so me ways the most striking member

i 3%ozley, Reminiscences, I, p. 3Oil*

^31 The sermon was so called because it was delivered at a time when a large number of judges of the Superior, or As­ sise, Courts, were assembled at Oxford and were present in the a u d ie n c e . 61

of the small group of revivalists with which he formally

aligned himself in the summer of l835» He was born August

2 2 , 1 8 0 0 to well-to-do, aristocratic parents In whose home

traditional, High Church religion abounded# At the age of

seven he went away to school to prepare for Eton, which he

entered at the age of eleven* It was said that he kept at

his reading more than ten hours a day ^en he was eleven

years of age. His great scholarship and learning, for which

he was to be famous, had begun# For one year after leaving

Eton, Pusey received special tuition from Dr. Edward laltby,

v i c a r o f Buck d e n , near Huntingdon, end a distinguished Cam­

bridge scholar# W hile at Buckden Pusey met and f e l l m adly

In love with Miss Maria Barker, but the stern opposition of his father prevented an engagement until nine years later#

'Hie worry and frustration of those nine years were to have

serious effects on Pusey1s health . ^ ^ 2

In January, 1819 Pusey matriculated at Christ Church

College, Oxford# At first he had few close friends at Christ

Church, probably because of his natural shyness, his somewhat delicate health, and his preoccupation with the problems fac­ ing him In his relationship with Mias Barker# During the summer vacation In 1821 Pusey took his first trip abroad, a

journey to Paris in company with his older brother* Bn his return home, to his great dismay, he found that his father had forbidden all association between him and Miss Barker*

*32Faber, Apostles, pp# 131-32# 62

He was plunged into the deepest despair, and even began hav­ ing morbid apprehensions that he was losing his sanity. He considered giving up working for his degree and leaving Jx- ford, but was dissuaded from such a course by iUchard Jelf, one of his colleagues at Eton who had preceded him to Christ

Church. Jelf persuaded Pusey that to even think of losing his mind was to lose trust in God, and further, that reading hard for his degree was one of the best ways available to re­ lieve his distress over his seemingly hopeless situation* He returned to his studies, but was vexed by a severe despon­ dency for the next six years. Pusey plunged so completely into his reading that it was feared that he would jeopardise hia health? it was said that he read sixteen or seventeen hours a day. He graduated in Easter tern, 1822. At gradua­ tion his scholarship was praised by Keble, one of the ex- aminers.^33

Pusey*a graduation in high standing earned him a vaca­ tion and & trip abroad of three months duration which he spent exploring Switzerland* For almost a year before re­ ceiving his degree, Uusey had considered standing for an

Oriel fellowship, regarded then as the highest distinction to be gained in Oxford. 11 Ihe idea was first suggested to him,M wrote hidden, Hby a strong wish to know Hr. Keble, whose character even then inspired a strange reverence and love far

133|bid., pp. 132-33- 63

beyond the circle of hia Ixmaediste acquaintance• ^ He be­

came acquainted with Mewman late in 1022 following his return

from the continent*

Pusey was plagued with ill health from the time he be­

gan reading for the fellowship examinations* During one of

the examinations he broke down from a severe headache and

tore up the essay he was writing* A friend pieced it back

together and presented it to the examiners, who adjudged it

excellent* He won the fellowship in 1023 and Joined a dis­

tinguished group of fellows composed of Keble, Hewman,

l&hately, Hawkins, and Jelf. HI a closest friends during his

years as a fellow were Hawkins, Jelf, and Mewman.^*^ Keble

resigned his tutorship and left Oxford In 1023*

In Hay, 1823 Pusey began attending the lectures of Dr.

Charles ^loyd, Regius Professor of Divinity at Oxford. It

was at Lloyd*s persuasion that he decided to study language

and theology in Germany. Pusey described later how Lloyd

approached him one day with a request that he devote some

study to German theology and how he obediently began studying

German and making plans to go to Gottingen to continue his

studies. He considered it a turning point of his life. He

left London for Gottingen on June 5# 1025# where he contin­ ued the study of German begun in England and attended the

*34Liddon, Life, I, p. 55* Unless indicated otherwise all subsequent biographical data on Pusey was taken from this source, pages 72- 1 8 5 .

*35paber, Apostles, p. 135* 61* lectures of Professor Johann Eichhorn, a German theological

scholar of tremendous learning. Pusey was disturbed by Aich- horn* s "total insensibility to the real religious Import of

the narrative,” but quite favorably Impressed by his great knowledge and ability. "Prom uichhorn , n declared Liddon,

"Pusey learnt the vaatness of the world of modern learning and the standard of work which was necessary In order to ex­ p lo r e i t . "

From Gottingen Pusey journeyed to Berlin, where intro­ ductions he oerried gained him an acquaintance with Frederic

Bc hie i er aa c he r , who was " I n 1825 the most commanding figure in the religious world of Berlin, and indeed in Protestant

Germany." At Berlin he renewed the acquaintance with Augus­ tus Tholuck that he had made earlier at Oxford. He continued his studies in Berlin until his return to England in October,

1825* 'Phis ended his first and shortest visit to Germany.

After returning to England Pusey realised that his short trip to Germany had only whetted, rather than satiated, his desire for a greater knowledge of German theology. He had been studying Hebrew and had come to realise that a know­ ledge of Arabic and the cognate languages was essential to proficiency in Hebrew. Be believed that knowledge of the He­ brew language was necessary in his future theological studies, particularly for the Old Testament. He wished to return to

Germany to continue his studies, and before the year was out he had made tentative arrangements to return. 6 5

Pusey sailed for Berlin June 17, 1826 "with the double purpose," he said, "of acquainting myself further with the

German theology and of learning the cognate dialects of

Hebrew." Among the lecturers he attended on the second visit to Berlin were Augustus Meander, the church historian,

3c hi e 1 er ma c he r , and a younger man named Ernest Hengstenberg, who gave private lectures in Syriac. In addition, he set to work learning Chaldee, and shortly began a study of Arabic, at which he spent fourteen to sixteen hours a day. Puseyfs efforts during his second trip were truly prodigious, and the long hard hours became a serious strain on his health.

In September he left for Grelfswald, on the shores of the Baltic, tdiere he was attracted by a distinguished Oriental scholar, "'rofessor Johann Hose gar ten. Under him Puaey contin­ ued his study of Syriac and Arabic, devoting moat of his time to Arabic. He ended his studies at Greifswald In November and returned to Berlin, where he found awaiting him letters fro m Hawkins and Newman u r g in g him to r e t u r n and a c c e p t a tutorship at Oriel College for two years. Acceptance of a full tutorship would have necessitated giving up his language studies, which Pusey was loath to do. Ha proposed instead to undertake a theological lectureship, which the college authorities rejected. In December he went to Bonn to study under .Friedrich Freytag, Professor of Oriental Languages In the University of Tionn. He spent the remainder of his time

In Germany studying at Bonn and left there for home 66

in June, 182?•

Pusey*s study in Germany had mad© him an accomplished

Semitic scholar and had greatly increased his knowledge of

modern proteatantism in Germany. It had acquainted him with

several eminent men, especially 3ehlei©r macher, who had opened

his mind to the vastness of the realm of theological inquiry

and whose influence was to follow him throughout life.

After returning to England Pusey continued the whirl­

wind pace which had become characteristic of him. He under­

to o k singlehandedly a corrected translation of the entire O ld

'ie a t ament. He published a book on German theology which em­

broiled him in controversy with the Rev. H. J. Rose of Cam­

bridge, ito was considered one o i the ablest critics of

German theology in England.

Early in November Pusey* s health completely broke doiei

and he was ordered to B r ig h to n for a rest. Me was stricken

by fearful headaches and his period of rest extended to four

months under the care of a physician before he was permitted

t o return* During this period the obstacles which heretofore had prevented Pusey*s marriage were removed. The wedding was planned, only to be postponed by the unexpected death oi his

father. He finally was married June 12, 1828.

An event occurred on September 25* 1826 which m s to hav e a g r e a t e f f e c t ont Pus © y * s 1 11*e ajn d wfo 3?* k. 0n th a t da y* .Dr.

Alexander Hi c o l l , Regius Professor of Hebrew at Oxford, died

unexpectedly at the early age of thirty-five. Pusey was chosen 6? to succeed him* the position was to occupy the remaining fifty-four years of his life.

The only man accorded any appreciable prominence in the movement who had no connection with Oxford was the Rev. Hugh

James Rose of Cambridge. An outstanding theologian, Rose was

”• • • undoubtedly the leading representative of High Church opinion In the c o u n t r y , He was described by Overton as one who had done more than any other person before 183 3 to bring English churehmen to an understanding of what English churchm an s h ip w a s .^ ^ Hose was bom in 1795# educated a t trinity College, Cambridge, and ordained in December, 1019.

He traveled in Germany for about a year in 1024-25 where he became fam iliar with some of the German rationalistic schools of theology. On his return he lectured at Cambridge and warned English churchmen against the rationalistic tendencies he had observed on the continent. He was recognised at that time as the foremost authority in England on German protes- tantiam. A true High Churchman, Hose desired restoration of the ancient Anglican doctrines and practices.^3®

I n 1 6 3 0 he became rector of Hadlelgh, in Suffolk, and

1 Dawson, Spirit, p. 79.

^370verton, English Church, p. 43*

^3%*ealle Stephens and Si dne y lee (e ds.}, National Biography (22 vola. 5 London: Oxford U n ivarsity'"S«as, r885-'r9T2T,'"XVII7 PP* 240-41• Cited hereafter as Stephens and Lee, D.N.B. 6 8

in 1832 established the B ritish Magazine and Konthiy Hejgister

of Religious and Ecclesiastical Information, commonly called

the British Magazine, to propagate High Church doctrine.

Hose visited Oxford In quest of contributors to hla magazine,

where he made the acquaintance of Newman, Palmer, Froude,

Keble, and Perceval, some of whom visited him at Hadlelgh in

J u l y , 1833 to discuss the state of affairs in the c h u r c h

Though Rose took no direct part in the Oxford movement he was In full sympathy with its aims from the beginning. One

writer described him as w. • • the actual Instigator of the

Oxford Movement . 11 Hewman r e c o g n iz e d B o se ’ s r o l e i n h e l p ­

ing to bring about the surge of feeling that culminated In

the movement by dedicating Volume IV of hi a Parochial and

Plain Sermons to him-—w to the Rev. Hugh James Rose, . . .

*&io, when hearts were falling, bade ua stir up the gift that was in ua, and betake ourselves to our true mother. . • .

Church also attributed to Hose no small share of responsibil­ ity in the origination of the movement, and described him as one whose name and Influence had ". . . been overshadowed and overlooked In the popular view of the Church revival

Another participant who had a leas prominent role in the movement than did others was Isaac Williams. He was born

*3^Ibld. *^Faber, Apostles, p. 1£*2.

^^John Henry lawman, Parochial and Plain Sermons (8 v o ls., new e d .; Londons Hivlhgtons,' T8B7),"'TV,vr’"p.'' v. <5ltad hereafter as Bowman, Sermons.

^^Churcfe, Oxford Movement» p. 96. 69 in Lales In 1802 but moved to .London while young where hi a father practiced law* fie entered Harrow In 1817 where he soon became conspicuous fo r his skill In Latin verse. So fam iliar did he be com with Latin that when told to write an

English essay he had to translate hla ideas out of Latin Into

English as he wrote.In June, 1021 he entered Trinity Col­ lege i&iere he gained a scholarship.*^

During the summer of 1822 Williams met Keble while he still resided at Oxford. He ever after regarded Ms acquaint* ance with Keble as the turning point in his life. In 1823 he gained Keble’a attention with a poem tdilch won the chancel­ lor’s prise for Latin verse. Keble offered his help in re­ viewing the poem and preparing it for publication. Itiis be­ gan the fam iliarity which was climaxed when Keble left the university in 1823 for a curacy in Southrop and Invited

VOL 111 m s, together with several other Oriel undergraduates, to r e s i d e wi t h him d u rin g th e summer and continue their studies.^-* The time spent with Keble largely determined

W illla ia s '3 future course and, to a great extent, his charac­ ter. "He came down to Southrop a happy heathen," wrote Faber,

"he left it a miserable sinner• The sight of the most distinguished academic in Oxford losing himself in a small

* Faber, Apostles, p. 199.

•^Stephens and Lee, D• XXI, p. 1*08. l^Church, Oxford -lovemfcnt, p. 6?. Faber, Apostles, p. 200. TO rural parish ministering to the needs of a few rough country folk, altogether without pride and without ambition, caring for and succoring the poor as much as or more than others cared for the rich and famous, all the while seemingly unaware that he was making any sacrifice at all, made an indelible im­ pression on the pliant mind of the young man which was never forgotten. Williams gained from Keble, said Church, n. . . two characteristic habits of mind—a strong depreciation of mere Intellect compared with the less showy excellences of faithfulness to conscience and duty; and a horror and hatred of everything that seemed like display. • . .

All that Williams could take over from K< ble he d id —

High Church theology, humility, renunciation of worldly pleas­ ures—and went back to Oriel a changed person. He had glimpsed in Keble a religion of unfathomable depth and it had left its mark on him. His life was considerably different after returning to Oriel from the visit with Keble 5 he a t ­ tempted to develop in his own life the things that he m oat admired in the older man. HurrelI Froude supplanted his for­ mer companions.^® In 1 831 he received a fellowship at trin­ ity College and in 1832 was appointed tutor. Soon after set­ t l i n g a t T r i n i t y he became c u r a te to Hewman a t S t. i a r y *3 church in Oxford. In 1833 he began sending, along with Froude

^^Church, Oxford Movement, pp. 6 8 - 6 9 .

Faber, Apostles, pp. 200-01. 71

and Keble, religious verses for publication In the British

Magazine, later collected and published under the title Lyra

A p o a to lio a

. the only really learned man among u a / ^ was

Hewman*s estim ate o f William Palmer in his description of the

early fract&rians. He was born in 1803 In Dublin, educated

at Dublin*s Infinity College, and migrated to Oxford where he

entered Magdalen Hall in 1628* Palmer was a profound scholar

who was well versed in all aspects of the controversy then

prevailing between the Church of England and the Church of

Home. I n 1 8 3 2 he published a learned work, Antiquities of

the English Ritual and a Dissertation on Primitive Liturgies,

a treatise on the history and significance of the offices of

the English church, which attracted widespread attention and brought him Into contact with Keble, Froude, Rose, Newman and others of the budding 1*ractarlan group.*-*** 11 Be understood theology as a science”; wrote lawman, "he was practised in the scholastic mode of controversial writing; and, I believe, was as well acquainted, as he was dissatisfied, with the Catholic schools. n*^2

A prolific writer, Arthur Perceval was also an active supporter of the movement, particularly in Its earlier, or­ ganizational phases. He entered oriel College in March, 1817,

* ^Stephens and Lee, 0«N*jd*, XXI, p. I|.09.

* ^Newsman, Apologia, p. £*0.

*5*-Stephens and Lee, D*N*j3*, XV, p. 169.

*^Newman, Apologia, p. I 4O. 72 and was a fellow of All souls 1 College from 1621 to 1825* He attended the Madleigh meeting late in July, 1033. His Col­ lection of Papers dealing with the 'theological Movement of

1 8 3 3 , which described the beginning of the movement, was among the earliest histories of the revival. A list of his writings covers three pages in the British Museum c a t a l o g u e .

Charles M arriott, as were many of his colleagues In the movement, was a fellow and tutor of Oriel College. He entered

Exeter College at Oxford early in 1829 and in October won a scholarship to Balllol College. In 1833 he was elected fellow of Oriel and soon thereafter tutor. At Oriel he became at­ tached to Newman and watched with grave concern Newmanfa grad­ ual alienation from the English church. His contributions to the movement were primarily in the field of scholarly works.

Newman re c o r d e d i n th e A p o lo g ia many y e a rs a f t e r he h a d withdrawn from the movement that

the true and primary author of it, . . .a s is usual with great motive-powera, was out of sight* Having carried off as a mere boy the highest honours of the University, he had turned from the admiration which haunted his steps, and sought for a better and holier satisfaction In pastoral work in the country.155

His estimate was essentially correct, insofar as Keblefs having provided the in itial inspiration for the movement.

It should also be noted that It was the interaction of

K e b le , F ra u d s , an d Newman on e ac h o t h e r , a t a tim e when

•**533teph«ms and bee, 2 *E#S * * p . 8 1 3 .

15\ bid., XII, PP. 1001-62. l5Sftev?man, Apologia, p. 17* 73 serious dangers were threatening the church, in which lay the real genesis of the Oxford movement. Without any one of

these three the movement would perhaps never have begun, or

at least would never have been what it was. Proude would have never been t&at he was except for his close association

with Eeble; he in turn brought to bear on Hewasn many of the

ideas and principles he had derived from Keble. l-roude

caused Keble and lawman to understand each other and unite In

the common cause. In the words of Church, ftKebl© had given

the inspiration, Froude had given the Impulse; then Hewman took up the work, and the impulse henceforward, and the direction, were h is.1**^

^5&church, Oxford Movement, p. 32 CHAPTER XV

THE SIGNAL FDR ACTIONS

KEBLE’ S SERMON 0 1 ^HAIXOVAL AFOSTASTf*

*. . . against this ruffian band

Coma to reform, where ne’er they came to pray .*1

In a nation seething with discontent and animated, as conservative minds believed, by a dangerously liberal and rev­ olutionary spirit; in a church riddled with abuse and charac­ terised by a thoroughly lackadaisical attitude, there suddenly sounded ttthe voice of on© crying in the wilderness , 11 c a l l i n g on his countrymen to return again to wthe good and the right way. 11 Despite widespread indifference and irreligion among churchmen, there did remain some whose loyalty to the Estab­ lished Church was steadfast, and who were determined to zeal­ ously guard It against the attacks of its enemies* John Keble was among the first to raise his voice publicly in defiance of *• » • the ruffian band, co m to reform where ne’er they came to pray*w^ 7

Keble was appointed by the Vice-Chancellor of the uni­ versity to preach the assise sermon at St. Mary-the-Virgin, the university church of Oxford, in the summer of 1 8 3 3 .

i^7^epxe, Lyra Apostollca, quoted in Lock, Keble, p. 7 8 . 75

I t was one o f th e noteworthy events o f th e summer f o r w hich

Keble left his pastoral curacy at Hursley to return to the

university; the judges of the Superior Courts were gathered

In state at one of their regular sessions for the occasion*

It was a time, too, when moat of the high officials of the

Church of England were filled with apprehension because the

bill for suppression of the Irish bishoprics, the Irish Church

Temporalities B ill, was under consideration in parliament.

