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Home , Arif Beg, Elections in Haryana, Harmohan Dhawan, Jammu Praja Parishad, Janeshwar Mishra, Neelam Sanjiva Reddy

ELECTIONS IN 1952-96 Constituency Profiles, Results and Analysis Focussing Poll 1996

J. C . A g g a r w a l

N . K . C h o w d h k y 2012

MSU LIBRARY

27232 K)b ISBN 81-85402-82-5(HB) 81-85402-83-3(PB)

First Published, in India, in 1996

© J. C. Aggarwal and N. K. Chowdhry

Published by: SHIPRA PUBUCATIONS 115-A Vikas Marg, Shakarpur D elhi - 110092 (India) ■ / . Phones: 2458662, 2200954

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Printed at: Nice Printing Press D elhi - 110051. Preface

At the Eleventh General Elections, the Indian voters faced an unusual dilemma. The 'Hawala Scandal' covered leaders from all the tiiree major political parties — the , Bharatiya and the . Should all the political parties be condemned on this account? Do they deserve the voters confidence at all? Total abstinence would have made the political system entirely dysfunctional. So a choice had to be made. For the ordinary voter, democracy seemed to have become somev^hat irrelevant at least as it is followed in the present form. A few people at the top elected by popular mandate had totally betrayed the confidence reposed in them. They had been using the power of the State for their personal gains, at best benefiting their own kith and kin in total violation of all norms of political and official conduct. Public money had been siphoned off into private diannels througji 'Scams' that would have led to a hundred 'harakaris' in any other political system. It was no longer government by the people. Neither was it for the people. The nation lost hundreds of crores of rupees through decisions taken by politicians and connived by the bureaucrats. Political parties built up nexus with musclemen and criminals to intimidate the people in whom the lays down the sovereignty. There was no 'Messiah' in sigjit. There were no waves either. No one from the hallowed Nehru-Gandhi family was in the fray this tim e. (Maneka Gandhi is usually considered outside this clan.) And above all there was the Election Commission and the Judiciary determined to foil all attem pts by political parties to pollute the electoral process ttirough money or muscle power. It was against this scenario ttiat the 'people' had to assert their sovereignty. And they did it with courage and insist. There were currents and counter-currents. Politicians with a murky past had to be punished. At the same time anger against the corrupt had to be tempered with caution so that the new was not devoid of talent and experience. Congress was no longer acceptable to the people as a party in whom trust could any further be reposed. The BJP was yet to become acceptable to the minorities specially the . The Dalits and OBC's were inclined to exercise power through Iheir own groups but their own groups lacked cohesion. The dilemmas were reflect^ in the poll results. The choice ultirriately feU to something of everything v«thout anything becoming powerful enough to exercise discretion for personal or party gains. The voters verdict w as clear in that they still had faith in democratic process. The system is not to be blamed for the omissions and commissions on the part of politicians and self-seeking partymen. W hat is needed is a perpetual deterrent to keep the politicians on the track. Is the grudging mandate of the people effective enough to bring iv Prfface about a change of heart in the politicians? Posterity alone will answer tlie million dollar question. The book attempts to elections in the light of the previous ten provide a detailed analj^is of tfie results of the 1996 Lok Sabha elections. It includes Statewise as well as regicaiwise comparative data. Political profile of each of the 543 constituencies has been given an imporant place. While all possible efforts are done to give correct objective data, it is possible that a few minor errors might have crept in here and there for which the authors crave the indulgence of tiie leaders. The authors extend tfieir grateful thanks to the various authors and publishers whose books they have consulted in the preparation of this book. It is hoped that this volume will prove to be of immense use to a cross section of die population especially those interested in elections and working of a democratic system of government

J.C. Aggarwal N.K. Chowdhiy Contents

Preface iii

L jst o f T ab les v i

Abbreviations xii

1. In d ia n P arliam ent a n d E lection C om m ission: So m e B asic F acts 1

2. F irst to T e n th L o k Sa bha E lections: P arty P erformances 14

3. H ig h u g h t s o f F irst T en E lections 2 7

4. Political Parties in India 34

5. E lection M anifestos 1996: A ll T his a n d H eaven To o 44

6 . State A ssemblies; P o sitio n of P olitical P arties 52

7. P repoll U ps a n d D o w n s 5 9

8. C o n d u c t of 19 9 6 E lections 75

9. 1996 E lec tion s: T h e T it-bits 8 3

10. 1996 E lection R esults at a G lance 89

11. Vo t in g P atterns a n d R egionw ise S w in gs: P erform ance o f M a jo r P olitical P arties 102

12. Statewise E lection D ata: P erspectives a n d A nalysis 120

13. Constttuencywise Lok Sabha Election Results 1991 a n d 1996 179

14. Reugion and Caste Composttion of Constituencies 198

15. Parties Profile of Lok Sabha CoNsirruENciES : F rom 1952 t o1996 241

16. Reactions and Responses 26 6

17. C h r o n o lo gy of M a in E vents: 1996 E lections 27 7

18. 13 D ays t o 13 P arties: Form ation o f G overnm ents at the C entre 28 6

In d e x 2 9 3 List of Tables

1.1; N um ber of Voters (1952-1996) 3 1.2: Statewise Distribution of Seats for the Lok Sabha 4 1.3; Average N um ber of Contestants per Lok Sabha Seat (1952 to 1996) 5 1.4: Occupational Background of Members from First to Tenth Lok Sabha 6 1.5: Educational Background of Members from First to Tenth Lok Sabha 7 1.6: No. of S.C. and S.T. Constituencies (1952-96) 11 1.7: M aximum Permissible Election Expenses 12

2.1: Party Position in the First Lok Sabha (1952-57) 14 2.2: Party Position in the Second Lok Sabha (1957-62) 15 2.3: Party Position in the Third Lok Sabha (1962-196^ 16 2.4: Party Position in the Fourth Lok Sabha (1961-1967) 16 2.5: Party Position in the Fifth Lok Sabha (1971-77) 17 2.6: Party Position in die Sixth Lok Sabha (1977-79) 18 2.7: Party Position in the Seventh Lok Sabha (1980-84) 19 2.8: Party Position in the Eighth Lok Sabha (1985-1990) 19 2.9: Party Position in the Ninth Lok Sabha (1989-1991) 20 2.10: P arty Position in the Tenth Lok Sabha (1991-95) 21 2.11: P arty Position as on January 31, 1996 21 2.12: Tenure of Lok Sabhas and Speakers (From First to Tenth) 25 2.13: Party Position in Ten Elections at a Glance (1952-1991) 26

3.1 Electorate and Votes Polled and Voter Ttim Out 27 3.2 Performance of the Congress Party 28 3.3 Number of Candidates Put up by Political Parties 29 3.4 Uncontested Returns by Congress and Others 31 3.5 Deposits Forfeited/Candidates Fielded 32 3.6 Seats and Percentage of Women in Ten Lok Sabhas 32 3.7 Victory Percentage of Women Candidates in the Lok Sabha Elections 1991 33

5.1: Comparative Analysis on Important Issues of Election Manifestoes 50

6.1: Party Position in State Assemblies 54 6.2: Parties Ruling the States (As in M ay 1996) 57 6.3: Party Position in the UP Assembly on October 27, 1995 58

