Rhotic Assibilation in Mexican Spanish in Chihuahua

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Rhotic Assibilation in Mexican Spanish in Chihuahua languages Article Men Finally Got It! Rhotic Assibilation in Mexican Spanish in Chihuahua Natalia Mazzaro * and Raquel González de Anda Department of Languages and Linguistics, University of Texas at El Paso, El Paso, TX 79968, USA; [email protected] * Correspondence: [email protected] Received: 17 August 2020; Accepted: 3 October 2020; Published: 14 October 2020 Abstract: Rhotic assibilation is a common sociolinguistic variable observed in different Spanish speaking countries such as Argentina, Ecuador, and México. Previous studies reported that rhotic assibilation alternates with the flap and/or with the trill. In this study,we explore three aspects of rhotic assibilation in the Spanish of the state of Chihuahua, Mexico/El Paso, TX, United States: (1) Its diachronic development; (2) the linguistic and social factors that affect this variation and; (3) the possible effect of contact with English in this variable. Fifty-eight participants, including Spanish monolingual and Spanish-English bilingual subjects, performed one formal and two semi-informal speech production tasks. Acoustic and perceptual analysis of the tokens showed that the variation is not binary (standard vs. non-standard variant), but that it includes other rhotic variants with varying degrees of frication. Variation is restricted to phrase-final position and heavily favored by preceding front vowels (/e/ and /i/). These effects have a clear aerodynamic and articulatory motivation. Rhotic assibilation is not receding, as previously reported. It continues to be a prestigious variable prevalent amongst females, but also present in male speakers. The comparison between bilingual and monolingual speakers shows that contact with English does not significantly affect the occurrence of assibilation. Keywords: rhotic assibilation; sociolinguistics; sociophonetics; Mexican Spanish; variation 1. Introduction Rhotic assibilation is a pervasive feature of most varieties of Spanish. It has been reported in Argentina (Colantoni 2006); Bolivia (Morgan and Sessarego 2016); Costa Rica (Vásquez Carranza 2006); Ecuador (Bradley 2004); Spain (Henriksen and Willis 2010); Dominican Republic (Willis 2007); and Mexico (Amastae et al. 1998; Bradley and Willis 2012; Eller 2013; Lope Blanch 1967; Perissinotto 1972; Rissel 1989). Although assibilation is a common feature in all these dialects, social and linguistic factors seem to influence the phonological feature in unique ways. In this study, we focus on rhotic assibilation in the Spanish of the state of Chihuahua, Mexico/El Paso, TX, United States. We explore three aspects of rhotic assibilation: (i) The development of this feature more than two decades after the first (and only) study was conducted in this same dialect (Amastae et al. 1998); (ii) the linguistic and social factors that affect this variation; and (iii) whether contact with English affects the variable in bilinguals. The rest of the paper is organized as follows: Section1 reviews the phonetic and phonological characteristics of rhotics, the sociolinguistic literature on rhotic assibilation in Mexico City and Ciudad Juárez, Chihuahua. Section2 details the methodology for the study. Section3 introduces the results, and Section4 answers the research questions and relates the findings of the present study with the literature reviewed. Finally, we conclude and discuss the future directions of this research. Languages 2020, 5, 38; doi:10.3390/languages5040038 www.mdpi.com/journal/languages Languages 2020Languages, 5, x FOR2020, 5PEER, 38 REVIEW 2 of 21 2 of 21 1.1. Phonological, Articulatory, and Acoustic Characteristics of Spanish Rhotics 1.1. Phonological, Articulatory, and Acoustic Characteristics