This measure was extremely distasteful to most churchmen, es­ pecially to those of the High Church party* Host of the

bishops and clergy regarded the proposal as an act of spolia­

tion. ’The future of the church did appear dark. If half the

Irish bishoprics were extinguished those in England could be next* Lord Grey's earlier admonition to the bishops to set

their house in order was bitterly resented by the officials

of the church but was hailed with glee by its enemies*

As enemies of the church intensified their efforts, so

did Keble Intensify his efforts in seeking to thwart their attacks. He was not a man of action, nor had he any gift for party leadership. "But no one," declared Dawson, "could

speak with greater authority or with more intense conviction*

He was the living embodiment of the High Church tradition* •

• . While Hewman and Froude were absent on their Mediter­ ranean journey early in I 8 3 3 , Keble brooded over the aggres­

sions against the church until he concluded that M. • •

l^Dawson, Spirit, p. 88. 76 silence was a criminal acquiescence In an act of rebellion against God,**^59 Repeal the test and Corporation Acts and the attempted suppression of almost half the bishoprics in

Ireland seemed to him ,f. ♦ • to destroy the solemn eoTenant between God and the English nation which was the justifica­ tion of the Anglican Establishment.”^® the appointment to preach the assise sermon was welcomed by him as ext opportune occasion to warn the English people of the ominous dangers confronting their state church and them as a people.

In later years a writer In the Edinburgh Review said of the Oxford movement that **. • • It sprang Into existence* not as a religious or ohilosophic&l tendency, but as a political reaction against the panic which the Reform Bill created. • • i i Curiously, the ”thoroughly political origin” of the movement was attributed to the sermon which Keble preached before the university denouncing the suppression of the ten

Irish dioceses. "'This political antagonism,” stated the writer, "combined with fierce antipathy to liberals in every form and to Nonconformists of every denomination, formed the prevailing colour of the earliest * Tracts for the 'limes*

'This belief in a purely political origin was not shared by other writers who recorded the history of the movement.

X^9Ibld. x6oXbld.

x^x” The Oxford School," Edinburgh Review, CUII (April, 1881), p. 309.

l6 2 I b i d . 77

Neman said that n. . .o n Sunday, July li*th, Mr. Keble

preached the Assize Sermon In the Uni vex* sit? Pulpit. I have

ever considered and kept the day, as the start of the reli­

gious movement of IO 33 ^ t a lies not i n th e o r i g i n a l / 1*. " ^ 3

Keble selected as the basis for his sermon scripture

from I Samuel XII i23—"Moreover as for me, God forbid that 1

should sin against the Lord in ceasing to pray for you: but I

will teach you the good and the right way." The occasion was

the prophet 3a..iuelfs admonition to his countrymen when they

rebelled against God* a system of government and demanded an

earthly king to rule over them so as to be like the other nations who were governed by kings* the situation then pre­

vailing in England, Keble reminded his countrymen, could re­

sult in repudiation of their duty to God and ultimate apos­

tasy, as did the actions of the Jews in Samuel’s day.

In the "advertisement" (preface) to the sermon, pub­

lished July 22, 1 8 3 3 , Keble cautioned his readers of the spir­ itual desolation and ultimate ruin facing the church and the nation should the present trend continue. "Since the follow­ ing pages were prepared for the press," lie wrote, "the calam­ ity, in anticipation of which they were written, has actually overtaken this portion of th e Church of God.” the Irish

Church tbmporalities B ill had passed, and High Churchmen had cause to look more apprehensively than ever to the future of

the church. "It la a moment, surely," he said, "full of deep

^^jfewraan. Apologia, p. 35. 78

solicitude to all those members of the Church. who still be­

lieve her authority divine. . .

In his preface Keble posed a series of questions de­

signed to acquaint his readers more Intimately with the prob­

lems confronting the church:

How may they /church members^ continue their communion with the Church established, (hitherto the pride and com­ fort of their lives,T without any taint of those Erastian Principles on which aha Is now avowedly to be governed? What answer can we make henceforth to the partisans of the Bishop of Bom, tfeen they taunt us with being a mere Parliamentarian Church? And how, consistently with our present relations to the State, can even the doctrinal purity and Integrity of the M3ST SACRED ORDER be pre­ s e rv e d?3'®^

He declared the action of the state to be a "profane intru­

sion'* into matters strictly spiritual and that It was the sa­ cred duty of all churchmen to declare publicly their convic­ tion that it was an Intrusion* "This seems the least that can be done,1* he aaid, "unless we would have our children** children say, 'There was once here a glorious Church, but It was betrayed Into the hands of hibertines for the real or af- fected love of a little temporary peace and good order**w w

"What are the symptoms," asked Keble as he began his sermon, "by which one may judge most fairly, whether or no a nation, as such, is becoming alienated from God and Christ?”

The actions of the Jewish nation in insisting on a king and thereby alienating themselves from God, furnished a splendid

I 6 I1 John Keble, Sermona Academical and occasional (Ox­ fords John Henry -:jarker, ’I$ 4 8 )', 'p* X27. " c i t e d 1 hereafter as Keble, Sermons.

165lbid., p. 128. l66Ibld. 79 answer to this question. "And what are the particular duties of sincere Christians, whose l o t Is cast by Divine Providence in a time of such dir# calamity?,” he continued. Samuel’s conduct, both during the days t&en the Jews sought a king and later during King Saul*a reign, furnish as adequate an answer to the second question as may be fou n d .

To Keble the events which were taking place in England seemed to be analogous to those in which God*a elect had re­ jected His plan of government by judges and had demanded a king to reign over them so as to be like the heathen nations around them. Was not England, %&lch bad ”.. . for centuries acknowledged, as an essential part of its theory of government, that, as a Christian nation, she Is also a part of Christ’s

Church, and bound, in all her legislation and policy, by the fundamental rules of that Church. • • .** now endeavoring to disavow these age old principles and shed all restraint pre­ viously exer cised?^®

Such a change, if it ever did take place in England, believed Keble, would be motivated by some imaginary danger from without, such as, to go back to the case of the Israel­ ites, a threatened invasion by a neighboring people, the Am­ monites; or, by some real or imaginary grievance against secu­ lar authorities, as in the case of the malversation of Sam­ uel’ a sons, with whom he invested certain judicial authority.

" P r e te n c e s , 11 said Keble, "will never be hard to find; but, in

l 6 7 Ibld., p. 1 3 3 - 1 6 8 ibld.. p. 1 3 4 80 reality* the aonnent will always be traceable to the same de­

cay or want or faith, the same deficiency In Christian resig­ nation and thankfulness, which leads so many, as individuals,

to disdain and forfeit the blessings of the Gospel.11*^

Alluding to the recent liberal inspired measures—repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts, Homan Catholic e ■■nan ei pat I on, and suppression of the Irish bishoprics—together with the spirit of liberalism which was threatening to engulf the Eng­ lish nation, Keble proceeded to condemn roundly the spirit of indifference to the need for guidance along Christian princi­ ples in secular affairs that was becoming characteristic of his countrymen. One of the most alarming symptoms was the growing Indifference to the religious beliefs, or rather lack of religious beliefs, of those elected or appointed to serve

In positions of authority. Under the guise of liberalism the country was nearing the point where onevs faith in Christian­ ity was no longer a criterion as to his fitness in either public or domestic life. 'The practice was constantly becoming more common, he lamented, of placing men in the most sensitive and responsible positions with hardly a cursory Inquiry into their religious beliefs and standards. *Are not offices con­ ferred, ff asked Keble, "partnerships formed, intim acies courted,—nay, (what is almost too painful to think o f,) do not parents commit their children to be educated, do they not encourage them to Intermarry, in houses, on which Apostolical

l69Ibld., pp. 131*-35. 81

Authority would rather touch them to act a mark, as unfit to

be entered by & faithful servant of Christ?11^® K© was not

speaking exclusively, or even primarily, of public measures,

but of that pervading spirit of liberalism which was leading men ff. * • to congratulate one another on the supposed decay

of what they call an exclusive system.M*?*

Keble then delivered a slashing attack on the prevail­

ing temper of the time which he believed to be responsible

for most, if not all, of the Ills besetting the churchs

But this Is not a becoming place, nor are these safe topics, for the indulgence of mere feeling. The point really to be considered is, A ether, according to the coolest estimate, the fashionable liberality of this gen­ eration be not aacribable, In a great measure, to the same temper which led the Jews voluntarily to set about degrading themselves to a level with the idolatrous Gen­ tiles? And, if It be true any where, that such enact­ ments are forced on the Legislature by public opinion, is APQS3A3T too hard a word to describe the temper of that n a tio n ? *

Infringement on Apostolic rights, said Keble, would probably mark the beginning of the crimes of any nation

should it fall so low as to incur such Godly wrath and dis­ pleasure as did King Saul. The ultimate end of such a course

would undoubtedly be persecution of the true church, with the

state being led on in its evil course by various endeavors at accommodation and compromise with evil. The state could seek

justification for its actions in a multitude of different ways—the excuse could be toleration, as when King Gaul

1 7 °lPid., pp. 136-37. 1 7 1 I b l d . , p . 1 3 7 .

172Ibld., p. 1 3 8 . 82 disobeyed God and spared the Amalekites, or an imaginary threat to the security of the state, as fchen Saul sought

David’s life | sometimes nothing more than sympathy with popu­ lar feeling, as when Saul, disregarding established treaties, set out to destroy the remnant of the Glbeonites. These were the inevitable results of men separating all religious mores from their secular affairs*1^

5Ihe speaker then proceeded to another aspect of his subject, one In light of which he believed the entire matter must be considered If any practical improvement were to be made, 'Uhat should be the reaction of those who found them­ selves living in times such as those he had been depicting? nHow may a man best reconcile his allegiance to God and his

Church with his duty to his country, that country, which now, by the supposition, is fast becoming hostile to the Church, and cannot therefore long be the friend of God?" Recalling again the conduct of Samuel during the apostasy of his Jewish brethren, Keble declared that no better and safer pattern of conduct during such a time could be found than Samuel’s*

" Ihat combination of sweetness with firm ness,” said Keble,

"of consideration with energy, which constitutes the temper of a perfect public man, was never perhaps so beautifully ex­ emplified*” the prophet Samuel was sorely grieved and dis­ mayed at the demands put forward by his rebellious countrymen*

He was prepared to sternly resist them had he not been

^^Xbld*, p* 11|1 # 83

directed personally by God to acquiesce in their demands.

Even then he again solemnly warned the people of their folly

and placed the blame directly on them for whatever misfortune might ensue as a result of their wilfull disobedience* After

that the aged prophet, with a heavy heart, continued to per­ form the few duties left Mm while addressing the following words to his countrymen: w 0 od forbid that X should sin ©gainst

the Lord in ceasing to pray for you: but I will teach you the

good and the right way.”1^ Keble had resolved to do like­ wise, regardless of which pathway hi a own countrymen took.

Keble averred that should the Apostolic church ever be forsaken, degraded, trampled, and despoiled by the state and p eople of England, he could conceive no kinder wish for her than that her children be guided by those noble words spoken by the prophet Samuel to the Jewish people* He meant by the church, he explained, the laity as well as the three orders of the clergy, all united under the successors of the Apos­ tles, according to the will of Jesus Christ. Xhe example of

Samuel was a sufficient guide for all Christians, believed

Keble, whether they were acting individually or collectively as the church, should such adverse circumstances as those

%dilch he had described arise. Finally, he said,

the Church would • • • have to be constant, as before, in XNt&RC&SSXOH. No despiteful usage, no persecution, could warrant her in ceasing to pray, as did her first fathers

1 7 % b i a ., Pp. lii.l-lj.2 . Si*

and pattern*, ^Figurative language, alne* patterns cannot oraj/ for the State, and all who are in authority.*

Once that duty was done, the way was opened to the perform ing o f other duties which must he accomplished. Primary among these he included that of remonstrance. ,f REM J NS TP A MCE, calm , distinct, and persevering, in public and In private, direct and indirect, by word- look, anddemeanour, Is the unequivocal duty of every Christian . . . when the Church landmarks are 176 being broken down .*1 r

The preacher-poet next addressed an appeal directly to the judges of the Assise Courts, who constituted a sisable portion of his audience: "Among laymen, a deep responsibility would appear to rest on those particularly, whose profession leads them most directly to consider the boundaries of the various rights and duties, which fill the space of civilised

Society.* Those in this category, he reminded them, were invested id th much power and responsibility in forming and modifying public opinion. There was a close correlation be­ tween the dispensing of justice and the practice of pure re­ ligion. Particularly true was this in England, viewing the church and the law in light of historical recollections, as­ sociations, and precedents. n ,!he powers that be are or­ dained of God, * ** he reminded his listeners, "whether they foster the true Church or no . 11 Civil obedience and submis­ sion to the law continued to be the duties of Christians,

17S lb ld ., pp. 11*2-1+3. 17 6 ib ld ., p. 11*1*. 85

J u s t a s much during the present distress as during the days of pagan persecution* fhe greater degree of affectionate feeling one could engender toward the state, the easier obe- 1 77 die nee to its lews would become*

Keble concluded his address with a strong appeal t o a l l

Ms listeners for faith, patience, hope, confidence, and steadfastness In the face of the present distress:

T h e s e cautions being duly observed, I do not see how any person can devote himself too entirely to the cause of the Apostolical C h u rch in these realms* i h e r e may be , a s f a r a s he knows, but a very few to sympathise with him* He may have to wait long, end very likely pass out o f t h i s world before he see any a b a team nt In the triumph of dis­ order and Irreligion* But, if he be consistent, he pos­ sesses, to the utmost, the personal consolations of a good Christian: and as a true Churchman, he has that encourage­ ment, which no other cause In the world can Impart in the game d e g r e e he Is calmly, soberly, demonstrably, SUES, that sooner or later, HIS WILL BE TIE m m i m SIDE, and 0 that the victory w ill be complete, universal, eternal . * ? 8

Ho striking results were Immediately forthcoming fr o m

Keble’a disquisitlon* Overton observed that

the sermon may disappoint the reader at the present day, as It disappointed B ea n Burgon, who declares t h a t ” fche sermon in question Is by no means extraordinary*" Wor was it extraordinary In the sense In which the burning la n k u a f t c of the dean’s hero par excellence* Hugh James Hose, at Cambridge, was extrfardliiar^^T ^

Again, "the Judges heard the sermon and went their way,"1®'® wrote Knox, Implying that they gave little heed to

1 7 7Xbld., pp. li|4-^6. * 7 8 Ibld., pp. Ii 4.7-I4.e-

1 7 ’j. H. Overton, The Anglican Revival (L o n d o n : B ia c k le :t B o n , 1 8 9 7 }, P* 30* Clte'ff HereaTter as Overton, Revival.

^°!Cnax» movement, p* III*.* 86

what they heard* Overton continued his observations on the

sermon with the assertion that * • like all Keble * a utter­

ances, there was more effectiveness In it than the casual iB i hearer or reader would realize.** A Wewman, a a has been

noted, regarded the sermon as the beginning of the movement*

Brllioth recognized Keble*s wards as a ,f* . « cry of

warning, which was to awake echoes throughout the country* •

. * Keble, hitherto the gentle poet of the C h r i s t i a n

fear, had found strong and striking expression for widespread

fears and feelings. Hot all his listeners ”heard the sermon

and went their way,” as supposedly did the Judges of the

Assize Courts. One in particular, Hewman, was profoundly moved end zealously took up the cause of the church. w • • •

Hi© match set to the pile* . . was Cornish’s description 1 go of the sermon. ** As the growing volume of liberal inter­ ference in church affairs aroused the fears of churchmen to new heights, Keble * s sermon became the fuse which sparked the explosion that had long appeared imminent*

During the first few weeks following the preaching and publication of the sermon, a period which may appropriately be called the genesis of the movement, Keble was at work con­

sulting friends soliciting ideas on what needed to be done

^^Overton, Rev!val, p. 30.

^^B rllioth, Revival, p. 100. ^^Corniah, ^ngliah Church, p. 222. 87

and seeking their support for whatever course of action was

agreed on* In a letter to his friend# Dyson# on August 26#

1833 he sent a copy of the assise sermon and asked for his

comments on the Idea of a quiet, unpretentious aaaoelation

which would be organised with two purposes In mind— "first#

the circulation of primitive notions regarding the A p o stol*

leal Succession# &c*; and secondly# the protection of the

Prayer-book against profane innovation*i® wrote In a

sim ilar vein to Coleridge# another friend of long standing#

In whleh he gave vent to more of his fears concerning the

f u t u r e o f th e c h u rc hs

Considering the helpless state of the Church In England, and thevery Inadequate ideas entertained by most of her children, lay and clerical# of her claims on their alle­ giance# certain intimate friends of mine at Oxford have drawn up a paper or two# of which I hope you will in a day or two receive certain copies through the Parson of Flymtree. . . *1 8 5

Tbla period saw the beginning of that series of reli­

gious pamphlets known as the ’Bracts for the Times* Ihese pamphlets were destined to confer the name ”Tractarlan" on participants in the movement as well as the movement itself# and largely to determine the course of the movement for the next few years*

18 itCoierl(Jge, Keble, I, pp. 219-20

l8% bid., p. 221. TRACTS fon T m TIMES

The reverberationa from Keble*s sermon bad not died away when the first practical step toward concerted action was taken* five months before Keble's discourse the Bev.