7.1 Lok Sabha Alliance Partners 69 7.2 Statewise Alliances of Political Parites 70 7.3 Pre-poll Defections 72 List of Tables vii

7.4; The Time Poll Projections 73 7.5; Marg Projections 74 7.6; Delhi D oordarshan Exit Pool 74 7.7; Rating of Persons Considered to Be Most Capable of Becoming Prime Minister 74

8.1 Statewise Electorates and Contesting Candidates — 1996 75 8.2 Lok Sabha Constituencies with over 20 per cent Muslim Voters 76 8.3 Stages of 1996 Polls 76 8.4 Election Schedule for Lok Sabha and Six State Assemblies (April-May 1996) 77

9.1; Kith and Kin in Elections 87

10.1; P arty Position in the Lok Sabha 1996; A Fact Sheet 89 10.2; Comparative Data on Party Position 90 10.3; Percentage of Votes Polled by Major Parties in 1996 and 1991 94 10.4; Age-Group Party Preferences (Percentage) 95 10.5; Religionwise Preference of Voters (Percentage) 95 10.6; Caste Preference for Parties (Percentage) 95 10.7; Rural U rban Preference for Parties 95 10.8; Rao Ministers; H ow They Fared 101

11.1; Strength of Regional Parties in the Lok Sabha (1989-1996) 102 11.2; Congress Performance in Eleven Lok Sabha Elections 103 11.3; BJS/BJP Performance in Eleven Lok Sabha Elections 104 11.4; CPI (I) Perform ance in Eleven Lok Sabha Electioris 105 11.5; CPI (M) Performance in Eleven Lok Sabha Elections 105 11.6; Performance of JP/JD in Eleven Lok Sabha Elections 106 11.7; Summary; Regionwise Party Performance 1996 107 11.8; Statewise Party Position in Lok Sabha as on 27 April 1992 107 11.9; Statewise Party Position in Lok Sabha as on 27 April 1995 109 11.10; Statewise Performance of the Congress 1991 v/s 1996 111 11.11; Statewise Perform ance of the BJP 1991 v / s 1996 112 11.12; Statewise Perform ance of the Janata Dal 1991 v / s 1996 113 11.13; Statewise Performance of the CPI and CPI (M) 1991 v/s 1996 114 11.14; Statewise Performance of the Independents and Others 1991 vs 1996 115 11.15: Analysis of Party Position in Regions 1991 v / s 1996 116 11.16; Regionwise Analysis of Congress Performance in 1996 117 11.17; Regionwise Analysis of BJP's Performance in 1996 117 11.18; Regionwise Analysis of CPI's Performance in 1996 Elections 117 11.19; Regionwise Analysis of CPI (M)'s Performance in 1996 Elections 117 11.20; Regionwise Analysis of J.'s Performance in 1996 117 11.21; Regionwise Analysis of Independents & Others Performance in 1996 118 11.22; Partywise Position in the Speaking States 1996 118 11.23; Comparative Data on the Performance of Parties in ti\e H indi Speaking States 1991 v /s 1996 118 11.24; Partyw ise Position in the H indi Speaking States —1991 118 11.25; Performance of Regional Political Parties — 1996 119 v iii : 1952-96 12.1: Party Position in the 1996 Lok Sabha Elections — Andhra Pradesh 120 12.2: Partywise Members in Eleven Lok Sabha from Andhra Pradesh 121 12.3: P a r t ^ i s e D istribution of Votes — 1991 121 12.4: Party Position in the Andhra Pradesh Assembly (1978 to 1994) 121 12.5: Percentage of Votes Polled Assembly Elections 1994 121 12.6: Regionwise Party Performance 122

ARUNACHAL PRADESH 12.7; Party Position in the Lok Sabha Elections (1977-1996) 123 12.8: Party Position in the State Assembly (1984 to 1995) 123

ASSAM 12.9: Partywise Members in Eleven Lok Sabha from Assam 124 12.10: Partywise Percentage of Votes Polled in 1991 Lok Sabha Elections 125 12.11: Party Position in the Assembly Electior« (1983 to 1991) 125 12.12: Partywise Position — Assembly Elections 1996 125 12.13: Number of Contestants — Assembly Election 1996 126

BIHAR 12.14: Party Position in the 1996 Lok Sabha Elections 127 12.15: Partjrwise Members in Eleven Lok Sabha from Bihar 127 12.16: Party Position in the Bihar Assembly (1969-1995) 127 12.17: Percentage of Votes Polled in four Elections (1984 to 1991) 128. 12.18: Poll Violence in Bihar in Lok Sabha and Assembly Elections 129 12.19: Party Position in the 1996 Lok Sabha Electioiis 129 12.20: Part^ise Members in Eleven Lok Sabhas from Delhi 129 12.21: Constituencywise Party Position in 1996 Electior\s in Delhi 130 12.22: Number of Voters and Votes Polled Constituencywise 130 12.23: Estimated Voters Turn Out in Delhi Parlimentary Constituencies (1991 and 1996) 130 12.24: Voters Turn out in Delhi Lok Sabha Elections 1971 to 1996 131 12.25: Party Position in Delhi Assembly (1993) 132

GOA 12.26: Party Position in the 1996 Lok Sabha Elections 133 12.27: Party Position in the Lok Sabha Elections (1980 to 1996) 133 12.28: Party Position in the Assembly since 1967 133 12.29: Partywise Members in Eleven Lok Sabhas from Goa 133

GUJARAT 12.30: No. of Independents and Partywise Lok Sabha Members in Eleven Lok Sabhas from Gujarat 134 12.31: Percentage of Votes Polled by Parties 134 12.32: Partywise Performance in the Assembly (1990 and 1995) 135 12.33: Votes Polled by Major Political Parties (1995) 135

HARYANA 12.34: Partywise Members in Eleven Lok Sabhas from 137 12.35: Percentage of Votes Polled by Parties (1977-1991) 137 12.36: Party Performance in Assembly Elections (1982 to 1991) 137 List of Tables ix

HIMACHAL PRADESH 12.37: Partywise Members in Eleven Lok Sabhas from Himachal Pradesh 139 12.38: Percentage of Votes Polled by Different Parties (1977 to 1991) 138 12.39: Latest Party Position in the State Assembly (1993) 138

JAMMU & KASHMIR 12.40: Partywise Members — Jammu & Kashmir 140 12.41: Percentage of Votes Polled by Political Parties and Independents in 1996 Lok Sabha Polls 140 12.42: Detailed Results of Six Parliamentary Constituencies in J & K 142

KARNATAKA 12.43: Partywise Members in Eleven Lok Sabhas — 144 12.44: Party Position in the State Assembly (1989 and 1994) 144

KERALA 12.45: Partjrwise Members in Eleven Lok Sabhas from 146 12.46: PartywisePercentage of Votes Polled (1977 to 1991) 146 12.47: Voters Turn Out (1977-1996) 147 12.48: Party Position in the Kerala Assembly (1987-1991) 147