of Spanish Rhotics With regardWith to regard rhotic to rhoticdistribution, distribution, there there is isa acl clearear distinction distinction between between the the syllabic syllabic positions positions that that can be occupiedcan be occupied by taps by and taps andtrills. trills. Taps Taps / /ɾ /,/, as as in in caro caro/ká o/ká/ ‘expensive’,ɾo/ ‘expensive’, and trills and/r¯/, as trills in carro /r/,̄ / kasár¯ oin/ carro /káro/̄ ‘car’,‘car’, contrast contrast in in word-internal word-internal intervocalic intervocalic position position (Hualde (Hualde 2005). In 2005). word-initial In word-initial position and position after and after a consonanta consonant in ina different a different syllable, only only the the trill trill occurs: occurs: Rosa Rosa/r¯ósa/ /r‘rose’ósa/̄ and ‘rose’ Israel and/is r¯Israelaél/. The /isr tapaél/.̄ The occurs in onset clusters: Prosa /p ósa/ ‘prose’ and in word-final position before a vowel: Ser amigos tap occurs in onset clusters: Prosa /pɾósa/ ‘prose’ and in word-final position before a vowel: Ser /sé amígos/ ‘to be friends’. A variable rhotic appears in coda position (within a word or across word amigos /séboundaries)ɾ amíɡos/ followed‘to be friends’. by a consonant A variable or a pause, rhotic i.e., appears when resyllabification in coda position is not possible.(within Whilea word a tap or across word boundaries)is more frequently followed found by in a these consonant contexts, or an a emphatic pause, trilli.e., can when also occurresyllabification1 e.g., arte a[r¯]te is ornotá[ ]tepossible. While a tap‘art’, is amor more amo[ frequently] or amo[r¯] ‘love’.found Following in these Hualde contexts,(2005 ),an we emphatic will use the trill symbol can/ ralso/ to represent occur1 thee.g., arte a[r]tē or á[non-distinctɾ]te ‘art’, rhoticamor found amo[ inɾ] final or amo[r position]̄ ‘love’. where there Following is no possible Hualde resyllabification. (2005), we Wewill will use also the use symbol the neutral term ‘rhotic’ rather than ‘tap’ and ‘trill’ to refer to it. /r/ to represent the non-distinct rhotic found in final position where there is no possible Articulatorily, standard taps and trills2 share the same place and manner of articulation; they are resyllabification.both usually We realized will also asvoiced use the and neutral alveolar term3. The ‘r mainhotic’ difference rather betweenthan ‘tap’ taps and and ‘trill’ trills is to that refer taps to it. Articulatorily,are produced standard with a single taps contact and between trills2 theshare tip ofthe the same tongue place towards and the manner alveolarridge, of articulation; while trills they are both usuallyare produced realized with severalas voiced (usually and two alveolar or three)3. The such main rapid contactsdifference (Hualde between 2005). taps Navarro and Tom trillsás is that taps are produced(Tomás 1970 ,with pp. 1, a 116) single gave contact a more detailed between description the tip of of the the Spanish tongue trill thattowards specifies the the alveolar position ridge, while trillsof theare tongue produced tip, dorsum, with andseveral root. He(usually stated thattwo the or tip three) of the tonguesuch bendsrapid upwardscontacts to (Hualde touch the 2005). upper-most part of the alveolar ridge, the tongue root retracts towards the back of the oral cavity, and Navarro theTomás tongue ([1918] body adopts 1970, app. hollow 1, 116) or concave gave shape.a more detailed description of the Spanish trill that specifies the positionThe realization of the of trillstongue requires tip, a dorsum, complex combination and root. ofHe articulatory stated that movements the tip ofof the the tongue-tip tongue bends upwards andto touch aerodynamic the upper-most forces (Solé 2002 part). of Due the to theiralveolar articulatory ridge, complexity, the tongue trills root are masteredretracts latetowards