Hugh James Bose, alert t© the dangers confronting the church, had exhorted the clergy to actions

That something is requisite, is certain* the only thing is, that whatever is done ought to be quickly done, for the danger is immediate, and Jt should have 'littie fear if X thought that we could stani Yor™'ten or ''fifteen years as we areT^®

In June, 1833 Bos© invited a few of his friends and acquaint­ ances who shared his concern for the church to his home at

B a d l e l g h for a discussion of the dangers confronting them*

Among those invited were Palmer, Perceval, Proud©, Keble and

Newman but not all these attended even though they were in full sympathy with the alms of those who did*

Xt is difficult to describe adequately, or to overem­ phasise, the feelings of alarm and resentment itiieh gripped the clergy during the 1st© 1020*s and early lS30's. Palmer, one of the B a d l e l g h conferees, said of the clergy that

William Palmer, A Narrative of Events Connected with the Publication of the Tract's "nfo r"'€Be Time's (Hewforks 'jam©a A* Sparks7 TBI 4.3 ) * 9 * ToTI STted hereafter as Palmer, Harr a - t i v e . 89

. • . we felt ourselves assailed by enemies from without and within. Our prelates Insulted and threatened by min­ isters of state—continual motions made for their expul­ sion from the legislature—demands far the suppression of Church-rates, on the avowed principle of opening the way for a total separation of Church and State—clamors, loud and long, for the overthrow of the Church—Dissenters and Romanists triumphing in the prospect ol Its subversion, and assailing It with every epithet calculated to stimu­ late popular hatred, in Ireland, some of our clergy as­ sassinated; the rest deprived of their incomes, and re­ duced to the verge of starvation! while the government looked calmly on, and seemed to encourage this terrible persecution.*-®?

There was a vast amount of writing on religious subjects, much of It by persons who had only a superficial knowledge of what they were writing about, which added to the agitation and confusion. 11 We were overwhelmed , 11 wrote Palmer, "with p a m p h le ts on C hurch Reform.Ihomas Arnold of Rugby brought out a pamphlet proposing passage of a law assim ilat­ ing all dissenting sects into the Church of England while at the same time allowing each sect to retain its own distinc­ tive creed and doctrine. **• • . Those who can recall the feelings of those days,” wrote Palmer, ”will at once remember the deep depression into idsieh the Church had fallen, and the gloomy forebodings which were universally prevalent.” In the face of conditions such as these Rose drew around him the small group at Badlelgh*

Even before it began the conference seemed destined to fall short of what It was expected to accomplish. Keble had been expected to be present, but did not appear; neither did

I87xbia., pp. iij-i$. *®®ibld., p. 1$. 189^bid., p. 16 90 lawman, who had returned from the continent only a few days previously. riting of their failure to attend, Palmer stated t h a t ft. • • Cable was constitutionally shy and reserved} and

Newman has since stated that he had no confidence in commit­ t e e s and meetings.Besides th© host only three others attended—Fronde, Perceval, and Palmer.

Hi# group could agree only on the fact that action was needed} they were far from agreement on how to proceed. Per­ c e v a l *3 favorite project during much of the conference was compiling a tract entitled fhe Churchmanfa Manual, to be used as a supplementary catechism. It*a purpose was ". . • to supply a defect in the public instruction of the Church by affording Information a<* to the source and grounds of the au­ thority by yculeh the m inisters of God act, . . • whether the authority la from Heaven, or of men ? * ^ 1 Hose wished to see everything done through Urn British Magazine, while Falser endeavored to organise an "Association of friends of the

Church" through which the group could work.*^

Another point o f disagreem ent among th# conferees was the subject of union of church and state. Palmer wished to see the existing church-atat© arrangement continued but

*^®Willlam Palmer, " the Oxford Movement of 1633 , n Con­ temporary Review, XLIXI (May, 1683), p. 6 i* 8 . C ite d h e r e a f ­ ter as Palmer, C

Perceval, Papers, pp. 20-21.

Dawson, S pirit, p. 8 0 . 91 others were opposed* He perceived that withdrawal of support

by the state, even though a state admittedly hostile, would result in disintegration of the Church of England as it was

then known* the whole system was dependent on endowments which would be cut off if the state tie were severed, result* lag In M* . * the fearful consequence of leaving our clergy as a body dependent on the voluntary contributions of the people, who were wholly unaccustomed to the discharge of such a duty, and would be disposed to shrink fro si it* • •

All in all, no real lasting accomplishments were real­ ised at the conference, which lasted from July Z$ - 29th* Xt served prim arily as a medium for the exchange of ideas and did the groundwork for subsequent action**^ Newman wrote later that when he arrived home from the Hedlterannean he found that "several gealous and able men had united their counsels. . • .*^5 Overton, however, despite the inconclu­ siveness of the m eting, observed that "there Is a singular interest In these details, trifling as they are in themselves; for the meeting, which duly took place, was in fact the nu­ cleus of a movement which has revolutionised the Church of 196 E n glan d *" Church described the meeting as the beginning

■k^Palmer, Narrative, pp* 18-19*

^ ^ P a lm er, C.R., pp* 62j,8-ij.9*

* ^Newman, Apologia, p. 3 6 .

Over ton, Revival, p. 29. 92

point or the Tracts for the fi

Soon after the meeting at ll&dleIgh a series of m m tl a g s

took place at Oriel where earnest efforts were mad# toward

agreeing on a definite course o f a c t i o n to take in defence of

th e church* Frond# and falser attended both the Madlelgh and

O r i e l a c t i n g s , serving as m tie between th# two group a, a#* rioua differences of opinion, bowsver, war# already evident

among the conspirators ( a term adopted by Fraud# I) and h ad created what In effect became two groups, united in purpose but divided on how best to accomplish their alm s, th e c o n ­ servative element, lei by H o se , Palmer, and Perceval, wished to see everything done jointly I the other element, led by

Keble, Hewman, end FToude, leaned more toward individual ac­ tio n by each person along lines eoasaenaurate w ith h i s own i n ­ terests and abilities* Palmer recorded t h a t m®uy movement i n 1833 consisted of two branches**^®

An immediate result of the Oriel meetings was formation o f the organisation conceived by Palmer at Hadlelgh *hicfa 'be­ came known as th# ^Association of Friends or the Church,* a product of the conservative electnt of the group* the alms of th# Association were twofold?

To maintain pure and inviolate the doctrines, the services, and the discipline of the c h u r c h , * * * to withstand all

^^Chureh, Oxford Hovement, p. 95

*^®Palmer, narrative, p* Ix. 93

• . • innovation upon the apostolical prerogatives. . . ., and to afford churchmen an opportunity of exchanging their sentiments and cooperating together on a large scale.*99

ih© association Has not intended to be merely an Oxford coteriei it was to be an active group with branches through* out England. Branches were, in fact, organised at Bath,

Bristol, Hipan, Cheltenham, Winchester, and other places. Xt was soon found that there was opposition In high circles of the church to such associations, and that Froude and others at Oxford were opposed to the Idea. The project was u lti­ mately abandoned, but not before Palmer had made several tours to various places promoting organisation of additional branches.2®^

Out of the defunct Association arose the fresh idea of a "declaration* to be drawn up and signed by all the clergy for submission to the Archbishop as an expression of their loyalty and their determination to resist the forces threaten­ ing the church. Again, Palmer played a leading part in com­ posing the declaration and publicising it to obtain the neces­ sary signatures. Support for the document was strong, and by

February, I 8 3 4 the signatures of between 7,000 and 0,000 of the clergy had been obtained, it was pi?1® sen ted to the Primate by a deputation composed of a number of high-ranking officials from Oxford, including Keble£n the document the clergy

199pcrcc,vax, Papers, p. 18. 2^Palmer, narrative, pp. ix, 21,

2 0 1 Ibid., pp. 2J-2Ij.. See also Palmer, C.R., p. 653* 9k declared their n# . • devoted adherence to the apostolical doctrine and polity of the Church# . . #,M and deplored **. • . that restless desire of change which would rashly innovate in spiritual matters*

Shortly after the declaration was delivered to the

Archbishop a sim ilar document was formulated to be subscribed to by the laity# It, too, was presented to the Primate with the signatures of over 330,000 heads of families* Perceval declared that from the presentation of the two addresses M. »

* dates the commencement of the turn of the tide, which had threatened to overthrow our Church* « * #»203 p**oni this point onward, however, the conservative element gradually diminished in importance and little more was heard from them*

The leadership and direction of the movement cams from the more liberal element.

As early as the Hadleigh meeting, perhaps earlier, the use of tracts to help combat the growing tide of opposition and enmity to the church was considered* But it was not un­ til the Oriel meetings began and Hewman came on the scene that the use of tracts began in earnest# fhe Oriel meetings, said Palmer, ”• • • were overshadowed by the superior Influ­ ence end authority of Keble, whose lightest word, whether he was present or absent, was received with an indescribable veneration.Newman, however, was the tract writer par

2 0 ^^almer, narrative, p# 23.

Perceval, Papers, p# 12# ^^Palmer, C#H#, p# 61*9. 95 excellence and without his contribution the tract® would never have accomplished *&ie t they did. I n addition to serving as editor for the entire series Newman contributed sixteen of the first volume of forty*six tracts. His marvelous capacity for expressing his thoughts clearly and logically on paper arid his extraordinary command of the English language enabled him by far to excel his contemporaries as a tract writer.

Responsibility for beginning the tracts, according to

Newman, was solely his own, though the idea had other sup­ porters. FToude proposed the use of tracts at Oxford in 1833 before Newman ever returned from his Mediterranean journey.

Their use was discussed at Hadleigh and at the subsequent meetings at oriel* Palmer observed that *it had been unani­ mously agreed amongst those idio originated the movement that the pres® ought to be made the means of bringing before the clergy and laity the great principles on which the Church Is b a s e d . • . . ,f2^ Newman Im plem ented th e p l a n .

Hie conservative element objected to and criticised the tracts almost from their beginning* The practice of each con­ tributor writing whatever seemed to him most advisable or use­ ful, without consultation with or the approval of others, was heartily opposed by Palmer, who advocated a central committee to edit and, when necessary, to revise the tracts.

Williams, Autoblography, p. 6 I4., quoted in Dawson, Spirit, p. 6 8 .

Palmer, Narrative, p. 3 0 . 2 0 7 I b l d . t p . 3 2 . 96

Henman resolved one® because of the opposition to discontinue

the tracts but was dissuaded from doing so by Keble and

Iroude• In answer to Palmer 1 s c r i t i c ! a m Bewman r e p l i e d : "As

to the tracts, every one has hi a own taste* fou object to

some things, another to others* if we altered to please

every one, the effect would be spoiled*Mewman m s n o to ­

riously averse to being bound by committees and organiza­

tio n s * nMo great work was done by a system"; he said, 209 "whereas systems rise out of individual exertions*1*

Tracts long have been a vehicle by which people and

parties propagated their views* But tracts written and cir­

culated by the highest of High Churchmen, the Intelligentsia

of Oriel College, were Indeed a novelty* But these were not

ordinary tracts* they were startlingly different from any­

thing of the kind yet seen in England* They were short, gen­

erally four pages or less; some were little more than mere notes* They were terse, trenchant treatises dealing with

great questions concerning the church—duties and obligations

of churchmen in the existing crisis, the doctrine of apostolic

succession, claims of the Boman Catholic church versus those

of the Church of England, the nature and constitution of the

church of Christ and its true branch in England, proposed al­

terations In the Liturgy, and the relation of the existing

church to that of the primitive ages* "idtey were," declared

Church, "like the short, sharp, rapid utterances of men in

^^Bewman, Apologia, p* Jjl* , p. 2^2• 9?

91 0 p a in and danger and pressing emergency. They Mere i n ­ tended to startle their readers, and startle they did.

Even though the tracts were published anonymously each bore the style of writing and character of its author which soon came to be recognised, fhree of the first four tracts

were composed by Me man, who *. . . with an unrivalled command of logic and pathos, • • • combined a singularly subtle beauty of style; • • • £3kiich^ caused his writings to bring home to his contemporaries the realities of spiritual things never be- 211 fore appreciated.* Ihe fourth tract, by Keble» was a trea­ tise supporting the doctrine of apostolic succession. Dawson saw in the early tracts

. . . the stamp of Hurrel1 Frauds*s spirit and opinions. • • • Even In style these early Tracts have more in com­ mon with the Spartan sim plicity of Frauds*s bare logical statements than with Wewman’s literary form. • . .“ -2

As la often the case with writings such as these, print­ ing and distribution presented difficult problems, particu­ larly at the beginning. Ho competent publisher could be found to handle the tracts. their leaflet form at first hin­ dered their sale• Initially they were printed through pri­ vate contribution and distributed free. Mosley described how

*the tracts had to be circulated by post, by hand, or anyhow, and many a joung clergyman spent days in riding about with a

210Church, Oxford Movement, p. 110. 211 p b id d o n , Life, I, p. 272. Dawson, spirit, p. 9 2 . 98 pocketful, surprising his neighbours at breakfast, lunch, din­ n e r , and t e a * Heman described how as he was distribut­ ing the tracts he offered some to a rural clergyman in North­ amptonshire who, after eying him suspiciously, asked "whether k h a tc ly ££ noted liberal and vice-provost of Orieljr was at the bottom of th

Hie first publisher, Turrill, was unsuccessful with the tracts and advocated turning them Into a magazine* In I 8 3 I4.

James Parker, the Oxford bookseller, refused to accept them for publication* J* 0. Hivington took over publication in

1 8 3 I4. and fared little better than Turrlll* By 1 8 3 5 Hiving ton had resolved to give up the Job whan a sudden Increase in the sale of the first volume caused him to decide to continue* thereafter sales Increased, steadily until the tracts were terrains ted*

On page 1, volume one of the "tracts f or the Time a may be found the following scripture quotations "For if the trum­ pet give an uncertain sound, who shall prepare himself to the battle?" This, In brief, constituted the whole purpose of the tracts* the Tractarlana were determined that churchmen throughout the land should not only be aroused to do battle but that they should be equipped with all knowledge and every

213.4ozley, Bernini sconces, I, p* 313*

ewman, /polojgla, p* 4 I •

2^5$. aber, Apostles, p. 332, n* 1* 2l6j cor* XI+ 1B• 99

device necessary to Insure victory over foes of the church.

As has been noted, the tracts were Intended to startle

the world, and were singularly successful In doing so. Tiie

alarm they caused, however, was not always that desired by the

tract w riters. Sheila fCaye-Siaith observed that

the tracts were circulated in an sngland hardened and an­ tagonised by anti-Homan fear and prejudice, an England *hlch had not yet recovered its controversial balance af­ ter the passing of the Catholic Emancipation Act. At once the cry of ’Popery* was raised.217

Its relationship to “Popery,M or to Homan Catholicism, was undoubtedly one of the least understood facets of the Ox­ ford movement. The tract writers wished to prove and rees­ tablish the catholicity of the state church of England, but there was to them a vast difference between that and Homan

Catholicism. They taught nothing new; it only seemed new to their listeners because It had lain dormant and unspoken for so long. “Popery,“ as Homan Catholicism was contemptuously referred to in those days, was regarded as a more Insidious foe of the state church than was any of the other forms of dissent. “Methodism and Popery,** declared Mewman In the preface to the first volume of tracts, “are In different ways the refuge of those idiom the Church stints of the gifts of grace; they are the foster-mothers of abandoned children."^l^

2^dheila Kftje-lmith, “Ninety Years of ’Oxford Non­ sense*,“ Fortnightly He view, GXXIIX {June, 1925), p. 76I4..

Members of the University of Oxford, Tracts for the T im es, e d . J . H. Hewman, (6 vols., ^ondon: J. 0 . F. ~

As to the tracts, Kewman continued, . . nothing but these neglected doctrines, faithfully preached, will repress that extension of nopery, for which the ever multiplying divisions of the religious world are too clearly preparing the way.*^*^

A few examples will serve to demonstrate the anti-Homan temper of the tracts. On December 13, 1833 it was stated that at the reformation the English people were delivered from the yoke of Papal tyranny and usurpation, and from the supersti­ tious opinions and practices which had grown up during the middle ages.^^ “Their communion ££he Homan^,“ contended a t r a c t on December 21*., 1 8 3 3 , “la infected with heterodoxy; we are bound to flee It, as a pestilence, " and “they have estab- PPi 11shed a lie in the place of 0od*s truth. . • . “ Another on March 25, I 8 3 I4. described “the leprosy of Transubstantia- fc io n ,**^22 an<3 atated that . Transubstantlation is a mere novelty; not warranted either by Scripture or antiquity; in­ vented about the middle of the twelfth century. **^3 ^ tract on June 11, 1 8 3 4 asserted that the

Humanists, or Papists, (so called because they are the followers of the Pope or SIshop of Rome») /are they^ who teach that the images of God and of ""Hie Saints ought to be worshipped; that the Virgin Mary and other Saints ought to be prayed to; that in the uord*a Supper, after consecration, the bread Is no longer bread, the wine is no longer wine; that all churches owe obedience to the Pope of Home. • . . They have at different times attempted to confirm these doctrines by pretended miracles.

0±a«, p. v. *^Olbld., Tract 15, P* k*

2 2 1 Ibid., Tract 20, p. 3. 222.1 bid,, raot 2ft, d. 17. 223^ bi 1. t p. 2J^. 22ltxold. , fa c t 36, p, 5* 101

One of the main objectives of the tracts was to

strengthen the doctrine of apostolic succession* This doc­

trine, it was stated, was once prominent, ,1. • • but, in pro­

portion as the maintenance of the Church has been secured by

law, her ministers have been under the temptation of leaning

on an arm of flesh instead of her own divinely-provided dis­

cipline* • • • n^2*> «r^e key-note of the early tracts,n as­

serted Overton, **is the doctrine of the Apostolical Succes­

sion; all else is subservient to, and flows from, this doe- ppz trine.w To the Tree ta r I a n s i t was th e very essence of their authority; without it theirhopes fo r survival were drastically diminished*

The greatest single contributor to the tracts, as well as their self-appointed editor, was Reman. e wrote twenty- eight of the total of ninety tracts, including the controver­

sial Tract 90, which caused such a stir that they were ab­ ruptly discontinued. Without Hevaan*a initiative and leader­

ship the tracts would never have had. the force and effect w hich th e y did* Hewman i n s i s t e d t h a t 0x 1 ord, not London, should be the center of the movement* "universities , 11 he said, "are the natural centres of intellectual movements *"227

He especially wanted the tracts to be Identified as coming out of Oxford and dissociated fully from Palmer’s Association*

*^% b i d . , p. ill* rton, Revival, pp*

^^Jewaaa, Apologia, p. 3 9 * 102

Ml^ienever you talk of the tracts,” he said, "mind and persist

they are not connected with the Association, but the produc­

t i o n o f ’R e s id e n ts i n O x fo rd ’ .**228 p®imer lik e w is e d i s s o c i ­ ated himself from active support of the tracts when his ef­

forts toward securing a central committee o f revision were ppq r e j e c t e d * 7 Memmn wished for the tracts to become known as

the "Oxford tracts1* but felt that it was not expedient for him to so name them for modesty’s sake* "So 1 think,1* he

said, "that soon X shall advertise them as ’tracts for the

’Times, by residents in Oxford1, Which, of course, will soon be corrupted Into ’Oxford iracta’.**230

Keble’s direct contributions to the tracts were prob­ ably of less significance than his Indirect contributions*

He composed eight tracts, of which tract 89, ft0n the Mysti­ cism Attributed to the Early Fathers of the Church,” was re­ garded as the most important* Tract I*, on ’’Adherence to the

Apostolical Succession the Safest Course,1* was written early in the movement to bolster the claims of the Oxford group to this doctrine* Keble’s indirect contributions, however, were far reaching* He suggested subjects for the tracts, reviewed the essays of others, exerted much personal influence for the

XTactarlan cause outside Oxford, procured contributions, and

228 ffewman, L etters, I, p. i*,82.

