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Btng-Rbhc, 25, 1994-1995, 3 BTNG-RBHC, XXV, 1994-1995, 3-4, pp. 569-612. LINKS VAN DE BELGISCHE WERKLIEDENPARTIJ. Communisme in Antwerpen tussen de twee wereldoorlogen DOOR JAN HUNIN Aspirant NFWO Toen Trotsky in maart 1919 in Moskou het stichtingscongres van de Derde Internationale opende, had het voorbeeld van de communistische partij van de Sovjetunie navolging gekregen in een groot aantal Europese landen. Ook in België bestonden groepen die zich communistisch noemden, maar zij blonken meer uit in radicalisme dan in politiek gewicht. Tijdens de oorlog was in België de verspreiding van het communi- stisch gedachtengoed niet alleen afgeremd door het feit dat de Belgische regering hoegenaamd geen schuld aan de oorlog had, maar ook door de afwachtende houding van koning Albert aan het front, die weigerde zijn soldaten de dood in te jagen in een zinloze loopgravenoorlog. Na de wapenstilstand waren de invoering van het Algemeen Enkelvoudig Stemrecht bij de verkiezingen van november 1919 en de sociale hervormingen die na de wapenstilstand in snel tempo door het parlement werden gejaagd, bovendien niet van aard om het extremisme in de arbeidersbeweging te bevorderen. Het gevolg was dat toen de Kommuni- stische Partij (KP) van België na een lange aanloopperiode in 1921 werd opgericht, ze er niet in slaagde een serieuze bedreiging te vormen voor de sociaal-democraten, zoals dat het geval was in de buurlanden Frankrijk en Duitsland. De Belgische communisten bleven tien jaar lang schommelen rond de twee procent van het kiezerspubliek, tot in het midden van de jaren dertig de aanslepende economische crisis en de dreiging van het fascisme hen het elan gaf om aan politieke betekenis te winnen.1 1. Het wetenschappelijk onderzoek over de geschiedenis van de Belgische KP tijdens het interbellum staat nog in de kinderschoenen. Het beste overzicht staat in de indrukwekkende studie van J. GoTOVTTCH, Du Rouge au Tricolore. Les Communistes 569 Hoewel de KP tussen de twee wereldoorlog klein bleef, roomde zij de aanhang van de Belgische Werkliedenpartij (BWP) af, omdat beide partijen op hetzelfde kiezerspubliek mikten. Dat wilde zeggen dat het communisme in België vooral een franstalige aangelegenheid was en zijn beste uitslagen behaalde in gebieden waar de socialisten sterk stonden: in de industriecentra van Henegouwen en Luik en in de hoofdstedelijke agglomeratie. Een uitzondering vormde Antwerpen, waar de stemmenaan- tallen van de KP zelfs bleek afstaken tegen het nationale gemiddelde, hoewel in hetzelfde arrondissement de BWP bij parlementsverkiezingen meer dan een derde van kiezers achter zich kreeg, met uitschieters in 1925 en 1932. Het aantal communistische stemmen schommelde in het arrondissement Antwerpen rond één procent, met een piek (3%) in het jaar 1936, toen de KP in heel België fors vooruitging. Ook in de stad Antwerpen vielen de uitslagen voor de KP tegen. Vóór de Tweede Wereldoorlog slaagden de communisten er niet in een verkozene naar de Antwerpse gemeenteraad te sturen, terwijl ze in de hoofdstad in 1938 zelfs drie zetels in de wacht sleepten.2 Hoewel het weinig waarschijnlijk is dat het werkterrein voor de belges de 1939 à 1944. Un aspect de l'histoire de la Résistance en Belgique, Bruxelles, 1992, pp. 13-36. In Een geschiedenis van het Belgische kommunisme, 1921- 1945, Gent, 1980 staan bijdragen van M. LJEBMAN over de stichting van de KP en van R. VAN DOORSLAER over de periode tot aan de Tweede Wereldoorlog. Van dezelfde auteur is er de Kommunistische Partij van België en het Sovjet-Duits niet-aanvalspakt tussen augustus 1939 en juli 1941, Brussel, 197S en een artikel in het Belgisch Tijdschrift voor Nieuwste Geschiedenis (BTNG), XXII, 1991 over "Israël 'Piet' Akkerman, de diamantzager (1913-1937). Een joodse militant van de Derde Internationale in Antwerpen." Van belang zijn ook een aantal licentiaatsverhandelingen, die hun gebrek aan synthese goedmaken door de schat aan informatie die ze bevatten: L. REYNTJENS, De eerste kommunistische groepen in Vlaanderen en Brussel en de stichting van de Kommunistische Partij van België (1917- 1921). Hun houding tegenover het Belgisch socialisme en tegenover de Vlaamse kwestie, Leuven, KU Leuven, OLV, 1971 en C. DE SMET, De Vlaamse afdelingen van de Kommunistische Partij. 1921-1926. Een status quaestionis, Gent, RUG, OLV, 1973; ook M. LE BRUYN, Ontwikkeling en aktie van de Kommunistische Partij van België van 1927 tot 1933. Bijdrage tot de studie van het stalinistisch fenomeen, Leuven, KU Leuven, OLV, 1977. In tegenstelling tot de KP beschikt het trotskisme wel over een standaardwerk voor de geschiedenis van het interbellum: Nadya DE BEULE, Het Belgisch trotskisme. De geschiedenis van een groep oppositionele communisten (1925- 1940), Gent, 1980. 