in theL1 the back of the oralacquisition cavity, and and arethe not tongue present body in the adopts babbling a stage. hollow Not onlyor concave do native shape. speakers find trills challenging, The realizationbut L2 learners of maytrills also requires find them a complex difficult tocomb acquireination and someof articulatory may never succeedmovements in rolling of the their tongue- [r]s (Solé 2002). Because the production mechanism of trills is quite complex and requires precise tip and aerodynamic forces (Solé 2002). Due to their articulatory complexity, trills are mastered late articulatory and aerodynamic conditions, small changes in their production can lead to perceptible in the L1 acousticacquisition differences. and are These not small present changes in the in the babbling production stage. of trills, Not which only coulddo native be due speakers to contextual find trills challenging,or prosodic but L2 features, learners create may a favorablealso find environment them difficult for the to instability acquire of and this soundsome andmay the never creation succeed of in rolling theirnew [r]s variants. (Solé In2002). fact, theBecause rich literature the production on rhotic variationmechanism in different of trills dialects is quite of Spanishcomplex provides and requires precise articulatoryevidence for theand instability aerodynamic of trills and, conditions, most importantly, small thechanges methodological in their challenges production they present can lead to in their analysis (see Method section). perceptible acoustic differences. These small changes in the production of trills, which could be due Acoustically, the tap and the trill share the same characteristics: A lowered third formant (Colantoni to contextual2001) or and prosodic brief periods features, of occlusion, create one a favora occlusionble for environment the tap and more for than the oneinst forability the trill. of However,this sound and the creationtaps of and new trills variants. differ in the In duration
Recommended publications
  • Water Quality in the Laguna De Bustillos of Chihuahua, Mexico
    Water Resources Management III 155 Water quality in the Laguna de Bustillos of Chihuahua, Mexico H. Rubio Arias1, R. A. Saucedo1, C. R. Lara1, K. Wood2 & J. Jimenez3 1Campo Experimental la Campana-Madera del Instituto Nacional de Investigaciones Forestales, Agricolas y Pecuarias, Mexico 2New Mexico Water Resources Research Institute, U.S.A. 3Facultad de Zootecnia de la Universidad Autonoma de Chihuahua, Mexico Abstract This paper discusses the water within Laguna de Bustillos, Mexico from a qualitative perspective. The following variables were measured at 18 randomly selected sampling sites: lithium (Li), arsenic (As), cadmium (Cd), cobalt (Co), chromium (Cr), copper (Cu), iron (Fe), manganese (Mn), molybdenum (Mo), nickel (Ni), lead (Pb), antimony (Sb), selenium (Se), thallium (Ti), vanadium (V), and zinc (Zn). Also measured were pH, total solids, total nitrogen (N- ammoniacal and N-organic), temperature, electrical conductivity (EC), and coliforms (total and fecal). A Kruskal-Wallis test was performed for all variables. Of all metal variables, Fe and Mn were present in excessive amounts at all sites reaching values higher than 100 ppm and 1.00 ppm, respectively. Variables with the most undesirable levels were total coliform and fecal coliform that reached values as high as 460*103 NMP/100mL in a sampling point close to an urban city called Cuauhtemoc. These results show the high levels of some contaminates in the Laguna de Bustillos and represent the formal data needed to request help from different regulatory authorities. Keywords: water quality, metal concentration, coliform bacteria, Anahuac, Cuauhtemoc, Chihuahua. 1 Introduction The Laguna de Bustillos is located in the central part of the state of Chihuahua, Mexico.