Palmer, Her rati ve, p. 33*

^®New»an, Letters, I, pp. 1 0 3 assisted in their distribution.

Tract 18, Puaey*s first, w0a the Benefits of the aystea of Fasting, Enjoined by our Church,” was written December 21,

1833 before he formally allied himself with the movement. He contributed seven others after joining the movement, all of them deep theological treatises reflecting fee author1* vast learning. Of the remaining, Thomas Keble contributed five,

Froude four, Bowden (a friend of lewiaan) four, and Perceval two. Palmer made a partial contribution to one of the papers.

Later there were tracts composed of extracts from the writings of famous English divines—-Bishop Beveridge, Bishop Wilson,

Bishop Gosin, and others—also translations from the early fathers—Ignatius, Justin, Irenaeua, and others.

In his autobiography Williams observed that

"It seems to be a popular notion that the original writers of the tracts have generally joined the Church of Horn®, and that, therefore, that Hovemeut of itself has been so far a failure* but this Is very far from being the case, for It Is a very remarkable circumstance, and one which X find very much strikes every one to Wiom I have mentioned It, that, out of all the writers In the *Tracts for the Times,* one only has joined the Church of Rome•

That one, of course, was Mewm&n.

Evidence indicates thet the possibility of discontinu­ ing the tracts arose only a few months after they began. "As to g iv in g up th e t r a c t s , ” w ro te F ro u d e to Hewzaan, "th e n o tio n

Is odious. 00 keep writing to Keble and stirring his rage;

^ ^ 1 1 llama, Autobiography, pp. 119-20, quoted in Augus­ tus B. 'Donaldson, Five^Oreat~oxford Leaders; Keble, Hewaan, Puaey, hi ddon and SBurcS1"1 (Tion3onYr rW±vlng'tona, '"1905)»^pV"57 101* he is my fire, but 1 may be his poker• this was probably due, at least in part, to pressure by Palmer and his friends for stricter control of the tracts* By summer, I 83 S Kewman was seriously considering giving up the editorship* He was discouraged by the ignorance of critics vtio charged the de­ fenders of Christian antiquity with "Popery”. He man wrote to Froude August 9, 1835 that "the Tracts are defunct or in extremis.* Rivlngton had notified him that there was no longer sufficient demand to warrant continued publication.

He e x p la in e d to F roude t h a t

Puaey has written one on Baptism, very good, of ninety pages, which is to be printed at his risk. feat, and one or two to finish the imperfect aeries Con particular sub­ jects) will conclude the whole. I am not sorry, as 1 am tired of being editor.233

The work of editing and writing had taken up much of his time, and he wished to devote himself to other undertakings*

Two events occurred late In 1035 which caused the tracts to be continued* Rivlngton notified Uewman that sale of fee tracts had suddenly increased, and Pusey* a contribu­ tions gave rise to considerable change In their nature. The preface to the third volume contained an explanation of their changing nature* "fee present Volume,?* It was stated, "will be found to persevere in the change of plan adopted In the latter part of the aeeond, the substitution of Tracta of

2^Hewman, Letters, I, p. I4.8 I4.. s e t t e r fro m R* H. F roude t o J . H. Mewman, Uov* 17* 1 8 3 3 .

^^Newman, Letters, II, p. 121*.. 105

considerable extent of subject for the short and Incomplete

papers with which the publication commenced* Puaey* a

tract on baptism exemplifies perfectly the change which had

taken place* Instead of a brief paper it was a weighty three hundred page treatise, H* . . perhaps the most elaborate that has yet appeared in the English language* on that subject*^35

It comprised three tracts when completed, numbers 67# 6 6 , and

69, published August Si^th, September 29th, and October 18th, respectively* Itie earlier tracts, continued the writer In

the preface of volume III, *. . . were written with the hope of rousing members of our Church to comprehend our alarming

position* * * • As a man might give notice of a fire or Inun­

dation, to startle all who heard him. * • .**^36 After the

early tracts had succeeded in arousing churchmen to the dan­

gers surrounding them, " * * * discussion became more season­

able than the simple statements of doctrine with which the

series began; and their character accordingly c h a n g e d * "^3?

Puaey*a biographer observed that the treatise on bap­

tism was ”• * . the work In virtue of which he took his place

among the leaders of the Oxford Movement* Its appearance marked an epoch * * • in the progress of the cause to which it contributed.**^® soon after joining the movement Puaey

2 3J*oxfard, Tracts, III, p. v.

^35ghurch, Oxford Movement, p* 136. Oxford, Tracts, III, p. v i . ^ ^ Ib id * § pm vii*

^ 3 ®hidden, Life, I, p. 3 W« 106 concluded that there was a need for more sobriety, more grav­ ity, more careful pains, more sense of responsibility in the

tracts and in the whole movement* lb him the early tracts ”•

• * wanted fulness, completeness, the importance given by careful arrangement and abundant knowledge• Church des­

cribed the tract on baptism as "• . . l i k e the advance of a battery of heavy artillery on a field where the battle has been hitherto carried on by skirmishing m usketry.”It was through him, n wrote Neman in recognition of Puaey* a ef­ forts, “that the character of th e hracts was changed. froude and Keble envisioned great new possibilities far the expanded tracts. **. • .I n their new form, ’* wrote Froude,

“(if It is gone on with as Keble hopes) ^Thej^ may become a sort of Apostolical review.

Church, Oxford Kovomenfc, p. 135*

Zk° m ^ > P* 136. ^Mewaan, Apologia, p.62. PhP Newman, b e tte r s., II, p. 135* b e tte r fro m H. H. F roude to J . H. Newcaan, S ep t. u , 1035• CHAPTER VI

TOE FIRST TWELVE TdAHB OF THE REVIVAL

The year after th© Hadleigh meeting passed with compar­ ative calm for the traetarians. The Association and its se­ quel, the addresses, were soon forgotten* The tracts were steadily increasing In number and in influence* Burrell

Froude*s fertile mind teemed with new ideas and projects for defending the church against its enemies*

How /asked Froude/^ could the Church of England • • • be saved? By a lay synod, pending the apostasy of Parlia­ ment? By dealing in some way or other with the appoint­ ment of bishops? By excemmunlcat!on? By preaching apos­ tolic succession? By the high sacramental doctrine? By attacking State Interference In matters apiritual?*%3

Hi© ultim ate course of the movement, had Froude lived to re­ tain his role as a leader, might have been very different.

Friendships played a major role in the origin and early development of the Oxford movement. Friendship for the lead­ ers and sympathy for their cause was primarily the reason for

Puaeyrs eventually joining them. An incident was related by

Williams describing how Puaey came to write his first tract.

In the course of a conversation with Hewman Puaey was re­ ported to have said to him:

"I think you are too hard on the Peculiars ^the low ehwrchmeiy, as you call them. Xou should conciliate

^^M oaley, Remini sconces, I, pp. 303-Oil* X08

th em | I &m thinking of writing & letter myself wi th that purpose." "kell t" said Newman, "Suppose you let us have it for one of the 'Erects i" "Oh, no , 11 said Pusey, "I will not be one of you!” ;ghla was said In a playful manner; and b e fo r e we p a r te d Newman s a i d , "Suppose you l e t u s have that letter of yours which you intend writing, and attach your name or signature to it. Tou would then not be mixed up with us, nor in any way responsible for the "Erects in "W ell," Pusey said at last, "If you will let me do that, I w ill.W

Hi® tract, published December 21, 1033, dealt with the subject of fasting. It contained Puaey *s name as author, the only tract not published anonymously, and was the occasion for ene­ mies of the movement to begin calling It "Fuseyiam". Newman was jubilant when Pussy’s sympathies became evident* wHis great learning,” wrote Newman In the Apologia, "his Immense diligence, his scholarlike mind, his simple devotion to the cause of religion, overcame me; and great of course was my

joy, when in the last days of 1 0 3 3 he showed a disposition to make common cause id th us • fl^ S

Puaey*a support, which he gave unreservedly In the sum­ m er o f 1 8 3 S# *• • • was an instance of th® right man coming in just at the right time• apposition was increasing, the tracts were lagging, and Neman was dispirited and threatening to give up th# editorship. His advent marked the beginning of a new era for the tracts, "Ihe tim e,” observed Overton,

2W*-wmi.*a, Autobiography, pp. 70 -7 2 , q u o te d i n hiddon, life, I, p• Q ' f t y "" ";i

^H om an, Apologia, p. 61. ^^iverton, R ev iv al, p. 63. 109

" for s h o r t , s t i r r i n g appeals was ov er; the time for solid, sober treatises on divinity had arrived 5 and Pusey was better q u a l i f i e d f o r this department of the work than any other mem­ ber of the group

Pusey1s status—his standing as a professor, his pro­ found scholarship, his aristocratic birth and high connec­ tions, his deep religious seriousness, and his position as canon of Christ Church—gave the movement an almost official character* "He at once,” declared Hewman, "gave to us a posi­ tion and a name * ” 214-6 His joining amounted to ”* * * a guaran­ tee that Its chiefs knew shat they were about, and meant noth­ ing but what was for the benefit of the English Church.

Williams described how

"Pusey*s presence always checked Hewman's lighter and un­ restrained moodj and 1 was myself silenced by so awful a person* Yet I always found in him something most congen­ ial to myself j a nameless something which was wanting even in Hewman, and I might perhaps add even in Keble h im self* ”2>0

Shortly after joining the movement Pusey conceived the idea of ”A Library of the Fathers of the Holy Catholic Church anterior to the Division of the Blast and West, translated in­ to English.* It was an ambitious project, with Pusey, Keble, and Hewman to be joint editors* Charles Marriott spent many years of his life at the arduous task of translating*

2 ^ 7ibia. ^M^ewman, Apologia, p* 61*

^^Church, Oxford Movement, p* 13b*

Williams, Autobiography, p. ?0, quoted in Liddon, Life, I, p. 279. xxo

‘the Library in time caiae to have a stabilising and an encour­ aging influence on adherents of th« movement.

Hewman h a d h e ld th e p o s i t i o n o f v i c a r o f S t. M ary’ s , the university church, one of the most influential posts at

Oxford, since 1628. His lectures had long held a singular fascination for his listeners. Church believed the sermons to be more effective than the tracts in attracting people to the movement, and he later stated that ,rnon® but those who re­ member them can adequately estimate the effect of Mr. flewman's four o’clock sermons at St. Hary's."**^ He described them as

plain, direct, unornamented, clothed in English that ms only pure and lucid, free from any faults of taste, strong in their flexibility and perfect command both of language and thought, . . . the expression of a piercing and large in sist Into character and conscience and mo­ tives, of a sympathy at once most tender and most stern with the tempted and the wavering, of an absolute and burning faith in Ood and His counsels, in His love, in His judgments, in^the awful glory of His generosity and His magnlfi cence.

Another who heard Hewman*s oratory and *foo attempted to record his impressions of him as a speaker was J. C. Shairp, th e P r e s b y t e r i a n , i-dien Hewman sp o k e , s a i d S h a ir p ,

he laid his finger—how gently, yet how powerfully,—on some Inner place in the hearer's heart, and told him things about himself he had never know till then. Sub­ tlest truths which It would have taken philosophers pages of circumlocution and big words to state, were dropt out by the way In a sentence or two of the moot transparent Saxon. What delicacy of style yet what strength i how sim­ ple yet how suggestive I how homely yet how refined 1 how penetrating yet how tender-hearted l Ho call these sermons eloquent would not be the word for them; high poems they were rather, as of an Inspired singer, or the outpourings

c h u r c h , Qxford Movement, p. 130. ^^Ibld. 1X1

as of a prophet rapt* yet self-possessed.^^

Xu I 8 3 I4. Hannan published the first volume of his Paro­ chial Sermons, a collection o f those he had preached at St.

M ary’ s , which sold remarkably well, Knox observed, however,

that the sermons had a limited Influence because of the lim­ ited audience to which they were addressed. Their intended audience was a s m a ll, though influential, upper class minor­ ity; consequently they exerted little or no influence among the middle and lower classes. They received no mention in

th e Christian Observer or in other periodicals o f th e tim e which devoted space t o sermon reviews.

One of the most pressing problems facing the Tractarians was that of defining adequately and precisely exactly what the

Anglican church was. It was protestant, or at least it pro­ fessed to be, but was it really protestant? Ihe Oxford group had already laid solid claim to the doctrine of apostolic suc­ cession, which obviously went back far beyond the time of the

English reformers, and had declared the catholicity of Angli­ can Christianity to exceed that of Homan Catholicism, The reformer® themselves had been thoroughly discredited by one of the Oriel men. A solid position was needed on which the

Tractarians and the clergy could stand and defend against th# charges of popery and extremism. “It vas necessary,” de­ clared Hewman, “for us to have a positive Church theory

*^3shairp, Keble, pp. 16-17- ^^Knox, Movement, p. l£0. 112 erected on a definite basis.

Palmer* a Antiquities of the English Ritual and ja Dis­ sertation on Primitive Liturgies, published in 1 8 3 2 , was on© of th© earliest efforts toward finding a solution to this question* Two tracts were among Hewmanvs earliest attempts at defining their position—Tract 3 6 , “Via Media, Ho. I ,” and

Tract 1*1, “Via Media, Mo. II“—which he published in July and

August, 1831*.. “A number of distinct doctrines,11 he said,

“are included in the notion of Protestantism 5 and as to all these, our Church has taken th© Via Media between it and

P o p e r y .• ^ The middle way lay % • • between the (so called) Reformers and the Romanists. • . .*257 30 scut© was the prob­ lem that during the period 1 8 3 3 - I 8 I4.3 not a single month passed in which Hewman ". • • was not more or less engaged In trying to define his position, to make out precisely what the theology of his Church really was, where he was standing, whose the authority was In the name of khlch he spoke•w258

In 1837 Hewman published The Prophetical Office of the Church

Viewed Relatively to Romanism and Popular Protestantism , a work idiich remains to this day the classical defense of th®

Church of England as the middle point between

^^Wewsaan, Apologia, p. 103*

2^0xford, Tracts, I, Tract k l, p . 6 .

2^ lb id ., ITact 3 8 , p . 6 .

^58Richard H. Hutton, Cardinal Hewman (London: Methuen as Co., 1091), p. 71. Cited hereafter "Vs lu 11 on, Hewman. 113

protestantlsm and Catholicism*

"The Via Media las little more than a theoretical Ideal,

a conception tenuous in the extreme• Hewman himself recog*

nised this*

Hedi.li, /Tie stated^ viewed as an integral system, has never "ESS existence except on paper; it is known, not positively hut negatively, in its differences from the r i v a l creeds, not in its own properties; and can only he described as a third system, neither the one nor the other, hut with something of each, • • • boasting to he nearer Antiquity than e ith e r .

The negetlveness of the position was quite distressing tp h im .

What is . • . /The Via MediaZ hut to fancy a road over mountains and rivers, wEIcK'nas never been cut? i€i@n we profess our Via Media, as the very truth of the Apostles, we seem to bysTandera to be mere antiquarians or pedants, amusing ourselves with illusions or learned subtleties, and unable to grapple with things as they a r e . 2 f e 0

Hie struggle to establish firmly the Via Media was pressed

valiantly but In vain. Th© "road over mountains and rivers*1

was plotted but never became navigable in a practical way.