MADHYA PRADESH 12.49: Partywise Members in Eleven Lok Sabhas — 149 12.50: Percentage of Votes Polled by Parties 149 12.51: Party Success Rate in Madhya Pradesh in 1996 Lok Sabha Elections 149 12.52: Party Position in the State Assembly (1952-90) 150

MAHARASHTRA 12.53: Partywise Members in Eleven Lok Sabhas — 151 12.54: Percentage of Votes Polled by Parties (1977 to 1991) 151 12.55: Party Position in Maharashtra in the State Assembly (1985-1995) 151 12.56: Comparative Data on Seats, Electorate and Contestants (1978-1990) 152 12.57: Performance Partywise — 1985 Elections 152 12.58: Performance Partywise - 1990 Elections 152

MANIPUR 12.59: Party Position in the Lok Sabha (1980 to 1996) 154 12.60: Party Position in Manipur Assembly (1984 to 1995) 154 12.61: Party Position in the Manipur Assembly - 1994 154

MIZORAM 12.62 Seats Won by Political Parties, 1990 155 12.63 Party Position in the Lok Sabha (1980-1996) 156 12.64 Party Position in the Assembly Elections (1993) 156 12.65 Party Position in the Assembly Electiorw (1972 to 1989) 157

NAGALAND 12.66: Partywise Members in Eleven Lok Sabhas from Nagaland 157 X Elections in India: 1952-96 ORISSA 12.67: Partywise Members in Eleven Lok Sabhas from Orissa 158 12.68 Party Position in the Assembly (1985 to 1995) 158 12.69: Comparative Statement — Seats, Electorate, Contestants etc. 159 12.70: Partywise Performance in Assembly Elections (1985) 159 12.71: Partywise Performance in Assembly Elections in 1990 159

PUNJAB 12.72: Party Position in the 1996 Lok Sabha Elections 161 12.73: Partywise Members in Eleven Lok Sabhas from Pimjab 162 12.74: Party wise Percentage of Votes Polled in Lok Sabha Electioris (1992) 162 12.75: Partywise Position in State Assembly Electioi\s (1952 to 1992) 162 12.76: Seats Contested and Won in Assembly by Elections (1992) 163 12.77: Total Electorates (1952 - 92) Votes and Turn Out in Assembly Elections (Lakhs) 163 12.78: Rural Urban Turn Out in Assembly Electiorw 1985 and 1992 163 12.79: Chief Ministers of , 1947 to 1992 163

RAJASTHAN 12.80: Partywise Members in Eleven Lok Sabhas — Rajasthan 165 12.81: Percentage of Votes Polled by Parties (197^-1991) 166 12.82: Party Position in the Assembly Elections (1993) 166 12.83: Party Position in the Assembly Elections (1990) 166 12.84: Comparative Performance of the Congress and the BJP in the Assembly Elections (1952 to 1990) 166 12.85: Percentage of Votes in Assembly Elections (1977 to 1990) 167

SIKKIM 12.86: Party Position in Lok Sabha (1980 to 1996) 168 12.87: Party Position in Assembly (1989 and 1994) 168

TAM IL N ADU 12.88: Partywise Lok Sabha Members in Eleven Lok Sabhas — Tamil Nadu 169

UTTAR PRADESH 12.89: Partywise Members in Eleven Lok Sabhas — 171 12.90: Party Position in UP State Assembly (1989 to 1995) 171

TRIPURA 12.91 Partywise Members in Eleven Lok Sabhas — Tripura 174-

WEST BENGAL 12.92: Partywise Members in Eleven Lok Sabhas — West Bengal 175 12.93: Party Position in the Bengal Assembly Elections (1987 and 1991) 176 12.94: Percentage of Votes Polled in Assembly Elections 176

UNION TERRITORIES 12.95: Partywise Position in Union Territories in Lok Sabha Elections 178 List of Tables x i 13.1: Constituencywise Lok Sabha Election Results 1991 & 1996 179 Andhra Pradesh 180 M eghalaya 189 Arunachal Pradesh 181 M izoram 189 A ssam 181 Nagaland 189 Bihar 182 O rissa 190 Goa 183 Punjab 190 G ujrat 183 Rajasthan 191 H aryana 184 Sikkim 191 Himachal Pradesh 184 Tamil N adu 192 Jammu & Kashmir 185 Tripura 193 Karanataka 185 Union Territories 193 Kerala 186 Delhi 193 Madhya Pradesh 186 Uttar Pradesh 194 Maharashtra 188 West Bengal 196 M anipur 189 14.1: M ain Religious C om m u !S in the Country as a Whole (1991) 199 14.2: Percentage of Main Religions (1991) 199 14.3: Statewise Population of Main Religion 200 14.4: Percentage of Main Religions (1991) 202 14.5: Percentage of Caste and Subcaste . 203 14.6: Percentage of Castewise Electorate in Constituencies 204 15.1: Parties Profile of Lok Sabha Constituencies (from 1952 to 1996) 242 Abbreviations

ASDC — Autonomous State Demand Committe AIADMK — All India Anna Dravida M unnetra Kazhagam AGP — A so m G an a tan tra P arish ad BJP — BJS — B haratiy a Jan S ang^ BRP — Bharativa Republican Paksha BSP— , CPI — CPM — Communist Party of India (Marxist) DMK — D ra v id a M u n n e tra K az h ag a m FBL — Forward Bloc HVP — H a iy a n a V ikas P arty ICS — Indian Congress Socialist ICS(SCS) — Indian Congress (Sodalistsarat Chandra Sinha) INC — IND — Independent JD — Janata Dal P(G) — Janata Dal (Gujarat) JKNC — J & K N atio n al C onference JKP — Party JMM — Jarkand Mukti Morcha JP — Janata Party KCM — (M) KEC — Kerala Congress KRS — Karnataka Rajya Ryota San^ MGP — M a h arash tra w a d i G o m an tak P arty MCOR — Marxist (Coordination) MIM — AH India Majlis-Eithehad-UI-Muslimeen ML — M u slim L eague MNF — M izo N atio n al F ro n t M P P — M a n ip u r P eoples P arty NAGP — N a tim A so m G an a P arish ad MFC— Nagaland Peoples Coimdl PWP — Peasants & W orkers Party RSP — Revolutionary SAD — S hiro m ani A l ^ D al SHS — S hiv Sena SSP — Samjnikta Socialist Party TDP — T elu gu D esam P arty TDP-LFIUP — Lakshmi Parvati MPVC — M a d h y a P ra d e sh V ikas C on gress FPM — Federal Party of Manipur Indian Parliament and Election Commission Some Basic Facts

Parliament — The Statutory Provisions The Indian Constitution vests sovereignty in the 'People of India' and it is exercised through their elected representatives to the ParUament and the State Assemblies, Indian Constitution, in keeping with its Federal character distinctly demarcates the areas of authority between the Union and the States. The Union Government has the power to legislate on matters falling within the Central and the Concurrent list while the States legislate on matters scheduled in the State lists and the Concurrent list with the proviso that in case of any conflict, the Central laws take precedence. The Democratic structure of the Constitution is maintained through elections to Parliament and State Assemblies. The people of India can be governed only by laws enacted with the consent of their elected representatives. These mandatory constitutional requirements lead to periodical elections; the first having been conducted in 1951-52. The year 1996 marked the Eleventh rotmd of Lok Sabha elections. For a variety of reasons elections to Lok Sabha and the State Assemblies are no longer coterminous. At the Central level, the two houses known as the Lok Sabha and the (or the Upper house) and the President constitute the Parliament. Members of the Lok Sabha are directly elected while members of the Rajya Sabha are indirectly elected.