    [Show full text]
  • Phonological Domains Within Blackfoot Towards a Family-Wide Comparison
    Phonological domains within Blackfoot Towards a family-wide comparison Natalie Weber 52nd algonquian conference yale university October 23, 2020 Outline 1. Background 2. Two phonological domains in Blackfoot verbs 3. Preverbs are not a separate phonological domain 4. Parametric variation 2 / 59 Background 3 / 59 Consonant inventory Labial Coronal Dorsal Glottal Stops p pː t tː k kː ʔ <’> Assibilants ts tːs ks Pre-assibilants ˢt ˢtː Fricatives s sː x <h> Nasals m mː n nː Glides w j <y> (w) Long consonants written with doubled letters. (Derrick and Weber n.d.; Weber 2020) 4 / 59 Predictable mid vowels? (Frantz 2017) Many [ɛː] and [ɔː] arise from coalescence across boundaries ◦ /a+i/ ! [ɛː] ◦ /a+o/ ! [ɔː] Vowel inventory front central back high i iː o oː mid ɛː <ai> ɔː <ao> low a aː (Derrick and Weber n.d.; Weber 2020) 5 / 59 Vowel inventory front central back high i iː o oː mid ɛː <ai> ɔː <ao> low a aː Predictable mid vowels? (Frantz 2017) Many [ɛː] and [ɔː] arise from coalescence across boundaries ◦ /a+i/ ! [ɛː] ◦ ! /a+o/ [ɔː] (Derrick and Weber n.d.; Weber 2020) 5 / 59 Contrastive mid vowels Some [ɛː] and [ɔː] are morpheme-internal, in overlapping environments with other long vowels JɔːníːtK JaːníːtK aoníít aaníít [ao–n/i–i]–t–Ø [aan–ii]–t–Ø [hole–by.needle/ti–ti1]–2sg.imp–imp [say–ai]–2sg.imp–imp ‘pierce it!’ ‘say (s.t.)!’ (Weber 2020) 6 / 59 Syntax within the stem Intransitive (bi-morphemic) vs. syntactically transitive (trimorphemic). Transitive V is object agreement (Quinn 2006; Rhodes 1994) p [ root –v0 –V0 ] Stem type Gloss ikinn –ssi AI ‘he is warm’ ikinn –ii II ‘it is warm’ itap –ip/i –thm TA ‘take him there’ itap –ip/ht –oo TI ‘take it there’ itap –ip/ht –aki AI(+O) ‘take (s.t.) there’ (Déchaine and Weber 2015, 2018; Weber 2020) 7 / 59 Syntax within the verbal complex Template p [ person–(preverb)*– [ –(med)–v–V ] –I0–C0 ] CP vP root vP CP ◦ Minimal verbal complex: stem plus suffixes (I0,C0).
    [Show full text]
  • The Impact of the Mexican Revolution on Spanish in the United States∗
    The impact of the Mexican Revolution on Spanish in the United States∗ John M. Lipski The Pennsylvania State University My charge today is to speak of the impact of the Mexican Revolution on Spanish in the United States. While I have spent more than forty years listening to, studying, and analyzing the Spanish language as used in the United States, I readily confess that the Mexican Revolution was not foremost in my thoughts for many of those years. My life has not been totally without revolutionary influence, however, since in my previous job, at the University of New Mexico, our department had revised its bylaws to reflect the principles of sufragio universal y no reelección. When I began to reflect on the full impact of the Mexican Revolution on U. S. Spanish, I immediately thought of the shelf-worn but not totally irrelevant joke about the student who prepared for his biology test by learning everything there was to know about frogs, one of the major topics of the chapter. When the day of the exam arrived, he discovered to his chagrin that the essay topic was about sharks. Deftly turning lemons into lemonade, he began his response: “Sharks are curious and important aquatic creatures bearing many resemblances to frogs, which have the following characteristics ...”, which he then proceeded to name. The joke doesn’t mention what grade he received for his effort. For the next few minutes I will attempt a similar maneuver, making abundant use of what I think I already know, hoping that you don’t notice what I know that I don’t know, and trying to get a passing grade at the end of the day.