*Mlthin five years of the beginning of the movement, •

• . n observed Mosley, l#it had acquired numbers, energy, and momentum sometimes the work of generations. . . .** lever, he

declared, had there been seen at Oxford such a sacrifice of

talent and work as that expended by th© revivalists on b e h a lf of their sacred cause. These men were not seekers after lit­ erary fame, or xealota seeking to foster a selfish cause, or

^$9 John Henry Hewman, The Via Media of the Anglican Church (2 vola,; London! .Longmans, Green, & Co., 1 9 1 1 I, p. 16. Cited hereafter as Neman, via Media.

g6oXbld., p . 1 7 . Ilk

seekerg after secular gain; they were sealous workers volun­

tarily united In a cause which to them was the highest and

the most profoundly serious on earth. *

From the time when Eeble sounded the first urgent note

o f a la rm th e movement had been s i n g u l a r l y s u c c e s s f u l . Hewman noted that “from beginnings so small, . . . from elements of

thought so fortuitous, with prospects so unpromising, the

Anglo-Catholic party suddenly became a power In the national

Church, and an object of alarm to her rulers and friends,*262

By l a t e 18 3 5 , or early 1 8 3 6 , the revivalists were a power to

be reckoned with not only in the academic world of Oxford but in the world outside as well, the tracts had brought the movement recognition far beyond the confines of the universi­ t y . Hewman1 s sermons from the pulpit of St. Mary*s added to the force of the movement. A visitor to Oxford in 1837 wrote that ,!it is allowed that the Doctor (Pusey) and Hewman gov­ erned the Uni varsity, and that nothing could withstand the influence of themselves and their friends.*^-*

A period of roughly five years beginning early In 1 83 6 was unquestionably the zenith of the movement. It was not a time of stirring Incidents or of spectacular successes but of steady and deepening progress. Hewman considered his position

In the Anglican church to have been at its height in the

p ii Moss le y , He mini s c o n c e s , I , pp. 1446-1*7 *

2^Kewsian, Apologia, p. 75* ^^Dawaon, Spirit, p. 118. 115 s p r i n g o f 1 6 3 9 * ” 1 had supreme confidence,” he said, ”in ay controversial status, and X had a great and still growing

success, in recommending it to others• Moderate men were

Inclined to sympathise with the movement even though they did not always Quite understand Its alms. An article in the Times i n 181*1 illustrates the warm support accorded the TTactariansj

• * • It la notoriously false to say that any one of them ever thought of ”disclaiming” any single doctrine of the Church to vhich he belongs; the whole aim and object of their teaching is to re commend certain doctrines as iden- tlcal with those of the Liturgy, Canons, and Articles of the Church of England* Ifcey prefer Indeed to rescue from Popery the appellation of Catholic, which has ever been the inheritance of all Apostolic Churches, and they are not oversealous for the denomination of Protestant, which occurs nowhere in the Prayer-book, which expresses no positive belief, and which is the common property of all who a r e s e p a r a te d fro m Home* . • *2fe£

It was inevitable, in view of tbs doctrinal position taken by its leaders, that the movement would be charged with advocating reunion with Homan Catholicism* Ihese charges were inspired in part by ignorance among both clergy and laity as to what the real position of the Church of England was regarding use of the term catholic* That position had long since been defined by Archbishop Seeker:

”Churches that differ widely In several notions and cus­ toms may, notwithstanding, each of them be truly Catholic Churches* But the Church of Home, which la one of the most corrupted parts of the Catholic Church, both In faith and love, hath presumed to call Itself the whole Catholic Church—the universal Church: which it no more

2 ^%ewman, Apologia, p* 93*

265^^ Times, March 1*, l 8 i*l• Quoted In Liddon, Life, II, pp. 155T65: 116

la than one diseased limb, though perhaps the larger for being diseased, la the whole body of a man; and by attempt- ing to exclude us, they take the direct way to exclude themselves, unless God impute their uncharitable way of thinking and acting, as we hope he will, to excusable ig­ norance and mistake* The Church of England pretends not Indeed absurdly to be the whole Catholic Church, but is undoubtedly a sound and excellent member of It* So that we have much better ground to call ourselves Catholic than they, were such names worth disputing about—WHICH THEY ARE Ifo¥j""only "one woul3 not ?la tte r an5 Karden them by giving them a title which they both, claim unjustly, and turn Into an argument against

By e a r l y 1836 a tract writer was led to declare that

"the controversy with the Humanists has overtaken us *lik© a summer*a cloud* .**267 Aa early as I 8 2 I4. Keble had dissociated himself from the prevailing theory that the pop© was anti-

C h ris t* B oth he and Hewman h e ld t h a t th e Roman communion as well as the Anglican was a true branch of the catholic church, th© difference being that the Anglican had kept itself freer pgft from erroneous and strange doctrine over the years# This was a dangerous doctrine, indeed, to hold in an age when Eng­ lish people honestly believed that Roman Catholicism was a corrupted Christian!ty, and that all Roman doctrine must be shunned# Hewman, too, had believed at one time that th© pop© was anti-C hrist, and at Christmas, 1821* he had preached a sermon to that effect. "But in 1827*n he wrote later in the

Apologia, "1 accepted eagerly the stsnsa in the Christian

B e c k e r*3 Fourteenth Lecture on the Catechiam, Worka, vol. VI, p;“I5TrquoT©3 In ^ R u S r le n aHd lIu tT S T W GhSrch of England,11 Quarterly Review, LXXIT (May, 1814.3 ) , p* 2 I4.6 . ^^Oxford, Tracts, III, Tract 71, p. 1*

^^Ingram, Keble, p. 66# 117

Year# which manypeople thought to o charitable, •Speak g e n tlj of thy sister'3 fa ll'.”269

Hewman *3 lectures on the wProphetical O fiice of the

Church” in 1037 contained what was undoubtedly the moat seri­ ous Indictment of Homan Catholicism made by any member of the movement* Hie church of Home, he declared, was

. • • a church beside herself; abounding In noble gifts and rightful titles, but unable to use them religiously; crafty, obstinate, wilful, malicious, cruel, unnatural, as madmen are* Or rather, she may be said to resemble a demoniac; possessed with principles, thoughts and tenden­ cies not her own. • • • fhus, she is her real self only in name, and, till God vouchsafe to restore her, we must t r e a 3j^|jer as if she ware that evil one which governs

J. A* froude observed that never before had a protestant spoken more harshly of the Homan Catholic church than had

Hewman*

She Homan church, though at times provoked by the Trac- tari&na, grew ever firmer in its conviction that reunion, on terms favorable to R ome, would be the ultimate end* In Janu­ ary, 1839 the bishop of Oxford wrote to Pusey that

There are now friends of mine staying at Rome —sensi­ ble men too, and without gossip—and I am assured that the language of the Pope {£¥T am informed In one in­ stance}, and that of all the English Roman Catholics of rank residing there, is that of joy and congratulation at the advances whloh are being made in Oxford towards a

^^ffewman, Apologia, p. $2 «

2 ?%ewman, Via Media, II, p* 1*31. 271 Froude, Studies, IV, p. 206. 118

272 return to th® doctrines of the "true Chureh•"

Grevllle described a conversation in which Wiseman told him

that T#. • • the great body of that persuasion /^ractarians/,

Pusey himself included* are very nearly ripe and ready for 273 r e u n io n w ith Home* . • • **

With Froude*a death in 1 8 3 6 went the most daring. Imag­

inative, and original spirit ever to be connected with the

movement* Overton characterised him as one "with an intense

earnestness and thoroughness of conviction, with a fiery en­

ergy which would ride over anything, with a courage which

sometimes amounted to audacity, and with an irrestlbly attrac- 27k tive personality* • • .** ^ Murrell*s health had never im­

proved appreciably since his return from the continent early

I n 1 8 3 3 * Keble and Hewman persuaded him to go to the Meat

Indies, where, it was believed, the change in climate might have a beneficial effect on him. He left England for Barbados

in November, 1 8 3 3 , not to return for a year and a half. He

was in England only ,f. * . long enough to take a present part

in the great movement, and to contribute to it, and then as he sorrowfully said of himself, like the man *who fled full

soon on the first of June, but bade the rest keep fIghting,*

^^Liddon, Life, II, p. 73* Letter from bishop of Ox­ ford to l* 8 . P u sey , J a n . Pk» 1*39•

^^Charles v# Grevilla, !he Grevllle Memoirs (second p a r t ) . A Journal of the Reign of Queen ?ic t or ia from 1 8 3 7 to edT Henry "Seeve T2' voTsT 5“Hew f £ r k2 n. Appleton St Co., 1 8 6 5 ) 9 I* P* 3 8 3 * Cited hereafter as Grevllle, Memoirs ( s e c o n d ) . ^^Overton, Revival, p. 70. 1 1 9 he found h im self compelled . ♦ . to leave England for the Weat Indies.*^75

Froude returned to England In Hay, 1835 a dying rnanj on

February 28, 1 8 36 he died at his native Partington* fCeble and Newman felt that they owed him a great debt, and after ex­ amining his private papers, they decided to inform the world of his true character by editing and publishing them* It was a bold decision, for Froude was fearlessly outspoken and crit­ ical* the first two volumes were no sooner in the hands of readers than a storm of protest engulfed the editors and 276 their deceased friend*

Publication of the Remains proved to be a grave blunder*

the editors were well aware of the controversial matter in the four volumes, particularly In volume one, but they be­ lieved that by publishing Froude*s most intimate thoughts they could inform the world of the great depth of conviction which had helped to give birth to the movement*2^ What they failed to realise was that only the few who knew Froude in ti­ mately would regard his writings In the same light in which they did* ,fXn their minds,” observed Dawson, ”Froude became «2 78 canonised as the saint of the movement. • • • In reality, however, much of his writing was done In an Ironic, jesting

2^Hazley, Reminiscences, I, p* 3°5*

2 ^.i>ock, ICebl e , p p . 91f~95*

2^Church, Oxford Movement, pp. i$2-!43* 2 ^Dawson, spirit, p. 113* 120

vein, the work of an exuberant youth whose opinions would have

probably toned down wi th age. Mb one, however, except perhaps

the few who knew him Intim ately was a wire of these whims; con-*

sequcntly his writings, which were often revolutionary, star­

tling, and contradictory, were accepted as official emanations

from the High Church revivalist group at Oxford#

yh&t did Froude write that provoked such controversy?

His attacks on the sixteenth century English reformers were his

greatest offense. Host Englishman of this period regarded

Homan Catholics as worse, religiously, than the most degraded heathen, and the reformers of Edward ¥lfs and Elisabeth's reigns as saints. A few excerpts from the Remains will illus­

trate Froude9a criticism of the reformers and their handiwork*

"X have been reading a good deal about the Reformation in

Queen Elisabeth1® time. It is shocking indeed."You w i l l be shocked at my avowal, that I am every day becoming a leas pfi A and less loyal son of the Reformation.1* **khen 1 get your letter, 1 expect a rowing for my Roman Catholic sentiments.

Really I hate the Reformation and the Reformers more and more pfil • . • .*• Mihe Reformation was a limb badly set—it must jjOa be broken again in order to be righted.1* Hie prevailing protestant doctrine on the Eucharist was **. . .a s proud, ir­ reverent, and foolish as that of any heresy, even Socinlan-

**The present Church system is ©n incubus

Froude, Remains, I, p. 325* ^ ^ Ibld., p. 33&*

2 6 lIbtrt., p. 3 8 8 . 2 6 2 I b i d . , p . 4 3 3 . 2 fi3lbld., p. 391. lax

upon the country* Froude believed that "the notion that

a priest Must be a gentleman is a stupid exclusive Protestant

fancy, and ought to be exploded* wit has lately eaiae in­

to my head that the present state of things in England makes 204 an opening for reviving the monastic system*n Especially

incriminating was Froude9s description of the meeting with

Roman Catholic authorities at Home In 1 6 3 3 ?

We got introduced to him ^Sisemaj^ to find out whether they would take us in on any terms to which we could twist our consciences, and we found to our dismay that not one step could be gained without swallowing the Coun­ cil of Trent as a whole* • * . We found to our horror that the doctrine of the infallibility of the Church made the acts of each successive Council obligatory for ever, that what had been once decided could never be meddled with again; * • • they were committed finally and irrevog^ cably, and could not advance one step to meet us* * . •

Hie editors of the Remains went to great lengths to

disavow Froude1 a seeming Roman Catholic tendencies* Xeble, referring to Froude*a account of the meeting at Rome, said

that "all this must not be taken literally, being a jesting

way of stating to a friend what really was the fact, vis*

that he and another availed themselves of the opportunity of meeting a learned Romanist to ascertain the ultimate points 200 at issue between the churches*w He pointed out that Froude had declared, not once but many times, his abhorrence of popery. He even pointed out numerous examples of such think- 20Q ing In the very volume then under consideration.

28thbid., p. 1*0 5 . 28 W . p . 37i4- 286I b l d . . p . 3 2 2 . 287Ibld., pp. 306-07. Ibid., p. 306. *». 1. 28^Ibld., pp. x-xvl. 122

Hia pleas, however, went unheeded, H Ihe Remains," observed

Churoh, ‘’lent themselves admirably to the controversial pro- cess of culling choice phrases and sentences and epithets

surprisingly at variance with conventional and popular esti­ m a te s * ”^ ^

E a r ly I n I 8 I4.I an event occurred which was destined to have a profound effect on the course of the moveraent. Kewman published ITsct 90 on February 27th of that year* It proved to be extraordinarily controversial and provoked bitter pro­ tests from church and university authorities* Keble, who read and approved th© tract before its publication, believed that it would tend to strengthen the Iractarlens’ claims that the Anglican church had done nothing at the reformation incon- 291 slstent with her position as part of the catholic church.

Mewman later described the sense of urgency with ihlch he un­ dertook composition of the tract:

• • • the great stumbling-block lay in the 39 Articles. It was urged that here was a positive Hot© against Angli­ canism:—Anglicanism claimed to hold, that m e'UKurch of England was nothing elae than a continuation in this coun­ try (as the Church of Hom might be in Franc© or Spain,) of that one Church of which in old times Athanasius and Augustine were members* But, if so, the doctrine must be the same; th© doctrine of the Old Church must live and speak in Anglican formularies, in the 39 Articles* Did it? Tea, it did| that Is t&at 1 maintained; it did In sub­ stance, in a true sense* Man had done his worst to dis­ figure, to mutilate, th© old Catholic Truthj but there it was, in spite of them, In the Articles still* It was there,—but this must be shown* It was a matter of life

290 Church, Oxford Movement, p* I 42.

^^“Ingram, Keble, pp. 69-70* 133

pqp and death to us to show it.

Hewman p a i n s t a k i n g l y drew o u t th e c a t h o l i c I n t e r p r e t * * tion of which the Articles were capable. Th©y could not, h© said, contradict the pronouncements of the Council of Trent because they were adopted prior to the announcement of those 293 decrees. His purpose was **. • • merely to show that, while our Prayer Book is acknowledged on all hands to be of Catholic origin, our Articles, also, the offspring of an uncatholl© age, are, through Cod’s good providence, . • • not unoatholio, and may be subscribed by those idio aim at being catholic in heart and doctrine Article XXI stated that "general councils may . . . err, and sometime have erred. • . ." Ab­ s o l u t e l y , a g re e d Wewman, w. . . u n l e s s I n a n y c a s e i t I s p r o ­ mised, as a matter of express supernatural privilege, that they shall not err. • • ." Such promises existed, he de­ clared, in the case of general councils gathered with the will and assent of rulers and *. • • in the ffame of Christ, according to our Lord’s promise. ..." "Catholic or Ecumen­ ical Councils," he declared, "are General Councils," and are within th® scope of those which do not err. ^ Article XX? stated that "... Confirm tion, Penance, Orders, Matrimony, and Extreme Unction, are not to be counted for Sacraments

*^f?©waan, Apologia, pp. 129-30.

^^Hewraan, tract 90, republished in Via Media, II, p. 2 6 4 .

292*Ibid., pp. 272-73. 29gIbld.. pp. 291-92. 121*.

of the Gospel. ..." this only denied these rites, he said,

nm • • to be sacraments In the sense in which Baptism and th©

Lord’s Supper are sacraments. « • ,"^6 Finally, he pointed

out, "in giving the Articles a Catholic interpretation, we

bring them into harmony with the. ..." Prayer-book.^^

On March 8th four senior tutors In the university ad­

dressed a letter to the editor of the tracts charging the au­

thor of Tract 90 with suggesting that the Bilrty-nine Articles did not condemn certain errors of the Homan Catholic faith, and that the teaching if followed would permit the most erron­ eous of Homan Catholic teaching and practice to be introduced 298 into the university and the churches. On March 10th the tract was placed for Judgment before the Hebdomadal Council, a governing body composed of the heads of the colleges. Mean­ while both Keble and Pusey contacted the Vice-Chancellor and 299 acknowledged responsibility for the tract. 7 On March 12th the Council voted to censure th© tract, and appointed a com­ mittee to draw up the terms of the censure. Ifewman, on learn­ ing this, requested that announcement of the censure be post­ poned for twelve hours to permit him to complete and present a letter of explanation. The delay was refused and on March

16th the Council published a censure which charged the tract

296Ibld., p. 3 1 0 . 297Ibld., p. 3!^.

29 Uiddon, U ft, IX, pp. 166-69. 299 Coleridge, K e b le , I , p . 2 6 9 . 125

w ith ”... false doctrine, with false history, and with false

reasoning; . . . ^/andp' that it was dishonest and Immoral • *3$$

The tract, they said, suggested interpretations of the arti­

cles which evaded rather than explained their true sense, and

attempted to reconcile subscription to the Articles with th©

adoption of those errors they were drawn up to counteract,301

The bishop of Oxford entered the controversy with th# declara­

tion that he could not reconcile himself ”1. . . to a system

of interpretation which is so subtle that by it the Articles

may be mad© to mean anything or nothing.*

The criticism s were bitterly resented by the tract writ­

ers, and rallied to their support some who had become alien­

ated from the movement. Palmer, who had long been cool to

Newman, described Tract 90 as ”. • • the moat valuable of th©

series of Tracts that has come under my observation.Th©

antagonisms aroused by this tract were the most serious yet

encountered by the iractarians.

Toward th© end of the l830*s there appeared among the

Sectarians a new element with aims which appeared definitely

contrary to those of the original group. ttThese men cut into

th® original Movement at an angle,” wrote Newman, "fell

3°^Church, Oxford Movement, pp. 290*91.

•^ Ibld., p. 292. ^^Knox, Movement, pp. 25ip-55*

•^John Henry Newman, Correspondence of John Henry New- 252: with John Keble and Other's, 1839-IB'EjgT'(London! Longmans7 O re en , & Co., 191?), p. T fl Letter from w. Palmer to J. H. Newman, March 9, iSifl. Cited hereafter as Newman, Correspon­ dence with Keble. 126 across Its line of thought, and then sat about turning that l i n e i n i t s own direction.jn ^ $ 3 9 puaey addressed a warning to them in tfcleh he said:

ho not think that you have possession of any new thing. What you have which is true has been taught quietly and unostentatiously by many in all times before you; it is in the Catechism and Liturgy; it has only been brought out into open day, and seems new to those vfcio had forgot­ ten it. 3^5

the Romanising element was led by two men of consider­ able ability, W ilfrid Ward and Frederick Qakeley. Ward was initially a disciple of Henman but his sympathies for the

Homan Catholic church soon became evident. Shortly after his affiliation with the British Critic subtle suggestions began appearing in it that the church at Home was much nearer the ideal of the true church than was the Anglican. Keble medi­ ated between the two groups, but matters gradually grew worseIhomaa Mosley, editor of the C ritic, complained that his ,f* * • first troubles were with Oakeley and Ward*

Church stated that **tbe tendency of this section of able men was unquestionably Homewards. • • •«308

By the early lBl^O’s the d rift Homeward by Ward*s group was so obvious and so categorical that it cast a shadow of suspicion over the entire movement. A movement whose original

^ h f e w a a n . Apo l o g i a , p . 161*.

^^Liddon, Life, II, p. II 4I4.. ^^Ingram, Keble, p. 6 7 .

^^M osley, Reminiscences, I I , p . 225* Church, Oxford Movement, p. 239. 127 aim had been to save, strengthen, and preserve th® Integrity of the Church of England was suddenly turned against that same church. Ihe attitude of those In the new group to ward the Church of England became **. • . contemptuous, critical, intolerant, hostile with the hostility not merely of aliena­ tion but disgust.