Adult Franchise The Voters: Indian Constitution provides that every citizen eighteen years of age and above and not otherwise disqualified (by reasons of non-residence, unsoundness of mind, crime or corrupt legal practice) has franchise. Universal Adult Franchise is one thing about which India can be reasonably proud of. It would be interesting to know the various stages which ultimately led to Universal Adult Franchise in USA. United States of America, stipulated in its Constitution of 1787, that its dtizer\s would enjoy the right to vote. However it imposed a number of restrictions by way of race, sex, property, educational background, and length of residence. The right of vote was denied to the Black people, women, Indians and about a third of White population. The Black people were given the right to vote in 1870, women in 1920, and Red Indians in 1948. 2 Elections in India: 1952-96

Restrictions based on property ownership and educational background along with poll tax were finally done away with by the law in 1964, and 1970. It was not until 1971, nearly 200 years after the founding of the republic, that the United States adopted the 26th Amendment to the Constitution stipulating that there should be no discrimination in as far as the right to vote for those aged 18 or older was concerned.

Number of Voters In the year 1996 there were nearly 60 crore eligible voters to elect members of the eleventh Lok Sabha as against 51.41 crore for the tenth Lok Sabha (excluding Jammu & Kashmir). Tlie 60 crore eligible voters included 42,71,418 voters in Jammu & Kashmir. The largest increase in the number of voters was in Uttar Pradesh where the number went up from about 8 crore to 9.6 crore. The other States where there was substantial increase are Andhra Pradesh where the number increased from 4.2 crore to 4.7 crore; Bihar from 5.2 crore to 5.7 crore; Gujarat from 2.48 crore to 2.90 crore; M adhya Pradesh from 3.76 crore to 4.42 crore; M aharashtra from 4.86 crore to 5.50 crore and West Bengal from 4.13 crore to 4.46 crore. However in Mizoram, the number fell by 4 per cent. There is an increase of 4.14 per cent in the number of voters in the North- Eastern Region as compared to the !national average of 2.40 per cent. A total of 1,80,58,695 voters are registered in the seven N-E States in the 1996 general elections as against 1,73,40,672 voters in 1991. , which has two Lok Sabha seats, registered the highest increase of voters in the region with 15.38 per cent since the last elections. After the last sunmiary revision of electoral rolls the total num ber of voters in the States has gone up to 10,86,374. A n in terestin g featu re h a s b ee n n o ticed m M izo ram w h e re th e to tal n im ib e r of voters have decreased since the last general elections by 1.71 per cent and stood at 4,06,722. The hilly State has orUy one Lok Sabha constituency (reserved for the Tribals). After Meghalaya, Tripura is in the second position in the region regarding increase of voters. The State which has two Lok Sabha seats (including one reserved tor the Tribals) registered an increase of 5.73 per cent voters and has gone up to 15,78,000 including 8,03,673 women voters. In Assam the increase of voters is over 3.44 per cent since the last general elections, when there were 1,18,61357 voters. The State, which has 14 Lok Sabha constituencies and 126 Assembly constituencies, went to the poll for Lok Sabha and the State Assembly simultaneously on April 27, 1996. M anipur registered an increase of 2.94 per cent voters and stood at 12,67,904 before the last summary revision of electoral rolls in the State which has two Lok Sabha constituencies. In Arunachal Pradesh the increase was of 2.58 per cent and it stood at 5,32,646. The State has two Lok Sabha constituencies. Indian Parliament and Election Commission 3

T able 1.1: N um ber of V oters (1952-1996) (Million) Year Number of voters (Electorate)

1952 173.2 1957 193.7 1962 216.4 1967 249.0 1972 274.1 1977 321.1 1980 355.0 1984 399.8 1989 478.6 1991 5.14.1 1996 591.5»

* M en 309.0; w om en 282.5.

The Lok Sabha: Allocation of Seats The Lok Sabha is cpmposed of representatives of people chosen by direct election on the basis of adult suffrage. The elective membership of the Lok Sabha is distributed among States in such a way that the ratio between the number of seats allotted to each State and population of the State is as far as practicable the same for all States. Allocation of seats in the Lok Sabha is based on 1971 census and will continue to be so based until figures of the first census taken after 2000 AD become available. Term of the Lok Sabha is, unless dissolved, five years from the date appointed for its first meeting. The Table 1.2 shows the State-wise allocation of seats. The total number of seats in the Lok Sabha is 545. Constitution provides for special representation for the Anglo-Indian Commuruty and to that end, the President is empowered to nominate not more than two members. Constitutional provision exists for distribution of the elected seats between the States and Union Territories. The 25 States elect 530 M.Ps while the remairung 13 are from the Union Territories. Provision also exists for reserved seats for the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes. Out of the total of 543 elected seats, 79 are reserved for the Scheduled Castes and another 41 for the Scheduled Tribes. The largest number of Scheduled Caste seats i.e. 18 are in Uttar Pradesh where there is no seat reserved for Scheduled Tribes. The largest number of seats for Scheduled Tribes are in Madhya Pradesh. Bihar has 8 Scheduled Castes and 5 Scheduled Tribes seats. Jammu and Kashmir has all the 6 seats in the general category. Elections in India: 1952-96

Table 1.2. Statewise Distribution of Seats for the Lok Sabha

SI. State/ Lok Sabha N o Total General SCST

1. A n d h ra P ra d esh 42 34 6 2 2. Anmachal Pradesh 2 2 -- 3. A ssam 14 11 1 2 4. Bihar 54 41 8 5

5. G oa 2 2 - - 6. G u jarat 26 20 2 4 7. Haryana 10 8 2 - 8. Himachal Pradesh 4 3 1 -

9. Jammu & Kashmir 6 6 - - 10. Karnataka 28 24 4 - 11. Kerala 20 18 2 - 12. Madhya Pradesh 40 25 6 9 13. Maharashtra 48 41 3 4 14. Manipur 2 1 - 1 15. Meghalaya 2 2 - - 16. Mizoram 1 1 -- 17. Nagaland 1 - - 1 18. Orissa 21 13 3 5 19. Punjab 13 10 3 - 20. Rajasthan 25 18 4 3 21 S ikkim 1 1 -- 22. Tamil Nadu 39 32 7 - 23. Tripura 2 1 - 1 24. West Bengal 42 32 8 2 25. Uttar Pradesh 85 67 18 - 26. Andaman & Nicobar 1 1 - - Islan d s 27. 1 1 - - 28. Dadra and Nagar 1 - - 1 29. Daman & Diu 1 1 -- 30. D elhi 7 6 1 - 31. Lakshadweep 1 - - 1 32. Pondicherry 1 1 - - T o ta l 543 423 79 41 N o m in a te d 2 Grand Total 545 Indkm- Parliament and Election Commission 5

The average number of contestants per Lok Sabha seat has been increasing consistently since 1952, Table 1.3.