    [Show full text]
  • Searching for the Origins of Uruguayan Fronterizo Dialects: Radical Code-Mixing As “Fluent Dysfluency”
    Searching for the origins of Uruguayan Fronterizo dialects: radical code-mixing as “fluent dysfluency” JOHN M. LIPSKI Abstract Spoken in northern Uruguay along the border with Brazil are intertwined Spanish-Portuguese dialects known to linguists as Fronterizo `border’ dialects, and to the speakers themselves as portuñol. Since until the second half of the 19th century northern Uruguay was populated principally by monolingual Portuguese speakers, it is usually assumed that Fronterizo arose when Spanish-speaking settlers arrived in large numbers. Left unexplained, however, is the genesis of morphosyntactically intertwined language, rather than, e.g. Spanish with many Portuguese borrowings or vice versa. The present study analyzes data from several communities along the Brazilian border (in Argentina, Bolivia, and Paraguay), where Portuguese is spoken frequently but dysfluently (with much involuntary mixing of Spanish) by Spanish speakers in their dealings with Brazilians. A componential analysis of mixed language from these communities is compared with Uruguayan Fronterizo data, and a high degree of quantitative structural similarity is demonstrated. The inclusion of sociohistorical data from late 19th century northern Uruguay complements the contemporary Spanish-Portuguese mixing examples, in support of the claim that Uruguayan Fronterizo was formed not in a situation of balanced bilingualism but rather as the result of the sort of fluid but dysfluent approximations to a second language found in contemporary border communities. 1. Introduction Among the languages of the world, mixed or intertwined languages are quite rare, and have provoked considerable debate among linguists. The most well- known cases, Michif, combining French and Cree (Bakker and Papen 1997; Bakker 1996), and Media Lengua, combining Spanish and Quechua (Muysken 1981, 1989, 1997), rather systematically juxtapose lexical items from a European language and functional items from a Native American language, in Journal of Portuguese Linguistics, 8-1 (2009), 3-44 ISSN 1645-4537 4 John M.
    [Show full text]
  • Was the Taco Invented in Southern California?
    investigations | jeffrey m. pilcher WWasas thethe TacoTaco InventedInvented iinn SSouthernouthern CCalifornia?alifornia? Taco bell provides a striking vision of the future trans- literally shape social reality, and this new phenomenon formation of ethnic and national cuisines into corporate that the taco signified was not the practice of wrapping fast food. This process, dubbed “McDonaldization” by a tortilla around morsels of food but rather the informal sociologist George Ritzer, entails technological rationaliza- restaurants, called taquerías, where they were consumed. tion to standardize food and make it more efficient.1 Or as In another essay I have described how the proletarian taco company founder Glen Bell explained, “If you wanted a shop emerged as a gathering place for migrant workers from dozen [tacos]…you were in for a wait. They stuffed them throughout Mexico, who shared their diverse regional spe- first, quickly fried them and stuck them together with a cialties, conveniently wrapped up in tortillas, and thereby toothpick. I thought they were delicious, but something helped to form a national cuisine.4 had to be done about the method of preparation.”2 That Here I wish to follow the taco’s travels to the United something was the creation of the “taco shell,” a pre-fried States, where Mexican migrants had already begun to create tortilla that could be quickly stuffed with fillings and served a distinctive ethnic snack long before Taco Bell entered the to waiting customers. Yet there are problems with this scene. I begin by briefly summarizing the history of this food interpretation of Yankee ingenuity transforming a Mexican in Mexico to emphasize that the taco was itself a product peasant tradition.