In 1814.3 Palmer published hi a narrative, aimed at coun­ teracting the growing Homan Catholic influence in the frac- tarian party. It was essentially a defense of the Ifraetari&n position, but it was also severely critical of Ward and his group. Until recently, stated Palmer, fS* * . we were satis­ fied that the Imputation of Romanism was really unjust and unfounded; and therefore we could not assume any hostile po-

3 Itio n .in recent years, however, he continued, there had appeared a new group filled with enmity for the Anglican church and with love and veneration for the Roman church.

Ihey not only sought to emulate Rome in numerous ways but 311 showed a disposition to concede her supremacy. He criti­ cally censured

. . . those who thus indiscrim inately and vehemently con­ demn and assail nProtestantism ,,f when they ought to be aware that the term, in its ordinary meaning, i, as im­ plying opposition to the See of Rome and to Popery, in­ cludes notTiing 'to whicK’any member ofTEe Engiiati Church can object.312

Palmer’s criticism prompted Ward to renewed attacks.

b i d . , p . 21*2. 3 1 0 pajJ8er^ narrative, p. 52*

3^1 bid. ^12lbid., p. 6 I4.. 1 2 8

His furious attacks on the Anglican church in the Critic re­ sulted In his being deprived of that organ of expression* He composed an elaborate rv pi y to Palmer * a narrative v*iich ap­ peared in June» l8l|4* Originally intended to be only a pamph­ let, it grew into a ponderous six hundred page volume • the book was **♦ . * a vigorous and wildly provocative utterance, of a standard far removed from either Keble * a or Neman9 s carefully prepared arguments*"313 Edinburgh Review char­ acterised Ward as one whose "♦ . # conduct offers a practical exemplification of the principles of the 9Tracts1 of the most odious kind* * • #*3lU The book persisted in Ward9s earlier pronouncements that the Roman Catholic church came nearer than any other existing institution to fulfilling the requirements of the Christian Church; it declared that the English church could not be catholic because it was not Roman. Hie moat provocative part of the book, however, was Ward * s assertion that he had subscribed to Roman Catholic doctrine in its en­ tirety and was still entitled to retain Ms position as a *5T& clergyman in the Anglican church#

3^^Ingram, Keble, p* 80.

31^»H«eent Developments In Puaeyiam,” Edinburgh Review, lxxx (Oct., 1 &bk), p* 312* 115 ^ Church, Oxford Movement, p. 373-

- ^ W i l f r i d a. Ward, Th* Ideal of a Christian Chur da. Considered in Comparison with E xistin g Practice; Containing a ^ f e n i e ""of 5 S r t a i n A r t i cIts In'I S f w§ritl'sh CrTt 1 cT,w' in 'Reply ^ ^ 1 j ' n r"*ra I?&rr a t l ve1' if''bondon: p p .^ K S - S ? , q u o te d Tn 5HurSET™0 x T o r l 'lio v e S e n t, p . 3?i|.* C ite d hereafter as Ward, Ideal* 129

Ward* a in c o n s is te n c y was demons tar a te d i n h i a d e c l a r a ­ tion that 1,1 the very idea of leaving our Church haa never been before ay own mind, • • * ay present feeling is * . • that I should commit a aortal sin by doing so. . . •**317 A few months later he renounced the Anglican church and joined the

Homan. He was likened to a child tfto would strike his own *}<} 6 parent before leaving her.

the Hebdomadal Council again swung Into action* propos­ ing not only to condemn the book but also to take away Ward*a degrees* In February, X8lg5 the Ideal was condemned and Ward*a degrees withdrawn. Throughout th© proceedings he treated th© whole affair as a huge joke* and sang comic songs after th© decision was rendered.On March 31# iBl^S Ward, a champion of clerical celibacy* was married; in September, I 8 I4.5 he and

M s spouse entered the Homan Catholic church.

Ihe y e a r 161*5 was one of crisis for the movement* New­ man, who had been known for years to be wavering in his alle­ giance to the Anglican church, was naturally the focus of at­ t e n t i o n and a n x ie ty . F or h i s own p a r t , Newman d e c la r e d I n th e A p o lo g ia t h a t **from th© end of I 8 J4.I, I was on my d e a th b e d , as regards my membership with the Anglican Church, though at

3^?Ward, Ideal, p. 71, quoted in nWard’s Ideal of a C hristian ChurcK,w Quarter 1y H eview , hXXY (D e c ., I 8 I4J4.), p. 1^9.

3^8**ward’s Ideal of a Christian Church, ** Quarterly Re­ v ie w , LXXV (Dec., l8qii), p. 170.

3^ingram, Keble, p. 82. 130 the time I became aware of it only by d e g r e e s .

Neman, filled with doubt, left the university In Feb­ r u a r y , 181*2 and retired to nearby hlttlemore. On May 21*,

18^3 he preached his last sermon at St. Mary’s. 1h© follow­ ing day, at hit tie more, he preached his final sermon as a clergyman of the Anglican church, terming it the nParting of f r i e n d s . H This sermon, wrote a contemporary, was

• • • perhaps the most pathetic of all the sermons of this greatest master of religious pathos 3 . . . the last and most heartbroken expression of the Intense distress • . • felt by a man of extraordinary sensitiveness. . . . who felt himself dram by a new call of duty on the one hand, and by his love for lifelong friends and surroundings on the other Newman, however, continued on his * deathbed* for o v er two more y e a r s . He was r e c e iv e d i n t o th e Homan C a th o lic church October 9, l8l|5»

She number that followed Newman and Ward Into Roman Ca­ tholicism was small but alarming. Some were disciples of

Newman who had been with him during his retirement at L ittle- more. Church described the period as a time when ttw# sat glumly at our breakfasts every morning, and then some one came in with news of something disagreeable, some one gone, s am® one sure to go. The only two facts of the time were that

Pusey and Keble did not move, and that James Mosley showed

^^Newman, Apologia, p. II 4.7 .

3 Liddon, Life, II, pp. 37^-75. 131

’ipp that there was one strong mind • • • left In Oxford*

It was a distressing tl im for the Iraeterions, but "In spite or the secessions to Homan Catholicism the Oxford move­ ment continued to toe the most important factor in the inter­ nal history of the Anglican church**323 Moreover, the Oxford movement, as it had been known for the first dozen years, was never to be seen again* But the movement was saved, to con­ tinue in a changed and broadened form, toy the staunch faith of Keble and f’usey, who continued as its leaders* In Newman the party lost the intellectual part of the leadership, but

In Keble and Fusey was retained its moral part* Kewman'a de­ parture left a void which was never entirely filled, but his departure and change of mind could in no wise change or undo the first decade of the movei&ent — the tracts, the sermons, and the oersonal influence of ita leaders. Far from spelling the demise of the Church of England, as some had anticipated, the secessions to Home served to strengthen and fire with greater determination tnose who remained.

3 ^

323 oodw ard, the Age o f Reform, 101 >-1670 COx- fords rbe Clarendon PrsssTn^IOT,^o*3^T* cJTb - f hereafter as Loodward, .Reform. CHAPTER VII

OPPOSITION TO THE MOVE,-IFNT

Religious move.oenta, by their inherent nature, tend to divide men into opposing parties. Such was the case at Ox­ ford, with the Traotarlans In a very small minority. It is no small tribute to the noble purpose and character of •fees® men that they . • remained loyal in the face of attacks compared to which the eighteenth-century onslaughts on Meth­ odism were almost courtesies.*321$.

The relative Immaturity of the Tractarlan leaders made them the objects of envy and suspicion by their superiors at the university. Keble, the eldest, was forty-one when the movement b e g an , Newman t h i r t y - t w o , and Proud© t h i r t y • "T h ere was . . . no inconsiderable jealousy," recorded Palmar, "at the apparent presumption of young men without station In the

Church, undertaking so great a work. • . .*325 percev&i ob­ served that "the Bishop of Chester ( Or. cuaner) seems dis­ posed to ascribe our xooveioent to Satan; the head master of

Rugby I Hr. Arnold) to Antichr1s t.*326

3^^3heila Kaye-Smith, "Ninety fears of ’Oxford Non­ sense*,” Fortnightly Review, CXXXII (June, 1925)f pp. ?63-6ij.. 325 j^mer, Narrative, p. 2 3 . 126 J ercevsl, Papers, p. 26. 133

In the early years of the movement the heads of the colleges c^ose simply to ignore it* They regarded it **. . • with contemptuous indifference, passing into helpless and passionate hoatllity . **327 y>uc^ was their attitude despite the fact that leaders in the movement were capable, dedicated men of high character, men whomthe university only recently had singled out for high honors* ”There were few of the party of the Heads,1* wrote Church, **who did not think every

iractarlan a dishonest and perjured traitor* • • ,*326 The heads never bothered to become fully informed as to t&iat the real purpose of the movement was. Consequently, they became enmeshed in their own web of indifference and Ignorance, which gradually turned Into open hostility.

The tracts at times gave rise to suspicion and hostil­ ity. Newman, in particular, ”... made use of incautious language in the tracts, which gave wide offense in the Church, and created unmerited suspicions.**329 ^aimer remonstrated with him and urged that a system of revision before publica­ tion be adopted, but to no avail. "Newman,” he said, ”had adopted the principle of unfettered freedom in the publica­ tion of tracts; there was to be no check whatever on the lib­ erty of speculation, theorizing, or expression. ”-^9 After the furore over Tract 90 a prominent i.vengeileal clergyman,

^ Church, Oxford Hovement, p. PI 43 . bid., p. 297.

3 2 9 Palmer, C.R., p. 656. 33 I b i d . 139

Francis Close of Cheltenham, was heard to say of the Tract1s author that ”1 when X f i r s t read Mo. 90, X did not then know the author; but I said then, and 1 repeat here, not with any personal reference to the author, that I should be sorry to trust the author of that Tract with my purse• 1 f,33^ huring the summer o f 1838 the Bishop of Oxford in his charge noted that the tracts contained expressions which were liable to be f*. . . ai sunderstood or mi ©represented, or which might convey a different meaning, according as they are used in a popular or a technical sense. . • •”332 The charge of .Romanising was the most insistent and the most serious with w hich th© iractarians had to cope. [he Evangelical Christian observer declared, that "the decrees of the Council of Trent centuries ago ©re not more undisguisedly Popish than these Oxford Tracts in the year I 83 I4. "333 Peter

Maurice, chaplain o f New C ollege, bombarded Jxford w ith p lac­ ards and paiaphlets entitled "Popery in Oxford” which por- trayed Pusey and Newman as "papists . 1 ^ M osley recorded in h is Bami.nlscene©s that "the opponents of the movement one and a ll pronounced us on our way toR o m * . "335 The Standard of

Church, Oxford Movement, p. 298, n. 1. "^biddon, life, II, pp. 61- 62. 3-^Christian observer, 183 *4, p. 12£ff, quoted In box, Movement, pp. 129-30*

^ ^ hid don, L ife , X, pp. 12-13. 33S>Hosley, Rem iniscences, I , p. 4 IO7. 135

January 11, 1836 directed a bitter attack at all High Church­ men, but it was directed primarily at the Oxford revivalists 1 Vie love not the men who dub themselves High Church: they have been the scandal and the weakness of the Church from the day of their parent Laud downward* They are half Papists, men who much prefer a Church without a religion— mm who, In the true spirit of the Jewish priests, 'would condemn our .Lord and :iis A postles for turning the world upside down, and who p r a c tic a lly renounce every p rin c ip le consecrated by the blood of the Protestant Reformers* Generally they may be distinguished as half prig, half dandy, perfumed and powdered, and a little corpulent, one- third Protestant, one-third Papist, one-third Joclnian— in profession altogether liberal, In pursuits wholly worldly* 33© The year 1836 has been described as the mosc Important year In the history of the movement, with the dispute over the appointment of Renn Hampden to the Regius Professorship of hivinity one of the main reasons for its importance • In reality Hampden was not so much an opponent of the move­ ment as lead ers of the movement were opponents of Hampden’s teaching and of his appointment to that Important post* the case against Hampden went back to 1832 when h© preached the Baxvpton Lectures.^ Palmer was present at the lectures and emphatically declared that • their tendency was decidedly Rationalistic 5 that they went to the extent of

Gte n d e r d , Jan . 11 , 1836, quoted In hidden, L ife, J., p. 356* ‘ - * #ld;ion, b.lfa, I, p. 359. The dampton Lectures were a a eries of eig h t sermons preached before the university annually on some point of C h ristian theology. Lince th ey were usually delivered by someone of ability and reputation, they often attracted con­ siderable attention. 136 representing our articles of faith, and our creeds, as based on merely human and uncertain theories.Further, near the end. of IS34, .Hampden, then p rin cip al of S t. Mary*a Hall and ^rofessor of 4oral Phllosoohy, produced a pamphlet, ”ob­

servations on Religious D i s s e n t , with Particular Reference to

the use of Religious Testa in the Universi t y ,n in which he reaffirmed that the creeds were nothing more than opinions, and, as such, could not be bound on anyone. The most alarm­ ing part of the pamphlet, however, was his proposal to abolish subscription to the Thirty-nine Articles This was the situation that existed when, early in

1836 , the Professor o f Divinity at Oxford died. It soon be­ came known that Hampden was the choice of the ministry to fill the vacant office. This was interpreted by the Tractar- l&ns as an attempt w. . .to place i n the chair of Divinity, with the power of instructing and guiding half the rialng

Clergy of England, one who wouldu n d erm in e the authority of our Creeds and Articles.headers of the movement d eter­ mined to exercise every means at their disposal to prevent the appointment. Sympathisers with the movement, not connect­ ed with the tracts, went throughout the university urging op­ position to the appointment. A petition was sent to the Throne urging cancellation of th© appointment but was rejected.

-^Palmer, Warrative, p. 37. ^^aozley, Reminiscences, I , p. 3I4.3 • Palmer, Narrative, p. 38. 137

Another petition to the heads of the colleges advocating a general censure of Hampden’s writings was at first rejected but finally resulted in passage of a censure greatly diluted %hp from that desired by the tract writers. The protests, however, were futile; the appointment was allowed to stand.

i^uping the furore over the Hampden appointment © satiri­ cal pamphlet, **A Pastoral Epl tie from ills holiness the Pope to some Members of the University of Oxford, Faithfully Prans- lated from th© Original Latin,” appeared at the university. Though published anonymously, the author was known to be

Charles Dickinson, a chaplain of Archbishop Vthately. Ihe pam­ p h l e t pictured the tract writers as secret representativea of Home, posing as loyal priests of the Fngiish church which they were secretly striving to undermine. In the pamphlet, ". . • the Pop© is mad© to cast © favourable eye upon the Ox­ ford Movement, and to quote so much of the * Tracts for the Times* as m ight, with appropriate commentary and in trod u ction , be made to point to a Homan Catholic conclusion.**343 pam­ phlet evoked a warm reply from Pusey, who said that ” * as a madman who casteth firebrands, arrows, and death, so is the man that decelveth his neighbour, and salth, Am not I in sp o rt?1 There was ta lk at Oxford in I 636 of building a memorial to the slain martyrs of the sixteenth century reformation.

Palmer, narrative, pp. 38-39.

3^3Liddon, Life, I, p . 38 O. 3^ l b l d . 136

1h© id©©, according to /'usey, originated with Charles Calightly, a bitter enemy of the movement, and on© of his friends, and was intended ©s a slap at the Tractariana*^^ The idea of the memorial had in fact originated at a small meeting at th© him© of Golightly as a protest, appar­ ently, against froude1 s Remains m * the two e d ito r s , Keble and Newsman* Froude had severely criticised the reformers; Keble and Newman had ostensibly given their approval to the criticisms by editing and publishing them, and leaders of th© movement had taught d octrin es in co n siste n t with those taught by the reformers* The proposal for a memorial, according to Church, was ,f. . • meant to put the T ractarians in a d i f f i ­ culty, and to obtain the weight of authority in the univer­ sity ©gainst them."^^ Keble and Newman were opposed to the project from its beginning, as was Palmer* ’usey, stra n g ely enough, was at first in favor of the proposal until convinced otherwise by Keble and Ifewman*^^ Hie drive to raise funds for the project was successful, despite the opposition of the iraetarlans* An architect was secured, plans completed, and the monument erected adjacent to the Church of St. Hary Magdalen near the spot where Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer were burned* Liddon observed t&at

3^5 w. id don, L ife , I I , p. 61*.

3 Church, Oxford Movement, p. 219. Jverton, f?« vival, p. 64. 139

It was, and It remained, an expression of hostility to the Jxford writers; and it had the effect accordingly of representing the Reformers as being In antagonism, not on ly or m ainly to the la te r Roman Church but to the Catholic Fathers and Christ?nn antiquity. It placed those who refused to subscribe to its support in the embarrassing position of being publicly and pointedly op­ posed to recognition of the Anglican reformers. the idea of establishing a protestant bishopric in Je­ rusalem originated with King Frederick William I*/ of Prussia e a r ly in I 8 I4.I. Although the plan had decided political over­ tones, the protestant communities there did not, in fact, have a bishop to represent them. Karl von Bunsen, Prussian diplomat and adviser to the King, went to inglend in the soring of lCljl to seek English cooperation in carrying out such a project jointly with Prussia. On October 5, l8 jfl# during the second ministry of Peel, parliament approved the proposal. Half of the sum necessary to place the plan into effect was to be furnished by Prussia; the other half was to be raised by subscription in England. In the following month Michael Alexander, whomBrilloth des­ cribed as w,a Jew by extraction, a ^bmsslan by birth, an Anglican by confesslon—come to maturity in Ireland,*n was appointed bishop of the Church o f >t. James In Jerusalem Ibe plan of establishing a bishop of Jerusalem was no leas than an abomination to the Tractarians. Kewman entered a

bidden, Elfe, II, r>. 66.