Table 1.3: Average Number of Contestants per Lok Sabha Seat (1952 to 1996) Year Average number of contestants per Lok Sabha seat

1952 3.8 1957 3.2 1962 4 1967 4.6 1971 5.4 1977 4.5 1980 8.5 1984 10.2 1989 11.6 1991 16.7 1996 26.3

Composition and Occupation of the Lok Sabha Members Studies conducted by the Lok Sabha Secretariat show tiiat while agriculturists constituted just 2 2 3 per cent of the First Lok Sabha, their share of seats in the House steadily increased after each election to touch 33.2 per cent in the Fifth and a record 44.14 per cent in the Ninth Lok Sabha. The Tenth Lok Sabha saw the percentage dip to 32.09. Lawyers cor«tituted 35.6 per cent of the First Lok Sabha. Their percentage came down to 16.34 in the Tenth. Traders and industrialists similarly slimiped— from 12 to 3.15 per cent and so writers and journalists, down from 10.4 to 2.17 p e r cent. Taken together ttiese figures have their own story to teE The total percentage of lawyers, traders and industrialists and journalists and writers fell from 58 to 21,66. The change in the composition of the House is perceptible. The urban elite, which had more than its share of seats in the House of the People has been slowly nudged out by members who have a distinct rural background. Elections in India: 1952-96

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3o z H z Indian Parliament and Election Commission 7 Table 1.5: Educational Background of Members from First to Tenth Lok Sabha

Educational 1st 2nd 3rd 4th 5th 6th 7th 8th 9th 10th Background

Under 112 120 141 54 119 52 53 42 21 21 Matriculates Matriculates/ 88 90 87 101 82 132 118 112 111 101 Higher Secondary Certificate holders Graduates 177 160 157 172 178 205 213 238 222 245 Post- 85 92 98 113 127 132 136 131 137 150 Graduates Higher 15 9 7 17 8 9 8 10 21 20 academic qualification holders Total 477 471 490 457 514 530 528 533 512 537 Total Seats 499 500 503 523 521 544 544 544 522 544

It is obvious that while the members faithfully reflect the distribution with respect of educational status of the voters, there is an acute shortage of membeip in flie higher academic qualifications. Their minority status often reflects in the functioning of the Indian Parliament.

The Rajya Sabha T he R ajya S abha com prises 245 m em bers, 233 ind irectly elected b y m em b ers of legislative assemblies of the States in accordance with the system of proportional representation by means of a single trar\sferable vote and 12 members nominated by the President. These are people having special knowledge or practical experience in respect of such matters as literature, science, art and social service. The Rajya Sabha is not subject to dissolution, one third of its members retire on expiry of every second year.

The President Besides the two Houses, the President is the third component of the Union Legislature called the Parliament. The relevant Constitutional provisions with respect to the President are as follows: 52. The - There shall be a President of India. 53. Executive power of the Union - (1) The executive power of the Union shall be vested in the President and shall be exercised by him either directly or through officers subordinate to him in accordance with this Cor\stitution. (2) W ithout prejudice to the generality of the foregoing provision, the supreme command of the Defence Forces of the Union shall be 8 Elections in India: 1952-96

vested in the President and the exercise thereof shall be regulated b y law .

Election Commission and Conduct of Elections The Constitution has specific provisions with respect to conduct of elections to the Parliament and the State Assemblies. The relevant provisions relating to Constitution and functioning of the Election Commission are as follows: Art. 324, Superintendence, direction and control of elections to be vested in an Election Commission—(1) The superintendence, direction and control of the preparation of the electoral rolls, for, and the conduct of, all elections to Parliament and to the Legislature of every State and of elections to the office of President and Vice-President held under this Constitution'" shall be vested in a Commission (referred to in this Constitution as the Election Commission). (2) The Election Commission shall consists of the Chief Election Commissioner and such number of other Election Commissioners, if any, as the President may from time to time fix and the appointment of the Chief Election C o m m issio n er a n d o th e r Election C om m issioners shall, subject to th e p ro v isio n s of any law made in that behalf by Parliament, be made by the President. (3) When any other Election Commissioner is so appointed the Chief Election Commissioner shall act as the Chairman of the Election Commission. (4) Before each general election to the House of the People and to the Legislative Assembly of each State, and before the first general election and thereafter before each biennial election the Legislative Council of each State h a v in g su c h C o im d l, th e P resid en t m a y also a p p o in t after c o n su ltatio n w ith th e Election Commission such Regional Commissioners as he may consider necessary to assist the Election Commission in the performance of the Functions conferred on the Commission by clause (1). (5) Subject to the provisions of any law made by Parliament, the conditions of service and tenure of office of the Section Commissioners and the Regional Commissioners shall be such as the President may by rule determine; Provided that the Chief Election Commissioner shall not be removed from his office except in like manner and on the like grounds as a Judge of the Supreme Court and the conditions of service of the Chief Election Commissioner shall not be varied to his disadvantage after his appointment; Provided further that any other Election Coimnissioner or a Regional Commissioner shall not be removed from office except on the recommendation of the Chief Election Commissioner. (6) The President, or the Governor of a State, shall, when so requested by the Election Commission, made available to the Election Commission or to a Regional Commissioner such staff as may be necessary for the discharge of the functions conferred on the Election Commission by dause (1). W ith a view to ensure free and fair elections, a number of Corrupt Practices have been identified. Ah election can be declared void by the competent authority, if it is established that the person had committed any Corrupt Practice during the course of election. The person can also be disqualified for future elections up to six years and can also be prosecuted. Indian Parliament and Election Commission 9

The Corrupt Practices, as reiterated by the Election Conunission, prior to the conduct of elections (beginning with notification) are: • Announcing and implementing any policy decision • Appointing and transfering staff • Bribing a person to induce him/her to stand or not to stand as a can d id ate. • Bribing a voter for casting or not casting his vote or casting his/her vote for a particular candidate. • Interference with free exercise of anybody's electoral right. • Threat with injury of any kind, including social ostracism, ex- commuiucation, divine displeasure or spiritual cer^ure. • The 39th Amendment had provided for a new forum for dealing with the election disputes relating to President, Vice-President, Prime Minister and the Speaker. They were put outside the purview of High Courts and Supreme Courts. • Appeal on ground of religion, caste, commimity or language or the use of religious or national symbols. • Attempt at inciting enmity or hatred between different classes or grounds of religion, caste, community or language. • Propagation or glorification of Sati. • Publication of false statement about personal character and conduct of any candidate. • Hiring or procuring of vehicles for free conveyance of voters. • Incurring of election expenditure by a candidate in excess of prescribed lim it. • Booth capturing. Legal provisior\s also exist with respect to a num ber of Electoral offences. Those found indulging in them are liable to imprisoiunent or fine or both; imprisorunent may vary from three months to three years and fine. The Electoral Offences are: • Promoting enmity between classes on grounds of religion, race, community or language. • Convening, holding or attending any public meeting during 48 h o u rs before the end of poll. • Causing disturbance at election meetings. • Printing of election pamphlets, posters etc. without Printers/Publishers names and addresses. • Violation of maintenance of Secrecy of Vote. • Influencing of voting by official connected with conduct of elections and police personnel. • Cwvassing within 100 metres of a polling station on the day of poll. • Disorderly conduct and disturbance in or near a polling station, including use of loudspeakers, etc. • Misconduct at the polling station or failure to obey the lawful directions of the Presiding Officer. • Illegal hiring or procuring of vehicles for conveying voters to and from Polling stations. 10 Elections in India: 1952-96