    [Show full text]
  • Variation and Change in Latin American Spanish and Portuguese
    Variation and change in Latin American Spanish and Portuguese Gregory R. Guy New York University Fieldworker:¿Que Ud. considera ‘buen español? New York Puerto Rican Informant: Tiene que pronunciar la ‘s’. Western hemisphere varieties of Spanish and Portuguese show substantial similarity in the patterning of sociolinguistic variation and change. Caribbean and coastal dialects of Latin American Spanish share several variables with Brazilian Portuguese (e.g., deletion of coda –s, –r). These variables also show similar social distribution in Hispanic and Lusophone communities: formal styles and high status speakers are consonantally conservative, while higher deletion is associated with working class speakers and informal styles. The regions that show these sociolinguistic parallels also share common historical demographic characteristics, notably a significant population of African ancestry and the associated history of extensive contact with African languages into the 19th C. But contemporary changes in progress are also active, further differentiating Latin American language varieties. Keywords: Brazilian Portuguese, Latin American Spanish, coda deletion, variation and change. 1. Introduction The Spanish and Portuguese languages have long been the objects of separate tradi- tions of scholarship that treat each of them in isolation. But this traditional separation is more indicative of political distinctions – Spain and Portugal have been separate nation-states for almost a millennium – than of any marked linguistic differences. In fact, these two Iberian siblings exhibit extensive linguistic resemblance, as well as no- tably parallel and intertwined social histories in the Americas. As this volume attests, these languages may very fruitfully be examined together, and such a joint and com- parative approach permits broader generalizations and deeper insights than may be obtained by considering each of them separately.
    [Show full text]
  • Toward a Comprehensive Model For
    Toward a Comprehensive Model for Nahuatl Language Research and Revitalization JUSTYNA OLKO,a JOHN SULLIVANa, b, c University of Warsaw;a Instituto de Docencia e Investigación Etnológica de Zacatecas;b Universidad Autonóma de Zacatecasc 1 Introduction Nahuatl, a Uto-Aztecan language, enjoyed great political and cultural importance in the pre-Hispanic and colonial world over a long stretch of time and has survived to the present day.1 With an estimated 1.376 million speakers currently inhabiting several regions of Mexico,2 it would not seem to be in danger of extinction, but in fact it is. Formerly the language of the Aztec empire and a lingua franca across Mesoamerica, after the Spanish conquest Nahuatl thrived in the new colonial contexts and was widely used for administrative and religious purposes across New Spain, including areas where other native languages prevailed. Although the colonial language policy and prolonged Hispanicization are often blamed today as the main cause of language shift and the gradual displacement of Nahuatl, legal steps reinforced its importance in Spanish Mesoamerica; these include the decision by the king Philip II in 1570 to make Nahuatl the linguistic medium for religious conversion and for the training of ecclesiastics working with the native people in different regions. Members of the nobility belonging to other ethnic groups, as well as numerous non-elite figures of different backgrounds, including Spaniards, and especially friars and priests, used spoken and written Nahuatl to facilitate communication in different aspects of colonial life and religious instruction (Yannanakis 2012:669-670; Nesvig 2012:739-758; Schwaller 2012:678-687).
    [Show full text]
  • “Spanglish,” Using Spanish and English in the Same Conversation, Can Be Traced Back in Modern Times to the Middle of the 19Th Century
    FAMILY, COMMUNITY, AND CULTURE 391 Logan, Irene, et al. Rebozos de la colección Robert Everts. Mexico City: Museo Franz Mayer, Artes de México, 1997. With English translation, pp. 49–57. López Palau, Luis G. Una región de tejedores: Santa María del Río. San Luis Potosí, Mexico: Cruz Roja Mexicana, 2002. The Rebozo Way. http://www.rebozoway.org/ Root, Regina A., ed. The Latin American Fashion Reader. New York: Berg, 2005. SI PANGL SH History and Origins The history of what people call “Spanglish,” using Spanish and English in the same conversation, can be traced back in modern times to the middle of the 19th century. In 1846 Mexico and the United States went to war. Mexico sur- rendered in 1848 with the signing of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. With its surrender, Mexico lost over half of its territory to the United States, what is now either all or parts of the states of California, Arizona, New Mexico, Nevada, Utah, Colorado, Kansas, Oklahoma, and Wyoming. The treaty estab- lished that Mexican citizens who remained in the new U.S. lands automatically became U.S. citizens, so a whole group of Spanish speakers was added to the U.S. population. Then, five years later the United States decided that it needed extra land to build a southern railway line that avoided the deep snow and the high passes of the northern route. This resulted in the Gadsden Purchase of 1853. This purchase consisted of portions of southern New Mexico and Arizona, and established the current U.S.