^^B rilloth, Revive 1, p. 162. li*G

solemn protest against the measure, a protest which reflected the thinking of all the CTacterians. ”. . . Lutheranism and Calvinism are heresies,” he declared, "repugnant to Scripture, springing up three centuries since, and anathematized by East as w ell as Weat. ..." Despite that, the highest authori­ ties or the Anglican church had seen fit to consecrate a bishop who was to exercise spiritual jurisdiction over Lu­ theran and Calvinist congregations in the east, without any renunciation of error on the part of the heretical bodies, buch an act, continued Uewraan, could only serve to give "• • • some sort o f formal recognition to the doctrines which such congregations maintain. ...” and could only work to the serious detriment of the Anglican communion. n0n these grounds,” he continued, ”1 . . . do hereby solemnly protest against the measure aforesaid, and disown It, as removing our Church from her present ground and tending to her disorganiza- t lo n. 1*-''7 Establishment of the bishopric was another Serious defeat for the Tractarians, feiio had attempted wi ih every means at th eir disposal to defeat th© measure, to no avail. 3iaoke from the battle over the Jerusalem bishopric had not cleared away before the Tractarians were put to another

stern trial. In the autumn of l$

3^>Tewra®n, A pologia, p. 132* lijJL

the election neared. Mia choice was Isaac williams, a resi­ dent fellow and tutor of Trinity College as well as a poet, having published The Cathedral, Thoughts in Past Tears, and Hymns Translated from the Parisian Breviary. As a sacred poet he was considered second only to Keble. His credentials were such that when his name was formally proposed by the of­ ficials of ‘Trinity College his election seemed assured.

There was a mark again st M il l lams, however, that was to outweigh a ll h is good q u a litie s ; he was known to be a sympa­ thizer with the party of the tracts. F u r th e r , he had been an Intim ate frien d and ©id o f Newman a t S t. Mary •& Church. Worse yet was the fact that he was known to be the author of Tract 80, an innocuous treatise on "Reserve In Communieating Relig­ ious Knowledge” which had been more severely criticized than any o f the s e r ie s except Tract 90. Enemies of the movement saw In Its principle of "reserve *1 clear evidence of the sec­ retive, conspiratorial nature of the movement and maligned Williams as typical of those who were attempting to undermine the Church o f 'England. 'The m isconception was unfortunate, for williams, more than anyone else In. the movement, typified the moderate, Inoffensive way of religious teaching, and was as loyal to the Anglican faith as anyone In his day. die approaching election, with Williams as the number one candidate, eminently qualified and heartily endorsed by the r e tir in g incumbent, provided enemies of the movement with an ideal opportunity to strike a heavy blow at the Tractarians. 142

If he could be defeated on the basis of his TTactsrianism and another candidate elected who was an enemy of the movement, It would be a sharp defeat for the Tractarian party. Accord­ ingly, Williams1 opponents nominated as their own candidate James Garbett of Brasenose College, an accomplished scholar and a man of high standing, but one who had never had the slightest connection with poetry, either as a poet or a crit­ ic. The election never came to a formal vote.' An Informal poll showed that Garbett com landed 921 votes compared to 632 for Williams; thereupon Williams withdrew from the contest. Th© Tractarians had suffered another embarrassing defeat. >n May 14, 1843 Rusey preached a sermon described by his biographer as the most important of hi3 l i f e . Under ordinary circumstances the sermon would probably have attract­ ed no more than ordinary attention. But In 1843 conditions In the religious realm In England were far from settled, ‘opular feeling against the Tractarians was at its highest pitch since the beginning of the movement. Alarm over the Tract 90 controversy had not fully subsided. Everyone con­ nected with the Tractarians was suspect. the sermon, n ihe Holy Eucharist a Comfort to the Peni­ tent," was, In a sense, a complement to Pusey* 3 earlier expo­ sition on baptism in the tracts. He was, by his own admis­ sion, attempting to help those who were unduly concerned over sins they had committed after being baptized. It was a

Life, II, p. 306. H 3

lengthy sermon, with extensive quotations from the Fathers, especially Cyril of Alexandria, and contained numerous expres­

sions concerning the F u c h a r is t which A n g lic a n s were unaccus­

tomed to hearing. I n the main, however, he followed the Ang­

l i c a n position outlined by Alexander Knox that the nature of the presence of the body and blood of Christ could not be ex­

p la i n e d but must remain an unfathomable m y s t e r y . Church said of Fusey*a sermon that n. . • Its phraseology was strictly within Anglican lim its Great was the surprise throughout the university, there­ fore, when during the following week the announcement was made that Godfrey Faussett, the Margaret Professor of rivinity, had referred the sermon to the Vice-Chancellor and charged Its author with teaching heresy. University statutes provided that when such a complaint was mad© concerning a sermon, the Vice-Chancellor was required to procure © copy of the sermon, select six doctors of divinity to examine It, and if the charge was found to be justified, mete out punishment to the offender. After proceedings began 'hiaey requested a hearing but was denied it; the statute did not provide for a hearing. Faussett, who had made the original charges, was one of the six selected to sit In judgment 1

On June 2, I8 I4.3 word trickled out that Pusey had been

^^Briiiofch, Revival, p. I 6I4.. 353chui*ch, Oxford Movement, p. 328 . Ik k officially condemned for preaching doctrine not In accordance with that of the Anglican communion, and th at he had been suspended from preaching at the university for two years* Pusey was never formally notified of the condemnation but the suspension was imposed and remained in e f f e c t for the two year period* 'The Vice-Chancellor refused to honor a request, signed by sixty members of convocation, that he reveal the reasons for the condemnation and specify exactly *&at parts of the sermon contained unsound doctrine* Newman believed that the whole a f fa ir would H• • • tend to a lie n a te s t i l l more from the Church persons of whose attachment to It there Is already cause to be suspicious• condemnation was one of the contributing causes to the crisis of1614 .5 * The rising tide of opposition to the tract writers and their doctrines—the iract 90 controversy, the diversionary tactics of Ward, the disagreement over creation of the bish­ opric in Jerusalem, erection of the memorial at Ixford, Pusey*$ Insult, and the other affronts—led to the secces­ sion s in 181*5 and a c r i s i s in the movement which many feared meant the doom of the Church of England as it was then known*

?"Hiewman, he t t e r s , I IE, p* i4.H1* CHAPTER VIII

THE COMChOaiOH

In early nineteenth century England the fabric of every major social institution was subjected to constant searching scrutiny. Ho institution was completely secure from the seal of reformers, crusaders, and. In some cases, agitators. Ec­ clesiastical institutions, developed over many centuries and earlier considered very nearly impregnable, were no excep­ tion; they, too, bore the brunt of reform and innovation. Hothing was Immune to demands that it be able to justify or to prove Its right to exist. Palmer observed, with perhaps some n a iv ete, that ,f. • • Religion was not generally in a healthy state when the pre­ sent theological movement commenced."355 Abuses and laxity within the state church, the Church of England, prompted critics to call for abolition of its privileged status, which would have spelled the death of the church as it was then known. WA dangerous sp irit,M said Palmer, wof uatltudinarIan

Reform had arisen. A self-indulgent and worldly age was en­ deavoring to release itself from the restraints of Conscience and Religion*w

Palmer, narrative, p. • ^^1 bid. 11+6

I n the year 1833 a crisis arose that heightened the alarm of church officials. A hostile government threatened the church with extinguishment of approximately one-half of its bishoprics i n Ireland. The danger ms recognised and publicly denounced by a High Church clergyman in a sermon at Oxford University that marked the beginning and the center of a resistance movement that was to ex ert a remarkable in­ fluence on E n g lis h religious life from that point onward.

The author of the sermon, who became a leader in the ensuing movement, was a little-known country clergyman who possessed few, if any, of the nullities that ordinarily mark one as a party leader. His m ost significant achievements to that tine had been a distinguished academic career as a stu­ dent of Oxford University, followed by publication of a book of religious verse In 1827 which enjoyed widespread popular­ i t y . His l i f e had been devoted m ainly to work as a m inister in a rural parish, interspersed with brief periods of work at the university of which he was a graduate. But Keble held a singular fascination for his associates and even though he was away from th e nerve center of th e movement much of the time, he wielded a singular influence. Kis activities in 1833 and earlier played a vital part in the beginning of the movecne nt • ”He did not lose hi a place In the minds of men,** declared Newman, **because he was out of their sight. ft i n the words of oaw aan, **. . . the roots of the Oxford Movement are

^^Newraan, Apologia, p. 290. Ik7 to be found not ao much tn Oxford Itself as in the country parsonages of Gloucestershire and Devon, by the banks of the 1^8 win dr us h and the tsart*" Brilloth observed that 11 th e r a d i ­ ant saintliness which shone round the once so promising U ni­ versity teacher who, giving up ©11 ambition, devoted himself entirely to the charge of his little country parish, gave added weight to his appearance when later he visited the scene of his youthful academic tr iu m p h s .

Two others besides K eble were prominent In the origina­ tion of the movement* n* • • Keble, Heman and Proud ©, n ob­ served Dawson, "w ere the joint authors and creators of th e

■-Jxford Movement . • • but it Is © much more difficult matter to determine their relative Importance•M Each p la y e d a vital role; moreover, each reacted on the others in such a w ay that none of the three would have been what he was and would have done what he did without the influence of the other two. It was the conjunction of these three men—-Keble,

Iroude, and ewman, men of widely differing temperament but with a singular unanimity of mind and purpose regarding the church—in which lay the real origin of the Anglican revival* Though not a leader in the strictest sense of the word,

Proud© was born with a pendant for prompting leaders.

To the world at large Newman was unquestionably the leading figure in the revival, due to his role as editor of

3^r>awson, Spirlt, p. :riiioth, Revival, p. 124* Dawson, Spirit, p. 12* 11*6 the tracts, hia prolific writings, and his role as speaker In the university church, but the world at large was unaware of the hidden role that Keble played. Speaking of the two lead­ ers, hiddon observed that It was "... difficult to say what proportion of the leadership was attributable to each."

Keble, he said, possessed a ”• • • character of exquisite delicacy end sensitiveness which exerted an irrestible fasci­ nation over all who ©am© near it. • • .1 ! Tiiae and again

Newsman acknowledged his debt to Keble in. the development of those religious doctrines which were instrumental In causing him to take the leading; role in the movement that lie did.

Edward Pusey, 'the fourth person prominent in the leader- sr. Ip of the movement, became active in 1 8 3 5 s h o r t l y b e ! o re the death of proude. He added © new tone to the movement and the tracts, which at thatt l m were the primary means for dissemination of Tractarian doctrine, and provided continuing leadership at Its nerve center equal to, perhaps in some phases superior to, that of Newman • He and Itetol® were the leaders who, when ftew&um le ft the movement and the Anglican church in I8 I4.5 * remained true to the Tractarian cause and prevented the crisis of that year from turning Into a c a t a s ­ tro p h e . C o rn ish o b se rv e d t h a t M. . • Newman gave g e n iu s , 362 Huaey learning, and Keble character" to the movement.

The aims of the leaders of the movement, particularly

^6 l LifltJon, Life, I, p. 270.

Coral ah, hngll ah Church, p. 216. 11*9

their Initial alms, have been grossly misunderstood. Enemies

of the revivalists pronounced them on their way to Rome vir­

tually from the beginning of the movement. Hie real truth,

however, was that one of the most significant alms of the

early leaders was to discredit the claims of the chorda at

Rome of being sole possessor of the Christian faith while

giving greater credibility to the claims ot the Church of

England as a legitimate branch of the one true and apostolic

church. Table stressed the claims of the English clergy to

the doctrine of apostolic succession In his "Kational Apos­

tasy," as he also stressed the claim of the Church of England

to Christian antiquity. Mewsoctn emphasised in the early

tracts that the clergy must lean for succor on their Inherent rights as successors of* the Apostlc-s rather than on an I ras-

tlan and unfriendly government. It was necessary that they foxlow such a course even though It might result in loss of

state recognition and support as the national church.

iht. rami flections of the movement, which continued a l t e r 1814.5 In a much broader field with its nerve center no longer closely bound up with Ixford and with a considerably less academic aura, are generally outside the scope of this

study but are nonetheless closely bound up with those events of the first twelve years. It broadened into what continued

throughout the century and came to be known In the Anglican church as the Anglo-Catholic movement, a term which gradually supplanted that of high Church. Already, however, the effects of the movement were far-reaching, Its results many, even

though for the remainder of the nineteenth century It was to be the object of fierce attacks in many places—the press,

the courts, and the churches themselves.

The most obvious result of the movement at this point was a general quickening of religious life throughout England.

The clergy had been awakened from their lethargy and aroused

to a greater sens# of their responsibilities. They were more zealous, more self-denying, and more aware of their responsi­ bility to serve those for %&om they had the spiritual care.

Abuses which long had been allowed to flourish In the church had been recognized and were being, or had been, eliminated.

Englishmen had been aroused to a greater spirituality and a greater zeal in church attendance and other spiritual duties.

In short, the revivalists had brought rt. • . about the most widely-spread quickening of religious life which has taken place within the English Church since th e Heformstion.**^^

Church observed that the changes wrought by the Tractarians

In the spiritual habits of the people In only a five year period were astonishing.^^ By 1814 $ there were few clergymen

In Great Britain who had not been affected, in one way or another, by the Tractarians and their teaching. The same may be said, to a different degree, of the laity. In later years

^^"Keble and 1 the Christian Year’," North British Re­ view, XbY (Sept., 1866), p. 251.

-^^Church, Oxford Movement, p. 2$2* 151

a notable increase in ritual in the choreh was attributable,

at least in part, to the movement*

Another result of the movement, perhaps more subtle but

no less significant, was the revival of claims, long dormant,

of the unattenuated catholic!ty of the Church of England. In

a nation where the terms catholic and Homan Catholic had long

been regarded as synonymous, these claims were first regarded

with great suspicion. Secession to Homan Catholicism of a number of Anglicans in l$lj5 did nothing to relieve these sus­

picions. The secessions did in fact result In a temporary resurgence of Homan Catholicism in England due to the efforts

of those few talented individuals who were lost to the Eng­

lish church, a surge which tended to diminish after that gen­ eration had passed. The library of the. Fathers, a work of

forty-eight volumes which contained the writings of thirteen of the fathers of the church and other ancient writings after its completion in 1 8 8 5 , served as a monument to the catholic basis of the movement and the catholicity of purpose of its originators and was a powerful influence toward gradual return by Englishmen to the concept of the catholicity of the English church. Also, the pens of the revivalists produced a large number of works during the revival which constituted no small contribution to the literature of the period and which stand today as memorials to the efforts of the small group at

O x fo rd , BIBLIOGRAPHY

Am SOURCES

C hurch, Mary C. (ed.). Life and Letters of Dean Church. Londons aacmillan k Co. , ¥p7 x x lv , Selected letters and correspondence of Richard w. Church, with a brief commentary on his life and work.

Froude, Richard Burrell. Remains of the late Reverend Richard H urrell Froade . ~vnK. Riving ton, 1 8 3 6 - 1 8 3 9 . A series containing selections from Froude*a private letters, his diary, sermons, and miscellaneous writings.

Keble, John. Sermons Academical and Occasional. Oxfords John HenrFTirBer; IBpr*"Tp7Tx5Ev£T;“ 5r7 A selection of sermons from those delivered by the author during his life in the English church, including that entitled "National Apostasy** which heralded the beginning of the Oxford movement.

'fhe Christian fear. Mew York: E. P. Dutton k C o ., i m i . *Tp.""viTm? 2*:— A volume of religious poetry originally published anonymously by Keble in 1827. Each poem in the series was designed to be read on a certain designated holy day.

Member* of the University of Oxford. Tracts for the Tinea, Ed. by J. H. Wewmait* 6 vols. Londons ™ ”$.""IfiVIngton, 1890. A series of ninety religious tracts written and dis­ tributed separately, and anonymously, by Neman, Xeble, Dusey, and others, at the University of Oxford from 1 8 3 3 to 181 *1 . the tracts were subsequently bound Into a series comprising six volumes, with each tract retaining its original number, pagination, and identity. iiosley, T. Reminiscences Gale fly of Uriel College and rhe Oxford Mioveaient." T v o Y s., "2n(T~ITonYm: Longmans, Green, fBo*V 1882* A lengthy and occasionally ponderous work written by a clergyman who was contemporary with the early leaders of the movement and who also had a part in the revival. Contains much detailed information on Uriel College, the leaders and lesser participants In the movement, and of the movement itself. 153

Kevaen, John ienry. Apologia pro vita sua. uondon: «ong- mens, Green * O o Z , W & ^.~5xxvIT7 398a written by Me men approximately twenty years after he left the Church of England, this work may in some respects be considered an autobiography. It is the story of the inner struggle which finally resulted in his leaving the English church, and was prompted by Charles Kingsley’s attack on the Homan Catholic church and his charge that truth for its own sake had never been a vir­ tue with the Homan clergy, a position which he further charged was supported by He man*

Cor re apondence o f Jo h n Henry Newman w ith John Keble and S't&era, 1839^1Sip?'*1" H T a t 't fee "'"Birmingham Ora­ t o r y . L ondon: L o n g m a n s 'G reen m C o ., 1917* Pp* i x , 1*13* this volume is supplementary to the 2 volume aeries edited by Anne Mosley and contains primarily m aterial omitted from the two earlier volu iea.

betters and Gorreapondence of John Henry Hewman ‘"during lifs115'lfe Tn~Hie English Church. "Ed* fey Anne kbsley." S’ vol s• London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1891. A reproduction In chronological order of the most significant of Newman’s letters up through about 1 8 3 9 .

. Parochial and Plain Sermons. Vol. XV of an 8 vol. s e r i e s . Hewed. London: divingtons, 168?. A volume o f serm ons t h a t Newman d e d ic a te d to Hugh James Hose on Its publication.

• ihfc Via Media of the Anglican Church. 2 v o l s. muMmmmm* miiyw rnnm mmm - rumm m jmd mu w i n mmnm- mti ninjm m M im n \mgi J W f n bondons Longmans, Green Co., 1908-1911. A compilation of letters, tracts, and lectures writ­ ten and delivered between 1 8 3 0 and I 0 I4I. by Newman i n h i s attempts to define precisely the position of the Anglican c h u rc h .

P a lm er, W illia m . A Narrative of Events Connected with the Publication o? inh-TiTlecr tion s bn" 1 '¥xiSTing leniencies to lo55ni«ai,"‘‘an! on the l^ e a e n i^ ^ tie a 'an d n ^ b s^ eta oT Member s o f lEfee~T?hurch. ?iSew Sfork T 3aie® A. S p a rk s' 1 8 5 3 . l^p." x 'l, life*. this brief work, written by a participant in the organisational phases of the movement, is one of the earliest histories of the movement ever written. It Is a primary source of material on the early years of the movement in later histories.