• Unlawful removal of ballot papers from polling stations. • Booth capturing. • Fraudulent insertion of anything in the ballot box other than ballot paper or unauthorised supply of ballot paper or destroying any ballot p a p e r etc. The Election Commission requisitions the services of Government servants for the performance of functions conferred upon it under Art. 324(1) of the Cor\stitution. Breach of official duty assigned in cormection with work relating to conduct of elections is pimishable with fine or imprisorunent or both. Imprisonment could range from three months to three years. Breach of Official Duty includes: • Breach of official duty in connection with preparation, revision or correction of electoral roll or the inclusion or exclusion of any entry in or from the roll. • Non-maintenance of Secrecy of Voting. • Any acts of officers at election for furtherance of the prospects of the election of a candidate. • Breaches of official duty assigned in connection with conduct of elections. • Acting as election agent, polling agent or counting agent by government serv an ts. • Act of booth capturing committed by a person in the service of the Government. Constitutior\al provisions ensure that the executive does not discriminate on grounds of religion, race, caste or sex. Powers of Parliament and Legislatures are limited to matters relating to conduct of elections. Special provisior^s for certain classes have been specified in the Coi\stitution itself and are not subject to the whims of fancy of &e political parties that may be in power from time to time. The relevant Articles are reproduced below: 325. No person to be ineligible for inclusion in, or to daim to be included in, a special, electoral roll on grounds of religion, race, caste or sex — There shall be one general electoral roll for every territorial constituency for election to either House of Parliament or to the House or either House of the Legislature o f a S tate a n d n o p e rso n sh all be ineligible fo r inclusion in a n y su c h ro ll o r claim to be included in any special electoral roll for any such constituency on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex or any of them. 326. Elections to the House of the People and to the Legislative Assemblies of States to be on the basis of adult suffrage — The elections to the House of the People and to the Legislative Assembly of every State shall be on the basis of adult suffrage; that is to say, every person who is a citizen of India and who is not less than (eighteen years) of age on such date as may be fixed in that bdulf by or under any law made by the appropriate Legislature and is not otherwise disqualified imder this Constitution of any law made by the appropriate Legislature on the ground of non-residence, imsoundness of mind, crime or corrupt or illegal practice, shall be entitled to be registered as a voter at any such election. 327. Power of Parliament to make provision with respect to elections to Legislatures — Sul^ect to the provisions of this Constitution, Parliament may Indian Parliament and Election Commission 11

from time to time by law make provision with respect to all matters relating to, or in connection with, elections to either House of Parliament or to the House or either House of the Legislature of a State including the preparation of electoral rolls, the delimitation of constituencies and all other matters necessary for securing the due constitution of such House or Houses. 328. Power of Legislature of a State to make provision with respect to election to such Legislature — Subject to the provisions of this Constitution and insofar as provision in’that behalf is not made by the Parliament, the Legislature of a State may from time to time by law make provision with respect to all matters relating to, or in connection with, the elections to the House or either House of the Legislature of the State including the preparation of electoral rolls a n d all o th e r m a tte rs n ecessary for secu rin g th e d u e C o n stitu tio n o f su c h H o u se o r H ou ses. 329. Bar to interference by courts in electoral matters — Notwithstanding anything in ttus Constitution (a) the validity of any law relating to the delimitation of constituencies or the allotment of seats to such constituencies, made or purporting to be made under Article 327 or Article 328 shall not be called in question in any court; (b) no election to either House of Parliament or to the House or either House of the Legislature of a State shall be called in question except by an election petition presented to such authority and in such manner as may be provided for by or under any law made by the appropriate Legislature. Special Provisions Relating to Certain Qasses 330. Reservation of seats for Sd\eduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in the House of the People—(1) Seats diall be reserved in the Hotise of ttie People for— (a) the Scheduled Castes; (b) the Scheduled Tribes except the Scheduled Tribes in the autonomous districts of Assam; and (c) the Scheduled Tribes in the autonomous districts of Assam. Table below shows the number of Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe constituencies in the country Table 1.6: No. of S.C and S.T. Constituencies (1952-96)

Year Total number of Scheduled Caste Scheduled Tribe Constituencies Constituencies Constituencies

1952 401 72 26 1957 403 76 31 1962 494 76 31 1967 520 77 37 1971 518 76 37 1977 542 78 38 1980 542 79 40 1984 542 78 41 1989 543 78 41 1991 543 79 41 12 Elections in India: 1952-96

For the Lok Sabha elections held in the years 1952 and 1957 there existed a system of double member constituencies. Each such constituency would elect two M.Ps of whom one had to belong to SC/ST category. The scheme was rather complex and given up in 1961. The reserved constituencies are rather unevenly distributed geographically. The Hindi heartland—^Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, F^jasthan and Uttar Pradesh account for 52 reserved seats. In the east, Orissa and West Bengal have another 17 reserved seats while in the south Andhra has eight and Tamil Nadu seven reserved seats. 333. Representation of the Anglo-Indian community in the Legislative Assemblies of the States—^Notwithstanding anj^thing in Article 170 the Governor of a State may, if he is of opinion that the Anglo-Indian community needs representation in the Legislative Assembly of the State and is not adequately represented therein (nominate one member of that community to the Assembly). The Coristitution has set a limit to reservation of seats and special representation. One can hope that as the fifty year limit expires, these commxmities would have reached a social status from where they can fairly compete with the rest of the Indian people.

Election Expenses W ith a view to keep a check on the purity of electoral process, the Election Commission lays down a maximum permissible limit on election expenses by candidates. This limit varies according to the size of the constituency as would be seen from the following Table.