2. Een zetel in 1932 en twee in 1926. J. GOTOVTTCH, DU Rouge au Tricolore .... p. 37. Ook in Gent had de KP meer succes dan in Antwerpen: er zetelde één communist in de gemeenteraad na 1926, drie na 1932 en één na 1938. D. MARTIN, 570 KP er gunstiger was dan in Antwerpen, waar tijdens het interbellum de metaalindustrie een groot aantal arbeiders verenigde en waar de havenarbeiders open stonden voor radicale ideeën, behaalden de communisten in het kanton Brussel bij de parlementsverkiezingen drie-, vier- of zelfs zesmaal zoveel stemmen als in het kanton Antwerpen: in 1925 4,9% tegen 0,8%, in 1929 4,8% tegen 1,3%, in 1932 5,7% tegen 1,6%, in 1936 14,0% tegen 4% en in 1939 12,3% tegen 1,8%. Als de sociaal-ekonomische samenstelling van de arbeidersbevolking geen verklaring biedt voor haar zwakte, wat liep er dan fout in de Antwerpse KP? Waarom brengen de opeenvolgende verkiezingen socialistische overwinningen en communistische nederlagen? Het antwoord op deze vragen ligt in de geschiedenis van de Antwerpse arbeidersbeweging. I. SOCIALISME EN ACTIVISME Omdat de Eerste Wereldoorlog bewees een vruchtbare voedingsbodem te zijn voor revolutionair idealisme, waarin uiterst-linkse groepen konden wortel schieten, begint het onderzoek over het Antwerpse communisme met de vraag naar de inhoud en de vorm van het socialistisch activisme.3 In de annalen van de Antwerpse arbeidersbeweging staat 9 september 1916 vermeld als het begin van het socialistisch activisme, waarmee de politieke wapenstilstand die vanaf het begin van de oorlog door de BWP werd onderhouden, bruusk werd verstoord. Op die dag hield Anton Jacob, die lesgever geworden was aan de door de bezetter vernederlandste universiteit van Gent, in de Socialistische Volkshogeschool een lezing over 'passivisme en activisme in de Vlaamse Beweging'. Zijn voorbeeld werd in november gevolgd door Jef Van Extergem, die als secretaris van Het lokale politieke personeel (1918-1940). Proeve van een comparatief onderzoek naar politiek-electorale en socio-demografische kenmerken van grootstedelijke (kandidaat-)gemeenteraadsleden te Gent en te Antwerpen in de politieke context van het interbellum, Brussel, VUB, ODV, 1990, p. 1052. In afwachting van het verschijnen van de Databank Belgische gemeenteverkiezingen 1890-1970 van C. KISSTELOOT, A. MARES en C. MARISSAL: zie ook het interessante cartogram van Van DOORSLAER voor de gemeenteraadsverkiezingen van 1938 in De Kommunistische Partij van België en het Sovjet-Duits niet-aanvalspakt, bijlage I. 3. W. EK)LDERER, Die Rezeption der Flamenfrage in der deutschen Öffentlichkeit und deutsch-flämische Kontakte 1890-1920, (Kassel), 1989, pp. 192-203 en M. SERTYN, 'Het sœialistische aktivisme tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog', BTNG, VE, 1976, pp. 169-195. 571 de Socialistische Jonge Wacht (SJW) de vlaamsgezinde socialisten opriep om niet te blijven stilzitten tijdens de Duitse bezetting. Enkele weken later werd een Vlaamse Socialistische Arbeidsgemeenschap opgericht, die zich buiten de BWP opstelde en in activistische zin propaganda voerde. Volgens haar blad De Socialistische Vlaming, waarvan de 18-jarige Van Extergem hoofdredacteur was, vielen klassenstrijd en Vlaamse Beweging samen en was de Belgische vaderlandsliefde een kunstmatig aangekweekt begrip. De Socialistische Vlaming gaf blijk van een strijdbaar socialisme, maar in het spoor van het activisme van katholieken en liberalen werd vooral propaganda gemaakt voor een zelfstandig Vlaanderen en maakte de krant haar socialisme ondergeschikt aan de Vlaamse zaak. Tijdens de oorlog werkte Van Extergem zelfs mee aan Ons Land en Het Vlaamsche Nieuws, twee bladen die doorgingen als de spreekbuis van de bekende activist August Bonns. In januari 1918 bekende de secretaris van de SJW in één van die kranten: "Men werpt me wel eens op dat ik teveel flamingant en te weinig socialist ben."4 Ook na de oorlog bleef Van Extergem in Vlaams-nationalistisch vaarwater drijven. In juni 1919 bevestigde hij in een open brief aan de socialistische partijleider Vandervelde, die op dat ogenblik Minister van Justitie was, zijn anti-Belgische overtuiging: "Al moesten wij honderdmaal verraad plegen tegen het vaderland der Belgische kapitalisten en franskiljonse patriotards, wij zouden geen ogenblik aarzelen, wanneer ons waar en éénige vaderland - Vlaanderen - er mede zou te redden zijn."5 Voor zijn landverraad werd hij in 1920 veroordeeld tot 20 jaar opsluiting. Zoals de BWP over het algemeen onberoerd bleef door de Duitse Flamenpolitik, slaagde Van Extergem er met zijn vlaamsgezind radicalisme niet in veel sympathie los te weken in de Antwerpse socialistische arbeidersbeweging. In heel Vlaanderen telde De Socialisti- sche Vlaming een oplage van 1.500 exemplaren, maar in Antwerpen zelf was de aanhang van de Vlaamse Socialistische Arbeidsgemeenschap relatief klein. Volgens Van Extergem
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