P e r c e v a l, A. P. A Collection of Papers Connected with the Theolo g ical FTovement' 6f ""1833. L ondonsJ.rr'6.' 'E. ?& J . living ton, l8l|5. '' Tp • v i “, I u 6 . D e a ls primarily with the e&rly years of the movement. 151*

b. shcowmry m u m Book n

Bril loth, Vhgve !forgny. The Anglican Revival, Studies In the Qxfor i Moyyaent. onions u on gmansV 7!reen Co ."7' * fp rn ' XY, ™ySTm ",r W ”,r Thia volume, by a Swedish author, ia an outstanding work on the fraetarian movement* It was written during four successive visits to Oxford from 1919 to 1922 and was originally Intended only for a Swedish public. Pub­ lished initially In the Swedish year book of church his­ tory, Kyr kohlatoriak Araskrlft, in three installments. drodrick, G. C. A liistory of the University of Oxford. Lon­ don: uonfywria, dreen s*. Co7T~i 885 •’ f '^\n XVf 23i>« A h i s t o r y o f the university from earliest times* treats Traeterianiam as a phase of the growth of Oxford.

Chadwick, Owen. Trie ilnd of the Oxford Movement. California: 3 tan ford Uni'ver sTfy Pre as, 1%0. ^p*' 'i'39 • One of the few attempts by late twentieth century writers to Interpret the movement. Contains extensive quotations from participants and earlier histories.

C hurch, R. w* The O xford Movement, .Twelve Y e a rs, l8 3 3 - l8 ljg . 3rd ed. London: Macmillan' 't'Go.!*p. x v , 1*16. This work Is one o f tlie most comprehensive accounts of the Oxford movement ever written, as well as a book of high literary merit. The author, who was a leading figure in the later stages of the movement, .has come to be known as wthe classic historian of the Oxford move­ ment^ as a result of this important volume.

Cornish, Francis Warre. The English Church in the Nineteenth Century. Vol. VI11 of tfae o vol.' A Vffstory of ~iKe 1 kngil's'h Church. .Ed. by W. H. W.dTepEensanlTyTTTi am ffumTT™wdnffini Macmillan .*« Co., 1910. An outstanding, work on the E n g lis h church.

Cross, i . L. The Oxford Movement and the Seventeenth Century. London: LorTetFTor F r o ^ ^ 1933- A treatise which attempts to trace the roots of the movement back to the seventeenth century. newson, Christopher. The Spirit of the Oxford Movement. New Cork: Sheed 3: MarS,"Inc.", 1933• ?p. xv, lljl** A short but penetrating analysis of the forces that contributed to the birth and growth of the movement. 1 55

Elliott-Sinns* L. E* tlie Early Evangel!eels 8 A Religious end Social Study* CreenwTcKv Conn*: " ^eabury W ees/"1955* An excellent study of the Evangelical movement from Its Inception through the nineteenth century,

Faber, Geoffrey C* Oxford Apostles* Penguin Books, In asso­ ciation with Fatter"I r ’f*aoerV* 1954• Pp* 942• A character study of the Oxford movement. This work Is the only serious modern attempt to interpret the move­ ment to the twentieth century reader In an entirely in­ dependent fashion without appealing to the traditional Judgments of ecclesiastical historians*

Froude, James Anthony* **fhe Oxford Counter-Reformation,* in Short Studies on Great Subjects. Vol. IV of a I* vol. Series" WFw York's Bttariea Serfbner1s Sons, 1897* Some personal recollections from a noted historian who was a younger brother of one of the original leaders of the movement*

Grevllle, Charles C. F. Ihe Orevllie Memoirs* A Journal of

iiiiiithe inwwi mmmm/mmrnmlmmmm Reigns ofrnrnmmm King George” mmmmmgmm/rnmmrn XT'and * m m m * KiiSST'Wr n m m m m m m m lliSkTf «.'"'"“Ed. n m m , by Henry Reeve. 2 Vois. Sew fork: D. Appleton k C o ., 1 6 8 6 . The personal observations of a critical and observ­ ant writer who was a member of the king* a court during the time of which he wrote.

______• The Grevllle Memoirs (second part)* A Journal of th e R eig n 6F:r(^xeen W otbrTa from I'djjT'IE'o 18?2" Ed.^by lie nr y" ‘le a v e . 2 VbliT Sew fork": D. Apple ton ' St C o ., I 0 6 5 . Further observations by a shrewd observer.

Balevy, Elle. A History of the English People In the Nine­ teenth Cenfur”y. "" frans.^'Sy f . XV" 15aSkin 'I D. A. Barker. ToIsT”I, 11, and III of a 6 vol. series. Hew York: Barnes as Hoble Inc., 1961. An outstanding history of England during the years of the movement by a gifted historian*

Hall, Sfmuel. A Short History of the Oxford Movement* Con­ don: i^ngm anJr^ettnl^. TITGF. ~WTxT^TET:— A compact, factual account of the movement*

Harrold, Charlea Frederick. "The Oxford Movement: A Recon­ sideration, ” In Joseph E. Baker (ed .), the Interpretation of Victorian Literature* Princeton: Princeton University Press, 195o. A searching twenty-three page essay on the Intellec­ tual, literary, and theological aspects of the movement. 1 0 6

K.y«-Siaitsh, Sheila. Anglo-Catholic lam. iionelonj Ch.onan & K a i l , 1920. ?p. xT7"2?BT An attempt to Interpret the movement in an essen­ tially Homan Catholic light.

Knox, E. A. The Tractsrian Movement, i€53-ii5. London: Put­ nam, 193JT* Pp. xlx7"'iil^ ------An excellent study which interpret a the movement a a a phase or the general religious revival In western Europe in the second quarter of the nineteenth century*

Knox, Wilfred L* The Catholic Movement in the Church of Eng­ land. LondonT^TIIFTnranin^ 19217" TpTxT Z&2. A work which attempts to Interpret the actions of the Tractariana, their predecessors, and their successors as an attempt to reunite the Church of England with the Church of Home.

Florae-Boycott, Desmond Lionel. Lead Kindly Eight; Studies of the Saints and Heroes of the "foxf or Movement» London: We Sentenary Press, 1952. Pp721*0. Brief studies of the roles of each of the main par- cipants in the movement.

Oakeley, Frederick. Historical Notes on the Tractarian Move­

emesMiirm en t, *■»a* D. 1 ■■ ■■ 8 3 3 -iS mn iiS . Condon s'"11 Longmans, v*^ Gree ri STY?© * , lo o p • ■he w riter’s personal observations and recollections of the movement, originally published in three install­ m ents in The D u b lin He view , l863-6J|.*

□Hard, ,Sidn©y Leslie. The Anglo-Catholic Revival, ^ondon: A. R* Mowbray & Co• i 19257 "Pp. xl‘, 96. A series of six lectures delivered by the author at the All Saints1, Margaret Street, Church.

* k Short III story of the Oxford Movement. London: A* ft. i-iowEray ’& mfto#T i9l?T. Tp • xv, 2 B$. A survey of the movement from its beginning through­ out the remainder of the nineteenth century.

Overton, «T. H. The Anglican Revival. Londons Blackie & Son, 1 8 9 ?. Pp. 229. An outstanding work by one of the greatest authori­ ties on nineteenth century English church history.

______. Hie F.ngllsh Church in the nineteenth Century, 1800- 33. Londons Longmans, Green & Col, I844• Pp. vlii, 3^6, PI* • An outstanding work, ihe most exhaustive study avail­ able oi the English church during the first thirty-three years of the nineteenth century. 157

Feck, William George* Hie Social Xmpllcat!ona of the Oxford Movement.wr*r%t>. Hew York: Charles Seri K er '"a "8 ona, ~T933 . " A work which endeavors to interpret every move that th e f r a c t a r i a n s made a s a n o th e r s te p to w a rd Homan C a th o l­ icism *

Huggiero, Guido de* the History of European Liberal!am* Trans* by H. 0 * fi'Srilngiroba. BosSoni 'Beacon ’ftpeea, 1 9 6 1 . An outstanding survey of the rise of liberalism throughout Europe, with a brief treatment of Tractarian- lam aa an anti-liberal force*

Shairp, J. C. Studies In Foe t r y and Philosophy* B o sto n s Houghton, warns “ co:, iH9jr~ Wprmit 3v>. Contains a short treatise on the life of Kefele, with accent on his accomplishments In the field of poetry*

Somervell, D. C. English Thought in the nineteenth Century* Londons Hethuen S S o 'T 9 5 7 .'1 * An excellent but brief Introduction to the social history of England In the nineteenth century, including a short survey of the movement*

»parrow-31mpaon, William J. The Hlatory of the Anglo-Catho­ lic Revival from I 8 I4S* Condons'Seor ge I H e n 5 “tIniiii "ia, 1 ^ J 2 • This volume traces the course of the movement during the second phase which began in l 8 lj5 »

Spence, H* D. M. A Historyof the English Church. London: J . H. B ent 3e Tfo7, I&99* P p T ^ J L ------A condensed history of the English church from its earliest times.

Stewart, Herbert Leslie* A Century of Anglo-Cathollelam. London: J * H* Dent % l ,ons,r rI929 * Fp7 'xvi'£,' 4 8 I4,. A survey of the first on© hundred years of the move­ m ent. T r a i l l , H. D* and J . S. Mann < eds*) • Social England* Vol. VI o f a 6 vol. aeries* Londons Cassell S' Co., 19014 ,. A detailed and highly interesting social history of England for the p» rlod lo!5>-lS85* fulloch, John. Movements of Heligioua Thought In 'Britain dur­ ing the Hin©teenth Hgentury. wew fork: CharTea Scribner * a *>on s T T s f f j; ' "Fp." Jl,x i , 3 3 8 • An excellent discussion of the Oxford movement as only one facet of English nineteenth century religious l i f e . 158

Venn, John. Annals of a Clerical Family. London: Macmillan * c o . , iwii7~pp7 xir^w : ------An account of one segment of the v&ngellcal group.

Wakeaan, Henry Off ley. An Introduction to the HI story of the Church of En&land. TTonclbm " *ffi‘vingtons7'T92? • $». xxTI 51 9 . An excellent general survey of the English ch u rch from early until modern times. i*alsh, Walter, the History of the Homeward Movement in the C hurch o f &J5gTan87 I I 3 3-1861117 ' '"lioncBni James Wlsbe t Ss 5FTTT9M." Tp'.'Te?7~^ ------* A history of the Oxford Movement from the standpoint of an Evangelical churchman. He described the movement as a aeries of secret plots designed from the first to subject the Church of England to the Homan Catholic. Ward, London W ilfrid. j m ©an William irn^d^iwsz George Ward and H the ^.^vTrw Catholic : ------Revival* A detailed account of the efforts of Ward and his associates to turn the Oxford movement into a reunion w ith th e Homan C a th o lic c h u rc h .

Ward, W ilfrid Philip. The Oxford Movement. Londons f. C. As K. C. Jack, 191?. ~ * p .- T r W . A brief interpretation of Traetarianlaui from the Homan Catholic standpoint.

Woodward, E. £*• the Age of Reform, l8l5-lB?0. Oxfords 'Ihm Clarendon Press,'~T9W7 "TpTTvi 117^855^ An exhaustive study of ^ngltmd during the years of the movement, with a seven page summary of Tractarianisoi.

Yonge, Charlotte Mary* John Keble»s Parishes; a History of Hursley and O tter bourne. Lon Son s 'rfa cmiXlan' & Co., lW 8. *a a » I HM i m m m2Cl h . rnm m m# * 231}. . mm mi .mumim* * Recollections of Keble * s work as © country clergyman.

Biographies

Abbott, Edwin A. The Anglican Career of Cardinal Neman. 2 vo Is • Lon don s Maciillan^w^ c'or. . A comprehensive account of Newman’s life up to the time of his departure from the English church.

Coleridge, John Taylor. A Memoir of the Hcv. John Keble. 2 vols. 2nd ed. with corrections arvcf aXTitlons. dxford: James Parker & Co., 1669. The most exhaustive biography available of Keble. 1 5 9

Donaldson# Augustus Blair, Five Oraat Oxford Leaders; Keble, Ktwatn, Pusey, Llddon and' &ur'c1i7 ^IldnSSnt ' itlvlngtons, n r p p r i i , y r m ------Sketches of f i v e leaders of the movement.

Flood, Joseph Mary* Cardinal Mevmfen and Oxford, Londont I v o r M lcholson k Watson, 1^33. FpT^xi7~2857 nnothar work on the life of lawman with emphasis on the time he spent as a member of the Anglican church*

Grafton, Charles Chapman. Pusey and the Church Revival, M ilw aukeet Hie Young cE urc hmmn Co*, 19387'' 1*p7 757 A short treatise that dwells largely on highly tech* nical religious aspects of the movement.

Gulney, ^oulae Imogen, ilurrell Froude ; Memoranda and Comments. London: Methuen, 19bl** T o. T4J97’" the only known biography of Fr>ude. Contains a great amount of Information on the early years of the movement*

Holland, Lady. A Memoir of the Revere nd Sydney dmlth. With a aele c 1I on~f romU 1 a~Te t teriu e 3T. by Mrs. Sarah Austin. 2 vols. *?ew York• Harper k Brothers, 1855. the most comprehends!ve biography available of this liberal English clergyman. Contains extensive selections from his writings, sermons, and letters.

Hutton, Richard H. Cardinal Newman. London: Methuen ^ Co., 1891. Pp. 251. A volume devoted to the study of Herman*a life before he left the Anglican church.

Ingram, Kenneth. John Ktble. London: •’‘hilip Allan, 1933. pp. i , 1614,. An abbreviated biography covering only the moat significant events in the life of Keble• llddon, Henry Parry. Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 4 vols., 4 th ed. 'London 3 ^ongmans," Green w ’Co.",'’ 1894. An exhaustive study of -^usey’s life that covers in d e t a i l h is participation in the movement.

Lock, Walter. John Keble: a Biography. 5th ed. iondon: Methuen * EoTT TB937 ?P- "vTIT, ?!*6. A valuable aid to the study of Kcble'a life, contain­ ing a complete listing of the poems comprising Use Chris­ tian Tear, and a H at of all Keble*s published writings.

P a u l, 0. X egan. Biographical ,3k e t c h e s. uondon: Kagan Paul, F rench & Co .7 1585 • P p. v l ,~"251J7 Contains a short sketch o f the life of Keble and of several other famous personalities. 160

Shairp, 0* C. John Keble $ an Lsaay on the Author of the * Chrl atla n "Year»' * " K d ln^urgH I' ft3moni» Son■& DougTaa, 1866.

A short study of Treble*a abilities and accomplish­ ments as a poet.

Jmith, B. A* Dean Church, the Anglican R esponse to tfawmaa. |>| iwimwuiiMMM— m m m «trwm iw.iwmiiiei m m new y*»WMn* Mwo ■ a m . ■ ^w .ii» ag » « m u k n » m » m w *«%•

Stanley, Arthur Penrhyn. the Life and Co rreap o n denee o f ihomaa Arnold, ? void• in one. Boston: yames"’H. Osgood 5 do.7 X 8 7 3 7 ~ A study of the life of a man who spent much of his life In opposition to the fractartan 'movement.

Stephens, weslie and Sidney Lee teds.). Dictionary of elation- al Biography. 22 vola. uondon: Ox for#' !mlvarsity Press, IF 8 5 ^ I ? I ' i 7 .. An Invaluable standard for biographical data.

D?evelyan, George Macaulay. Lord Grey of the Reform Bill. Londons Longsman, Green ¥"<66•, 192*37 T p . ~ xl'7~' A treatise on Grey’s life and his role in passage of the Reform Bill of 1832.

Wood, Edward r. L. Leaders of the Church, 1600-1900: John K eble. Londons "171!.im™Mowbray 7""^o7,1 19W 7 ~Tp7 x i, 'Sl^* A study of Keble’ a life and his role in the move­ ment.

Periodicals

"Anglican Claim o i Apostolical Succession,n The Dublin Review, v O ct., 1 B3 8 )/ 285-309* VII (Aug., 1B3WT7 IW ^E oZ ~~ "Church and sta te ," Edinburgh Review, LXIX. (April, 1839), 2 3 1 -2 8 0 .

Fairchild, Hoxle B. "Romanticism and the Religious Revival in Kagland,1* Journal of the History of Ideas, II ( 19!il),

"John Keble, * Blackwoods Magazine, CV (June, 1869), 6.00-1*15.

"John Keble,” L lttel’s Living Age, Cl (April, 1869), 85-93.

Kaye-Liiiith, iheila. "Ninety ^ears of ’Oxford Konsanae*,” f o r tn ig h tly Review, G^VTII (June, 1925), 762-772. 161

"Keble end * The Christian Year1*” Morth British Review, Xh¥ C S ept*, 1 8 6 6 ), 2 2 9 - 2 6 4 .

Oakeley, Frederick. "Historical Ho tee or the rraetsrian Move­ ment, " The Dublin Review, LXXX (July, 1063), 170-190, W ^-5087TlTTIin.TTTOf), 164-179; LV (July, 1864), 1 8 1 - 199.

"the Oxford Controversy," The Dublin Review, 1 (May, 1 8 3 6 ), 250 - 265*

"the Oxford Malignant* and Dr. Hampden," sdinburgh Review, L t l l t ( A p r i l , I 8 3 6 ), 225-239.

"Oxford Theology," the Quarterly Review, LXIIX (March, 1 8 3 9 }, 5 2 5 -5 7 2 .

"The Oxford school," Edinburgh Review, Chill (April, 1881), 305-335* Palmer, William. "The Oxford Movement or 1833,” Contemporary Review, XLIII (May, 1 8 8 3 ), 636-659.

"Recent Developments in Puseyism , 0 Edinburgh Review, LXXX (Oct., 1844), 309-375.

"The Rev. John Keble,M Every Saturday, XIV (May, 1873), 539- 546.

"Rubrics and Ritual of the Church of England , n Quarterly Re­ view, hXXXX (*%y, 1 8 4 3 ) , 2 3 2 - 2 9 0 .

"Sacred Poetry," Quarterly Review, XXXII (June, 1025)# 211- 2 3 2 . "State of the Government,H The Quarterly Review, XLVI (Hov., I 8 3 1 )* 2 74- 312. ' Stokes, George T. "Alexander Knox and the Oxford Movement," Contemporary Review, SIX (July-Dee., 18 8 7 ), 184-205*

"Ward’s Ideal of a Christian Church," Quarterly Review, l»XX? (Dec., 1844). 149-200.