Table 1.7: M axim um Perm issible Election Expenses

Name of the State or Maximum Limit of Expenses Union Territory Parliamentary Assembly Constituency Constituency

States (Rs) (Rs)

1 2 3 4

1. A ndhra Pradesh 4,50,000 1,50,000 2. Arunachal Pradesh 1,50,000 10,000 3. Assam 4,50,000 1,50,000 4. Bihar 4,50,000 1,50,000 5. Goa 1,90,000 50,000 6. Gujarat 4,50,000 1,35,000 7. H aryana 4,50,000 1,35,000 8. Himachal Pradesh 4,15,000 75,000 9. Jammu & Kashmir 3,75,000 - 10. Karnataka 4,50,000 1,35,000 11. Kerala 4,50,000 1,35,000 12. M adhya Pradesh 4,50,000 1,35,000 13. Maharashtra 4,50,000 1,50,000 Indian Parliament and Election Commission 13

1 2 3 4

14. M anipur 3,75,000 50,000 15. M eghalaya 3,00,000 30,000 16. M izoram 1,90,000 20,000 17. Nagalar\d 4,15,000 20,000 18. Orissa 4,50,000 1,35,000 19. Punjab 4,50,000 1,35,000 20. Rajasthan 4,50,000 1,35,000 21. SUckim 1,50,000 10,000 22. Tamil Nadu 4,50,000 1,50,000 23. Tripura 4,50,000 50,000 24. Uttar Pradesh 4,50,000 1,50,000 25. West Bengal 4,50,000 1,35,000

Union Territories 1. Andaman Nicobar Islands 1,50,000 - 2. C handigarh 1,90,000 -

3. Dadra and Nagar Haveli 95,000 - 4. D am am and Diu 95,000 - 5. Delhi 4,15,000 95,000 6. Lakshadw eep 60,000 7. Pondicherry 3,00,000 30,000 First to Teitth Lok Sabha Elections Party Performances

First General Elections (1951-52) India became a Sovereign Democratic Republic after tlie Constitution was adopted with effect from January 26,1950. The first general elections to the Lok Sabha were held in 1951-52. It was a historic event and attracted worldwide attention. India had emerged as the world's largest democracy with 173 million voters made eligible through Universal Adult Franchise. The conduct of First General Election was a mammoth exercise with 2,24,000 polling booths to record votes for 491 Lok Sabha and 3,283 Assembly seats. There were about 1,800 candidates for the Lok Sabha seats and another 15,000 for the State Legislative Assemblies. Apart from the independents, there were 70 political parties in the fray. The political parties were of varying hues, big as well as small, national as weU as regional, moderate and extremist, rightist and leftist. Indian National Congress, which had all these years been in the thick of the nation's struggle for Independence bagged 364 out of the total 491 seats for the Lok Sabha. The party had seciu'ed only 45 per cent of the total votes cast and yet managed to bag 74.5 per cent of * e Lok Sabha seats. The overall voting percentage was about 46 although in some constituencies, up to 80 per cent turn out had been recorded. Election clashes were eilmost urJa\own at that time. Illiteracy had been a great retarding factor so far voters turn-out was concerned but canvassing had been made easy by adopting the practice of each party being assigned an election symbol. The voter may not have been able to read the name of the candidate of his or her choice but could identify the sjmibol with ease. T able 2.1: Party Position in the Fiist Lok Sabha (1952-57)

Party No. of No. of Seats Percentage of Candidates Won Total Votes

1. Indian National Congress 479 364 44.90 2. C onununist 49 16 3.30 3. Socialist 256 12 10.60 4. KMPM 146 9 5.80 5. Bharatiya Jan Sangh (BJS) 93 3 3.10 6. Other Parties 327 44» 16.40 7. Independents 524 41 15.90 T otal 1,874 489 100.00 First to Tenth Lok Sabha Elections 15

♦ OTHER PARTIES 8. Commonwealth 3 1, Kisan Mazdoor Praja Party 9. Scheduled Castes Federation 2 People's Democratic Party 7 10. Peasants and Workers Party 2 2 G. Assam Gantantra Parishad (AGP) 5 11. Revolutionary Socialist Party 2 3 (HMS) 4 12. Lok Sevak Sangh 2 4. 4 13. Krishikar Lok Party 1 5. Tamil Nadu Toiler's Party 4 14. Forward Block (Marxist) 1 6. Ram Rajya Parishad (RRP) 3 15. Madras Muslim League 1 7. 3 Total 44 The Second General Elections (1957) The Second General Elections were held in the early months of 1957. These were better organised even though the number of voters had increeised to 193 million. 2,00,000 polling booths were set up all over the coimtry where 1,560 candidates for the Lok Sabha seats staked their claims. The num ber of candidates for ihe State Assembly was around 14,000. Over 40 political parties took part in the electoral battles. The political complexion of the Lok Sabha remained unchanged as the Congress Party secured 371 out of the 494 Lok Sabha seats. Its percentage achievement was again 74.5 per cent of seats with 74.8 per cent of the total votes polled for the Lok Sabha elections. A remarkable feature of the Second General Elections was that for the first time, the Communist Party of India was able to form a government in Kerala.

T able 2JZ: Party Position in the Second Lok Sabha (1957-62)

Party No. of Seats Won % of Votes Secured

1. Indian National Congress (INC) 371 47.8 2. Communist Party of India (CPI) 27 8.9 3. (PSP) 19 10.4 4. Bhm'atiya Jana Sangh (BJS) 4 5.9 5. Other Parties 42* 19.7 6. Independents 30 7.3 Total 493 100.00

♦OTHER PARTIES 8. DMK 2 1. Socialist Party 3 9. Congress Reforms Committee Z Jharkhand Party 7 10. Lx}k Sewak Sangh 3. Gantatra Parishad 7 11. Revolutionary Socialist Party 4. Scheduled Cast Federation 6 12. Hindu Mahasabha 5. Peasants and Workers Party 4 13 Muslim League 6. Jatuita Party 3 14. Eastern Indian Tribal Uiuon 7. Forw ard Block 3 Total Third General Elections (1962) The Third General Elections were completed in a record 10 days time. Tlie First General Elections had spread over 4 months. The number of voters had by now increased to over 216 million. Hie covintry was divided into single member constituencies, some of them being reserved for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. For the first time, the ballot marking system was introduced. 16 Elections in India: 1952-96

Earlier, the voters had to put their ballots in boxes marked for individual contestants. 1,979 candidates contested the elections for 494 Lok Sabha seats. The number of candidates who contested for the Assembly seats was 14900. The voter's turn out was about 53 per cent with 114 million adults exercising their right to form the goverrunent of their choice. The Congress Party again secured 72.9 per cent seats with 44.7 per cent of the valid votes cast at ^ e polls. It had 358 members in a House that had a total strength of 499. Table 2.3: Party Position in the Third Lok Sabha (1962-1967)

Party No. of Seats Won % of the Valid Votes Polled

1. Congress 361 44.72 2. CPI 29 9.94 3. Swatantra 22 8.19 4. BJS 14 6.44 5. PSP 12 6.81 6. DMK 7 2.01 7. Socialist 6 2.69 Other Parties 19 6.74 Independents & others 24 12.49 Total 494 100.00

Nominated 2 7. All India Forw ard Block • OTHER PARTTES 8. All India Hill People'? Conference 1. Jharkhand Party 1 9. Haryana Lok Samiti 2. Republican Party of India 3 10. H indu M ahasabha 3.AkaUParty 2 11. M uslim League 4. Revolutionary Socialist Party 2 12. M aha Gujarat Janata Parishad 5. Ram Rajya Parishad 2 13. Provincial Congress of Goa 6. Lok Sewak Sangh 2

The Fourth General Elections (1967) The 1967 elections were completed in just one week (15th February to 21st February). The voters turn out inaeased to 61.33 per cent. The Congress Party popularity had been on the wane and this time it could muster only 279 seats in the Lok Sabha comprising 520 members. Independents and candidates set up by political parties that did not have any national status managed to get 78 seats. In a number of States, the Congress Party lost its majority for the first tim e. Table 2.4: Party Position in the Fourth Lok Sabha (1961-1967)