-Mexico border. Once more, Mexican citizens who stayed in this area automatically became U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • PUEBLO SETTLEMENTS NEAR EL PASO, TEXAS 59 Terially the Population
    ·.~ . ' . .: Jt:." ... ~. :-;;, ...: ~ • : n e&:·r na·t'tes «Ct .,. d··=' ,. -:;, .. ~ -., .,.....,,,,>- <*w· .... \ -· . .._.... ~.----·-·--~-- - d " ,,,z•=t' .. ;_. ,. l • '.· r ~l THE PUEBLO SETTLEMENTS NEAR " EL PASO, TEXAS ... ,. BY J. WALTER FEWKES • ~. '· ,.v. rt ;... i I t (N. 1 .. (From the Americaa Aathropoloitlat •.),Vol. 41 No. 1 January-March, r902j ,·I i-~'. ;.• f '. i' •.,, r- • ' f: .. ·. : . ·. I I .- ..'· ~. i< l - I•· . NEW YORK j· . G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS ~ ..... .:~. ' / ......... I ~- \•'. .·. ~ ·:·. .... ~ . ' . --· . ..:? .................... .. .. ~j...::.. :..~.::·'~··.·.ji.:~.: ··.~~ ....:... ..... ·-·~~ . ..., . : .\ .. -~· ~ : . /. , . .. -... .. _... -··•. .«....... ~·1i...ia· ... • : • ·-· ... , •.• · .......... rnntA N.r,LAIMS COMMISSION THE PUEBLO SE.TTLE~tENTS NEAR EL PASO, TEXAS Bv ]. \V:\ L TER FE WK.ES On a map of the " Reino de la N ueua Mexico," made by Father Menchero about 1747, 1 five pueblos are figured on the right bank of the Rio Grande, below the site of the present city of El Paso, Texas. One of these, called in the legend, Presidio dcl Paso, is situated where Juarcz, in Chihuahua, now stands, just opposite El Paso. The other four arc designated on this map as 1 Mision d 5" Lorenzo, Mision d Cenecu, Mision d la Isleta, and Mision del Socorro. Each is indicated by a picture of a church building, with surrounding lines representing irrigation canals, as the legend "riego de las misiones" states. All of these lie on the right bank of the river, or in what is now the state of Chihuahua, Mexico. It is known Crom historical sources that Indians speak. ing at least four different dialects, and probably comprising three distinct stocks, inhabited these fi\•e towns. The Mansos lived in El Paso, the Suma in San Lorenzo, the Tiwa in Ysleta, and the Piros in Senecu and Socorro; there were also other Indians - Tano, Tewa, and Jemez - scattered through some of these set­ tlemen-ts.
    [Show full text]
  • Artistic Geography and the Northern Jesuit Missions of New Spain
    Artistic Geography and the Northern Jesuit Missions of New Spain By Clara Bargellini Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México [email protected] (working paper, not be reproduced without the author’s permission) George Kubler´s seminal thoughts on artistic geography came out of his involvement with the art and architecture of the Hispanic New World. This paper examines a group of 17th and 18th century Jesuit missions in northern Mexico in order to expand our understanding of New World artistic geography, and also to explore the history of some geographic notions and their place in art historical discussions. Whereas Kubler was concerned with the transmission of styles, my interest here will be the movement of specific objects and individuals within a particular historical configuration. This will involve, of course, considerations about patronage and institutions, with some references to iconography, all of which ultimately has implications for the transmission of styles, as Kubler would no doubt have recognized. The missions in question were established in the first half of the 17th century by the Jesuits in the northern Tepehuan and Southeastern Tarahumara region, and were held by the Society until its 1767 expulsion from New Spain. From their arrival in 1572 the Jesuits focused on ministry among the native population of New Spain. Almost at once they began missionary activity among the indigenous populations in places near Mexico City. By 1580 they were established at Tepotzotlán learning native languages. In 1589 the Jesuits were among the legendary chichimecas at San Luis de la Paz, and two years later they were in Sinaloa, where they established an extraordinary system of missions about which we now have only documents and very sparse remains.
    [Show full text]
  • The Role of Morphology in Generative Phonology, Autosegmental Phonology and Prosodic Morphology
    Chapter 20: The role of morphology in Generative Phonology, Autosegmental Phonology and Prosodic Morphology 1 Introduction The role of morphology in the rule-based phonology of the 1970’s and 1980’s, from classic GENERATIVE PHONOLOGY (Chomsky and Halle 1968) through AUTOSEGMENTAL PHONOLOGY (e.g., Goldsmith 1976) and PROSODIC MORPHOLOGY (e.g., McCarthy & Prince 1999, Steriade 1988), is that it produces the inputs on which phonology operates. Classic Generative, Autosegmental, and Prosodic Morphology approaches to phonology differ in the nature of the phonological rules and representations they posit, but converge in one key assumption: all implicitly or explicitly assume an item-based morphological approach to word formation, in which root and affix morphemes exist as lexical entries with underlying phonological representations. The morphological component of grammar selects the morphemes whose underlying phonological representations constitute the inputs on which phonological rules operate. On this view of morphology, the phonologist is assigned the task of identifying a set of general rules for a given language that operate correctly on the inputs provided by the morphology of that language to produce grammatical outputs. This assignment is challenging for a variety of reasons, sketched below; as a group, these reasons helped prompt the evolution from classic Generative Phonology to its Autosegmental and Prosodic descendants, and have since led to even more dramatic modifications in the way that morphology and phonology interact (see Chapter XXX). First, not all phonological rules apply uniformly across all morphological contexts. For example, Turkish palatal vowel harmony requires suffix vowels to agree with the preceding stem vowels (paşa ‘pasha’, paşa-lar ‘pasha-PL’; meze ‘appetizer’, meze-ler ‘appetizer-PL’) but does not apply within roots (elma ‘apple’, anne ‘mother’).
    [Show full text]
  • Assibilation Or Analogy?: Reconsideration of Korean Noun Stem-Endings*
    Assibilation or analogy?: Reconsideration of Korean noun stem-endings* Ponghyung Lee (Daejeon University) This paper discusses two approaches to the nominal stem-endings in Korean inflection including loanwords: one is the assibilation approach, represented by H. Kim (2001) and the other is the analogy approach, represented by Albright (2002 et sequel) and Y. Kang (2003b). I contend that the assibilation approach is deficient in handling its underapplication to the non-nominal categories such as verb. More specifically, the assibilation approach is unable to clearly explain why spirantization (s-assibilation) applies neither to derivative nouns nor to non-nominal items in its entirety. By contrast, the analogy approach is able to overcome difficulties involved with the assibilation position. What is crucial to the analogy approach is that the nominal bases end with t rather than s. Evidence of t-ending bases is garnered from the base selection criteria, disparities between t-ending and s-ending inputs in loanwords. Unconventionally, I dare to contend that normative rules via orthography intervene as part of paradigm extension, alongside semantic conditioning and token/type frequency. Keywords: inflection, assibilation, analogy, base, affrication, spirantization, paradigm extension, orthography, token/type frequency 1. Introduction When it comes to Korean nominal inflection, two observations have captivated our attention. First, multiple-paradigms arise, as explored in previous literature (K. Ko 1989, Kenstowicz 1996, Y. Kang 2003b, Albright 2008 and many others).1 (1) Multiple-paradigms of /pʰatʰ/ ‘red bean’ unmarked nom2 acc dat/loc a. pʰat pʰaʧʰ-i pʰatʰ-ɨl pʰatʰ-e b. pʰat pʰaʧʰ-i pʰaʧʰ-ɨl pʰatʰ-e c.
    [Show full text]