Party Contestants No. cf Seats % of Valid Won Votes Polled

1 2 3 4

1. Congress 516 283 40.8 2. Swatatra 178 42 8.5 3. BJS 249 35 9.3 First to Tenth Lok Sabha Elections 17

4

4. SSP 123 23 4.9 5. CPI 104 23 4.9 6. CPI (M) 63 19 4.5 7. PSP 110 13 3.1 8. RPI 72 1 2.5

Other Parties 586 39 7.1 9. DMK 547 25 3.8 10. Akali Dal (Sant Group) 8 3 0.7 11. Forw ord Block 6 2 0.4 12. M uslim League 2 2 0.3 13. All Parties Hill Leaders Conference 1 1 0.2 14. Maha Gujarat Jaiuta Parishad 1 1 0.2 15. RSP 1 1 0.2 16. Janata Parishad 6 0.2 17. Kerala Congress 5 0.2 18. Akali Dal (Master Group) 7 0.1 19. Democratic Nationalist Conference 1 20. Naga National Organisation 1 1 Independents 368 42 14.4 Total 2 ^ 9 520 100.00

Fifth General Elections (1971) The term of the Fourth Lok Sabha would have expired only in 1972 but the General Elections were preponed to 1971. The Congress Party had earned a majority in the 1967 elections but suffered a split in 1969. The dear majority of the party in power had eroded. The then Prine Minister Smt. wanted to seek a fresh mandate from the people. A 'Grand Alliance' was formed to defeat Sm t Indira Gandhi at the polls. Four opposition Parties rwmely Congress (O) , and the Samyukta Socialist Party combined their strength. Tlie results were however surprising. Congress Party was back with 352 seats in the Lok Sabha. This time it was Congress with a comfortable two-third majority in the Parliament and supreme in most of the States. T able 2.5: Party Position in the Fifth Lok Sabha (1971-77)

Party No. of Contestants Seats Won % of Votes Polled

Congress (R) 441 350 43.7 Congress (O) 238 16 10.4 Swatatra 56 8 3.1 BJS 160 22 7.4 SSP 93 3 2.4 PSP 63 2 1.0 CPI 87 23 4.7 CPI(M) 85 25 5.1 O thers 1,578 66 22.1 Total 2,801 515 99.99

The tenure of the Fifth Lok Sabha was extended by one year during Emergency. 18 Elections in India: 1952-96

H ie Sixth Lok Sabha Elections (1977) The Country had its first taste of Emergency in 1975. Indian voters expressed their contempt for this measure by rqecting the Congress under Smt. Indira Gandhi at the 1977 polls. She lost the election and her party was voted out of power at the Centre. A new party Jai\ata Party came into existences with the m erger of Congress (O), Bharatiya Jana Sangh, , Socialist and the Congress for Democracy. TTie Janata Party contested the elections under a common symbol (man with a plough inside the wheel) and captured 295 seats. The Janata Party had obtained 43.17 per cent of the popular votes cast for the 540 member Lok Sabha.

T able Z6: Party Position in the Sixth Lok Sabha (1977-79)

Party No. of Candidates Seats Won % of votes polled

Congress 492 154 34.5 Janata Party 421 297 43.0 CPI 91 7 2.8 CPI(M) 53 22 4.3 Peasants and Workers Party 05 RSP 03 Muslim League 02 National Conference 02 15.4 Kerala Congress 02 Maharashtra Gomantak Party (MGP) 01 United Democratic Party 01 DMK 01 Independents and Others 40 Vacancies as on March 25, 1977 03 Total 540

Janata Party included several parties — Congress (O), BLD, Jana Sangh, Socialist Party and Congress for Democracy.

Seventh Lok Sabha Elections (1980) The first ever Non-Congress government at the Centre could not survive its full term in spite of its clear majority in the Lok Sabha. Mutual bickering and dash of personal ambitions led to the fall of the Janata government in a very short period. Even in this short period, there were two Prime Ministers who headed die government for brief spans. Fresh elections had to be held in 1980 and Smt. Indira Gandhi was voted back to power. She formed the Government at the Centre and continued till her assassiiwtion in 1984. First to Tenth Lok Sabha Elections 19 Table 2.7 Party Position in the Seventh Lok Sabha (1980-84)

Party No. of Contestants No. of Seats Won % of Votes Polled

Congress (I) 492 353 42.7 Congress (O) 212 13 5.3 Janata Party (JP) 432 31 19.0 Janata Party (S) 294 41 9.4 CPI 48 11 2.6 CPI (M) 63 36 6.1 Total 1541 485 85.1 Independents & Others 3,088 39 14.9 Grand Total 4,629 524 100.00

The Eighth Lok Sabha Elections (1984) A sympathy wave swept the country subsequent to the assassination of Smt. Indira Gandhi. Her son, led the Congress Party to a resounding victory capturing a record nvunber of 415 seats out of 518. Congress (I) had secur^ 48.12 per cent votes in this election.

Table 2.8 Party Position in the Eighth Lok Sabha (1985-1990)

Party No. of Contestants Seats Wow % of Votes Polled

Congress (I) 515 415 48.1 Congress (S) 39 5 1.6 Janata Party 219 10 6.7 BJP 229 2 7.4 CPI 66 6 2.7 CPI (M) 64 22 5.7 Lok Dal 174 3 5.6 Telugu Desam 34 30 4.1 Total 1340 493 81.9 Independents & Others 4153 22 18.1 Grand Total 5493 515 100.00 ^Elections w ere held in December 1984; Deposits lost; 4,385. Ninth Lok Sabha Elections (1989) Soon after assumption of office, the young Prime Minister showed inclination to do away with the power brokers in the Congress party and introduce a measure of professional management in party affairs. However the odds were too heavy against him. Money was needed to run the party and whosoever gave it, expected out of turn favours. New tactics were tried to get money and as alleged through cuts in government deals with foreign firms. C>ne such deal which cost the Congress its next term was the 'Bofor's ' deal. Corruption in high places became the main issue this time. 20 Elections in India: 1952-96

V.P. Singh, former Minister in the Rajiv Gandhi's Cabinet left the Congress (I) Party and formed the Jan Morcha witii the help of a few senior colleagues. The lead by him was voted to power with parties like the Bharatiya Janata Party and the Communists lending support from outside the government since it did not command an absolute majority in the Lok Sabha. The government led by V.P. Singh did not last long. Inner dissensions led to BJP withdrawing its support and he was replaced by as the Prime Minister even though his splinter group commanded an insignificant strength in the Lok Sabha. Even this arrangement collapsed and finally when the Congress (I) too declined to support the government, he submitted the resignation of his government leading to another General Election to the Lok Sabha and some State Assemblies in May-Jime 1991.

T able 2.9: Party Position in the N inth Lok Sabha (1989-1991)

Party Contestants Seats Won % of Votes Polled

Congress 510 197 39.5 Janata Dal 244 143 17.8 Congress (S) 14 1 0.3 Janata Party 156 0 1.0 BJP 225 86 11.4 CPI 50 12 2.6 CPI (M) 64 33 6.5 Lok Dal 119 0 0.2 Telugu Desam 33 2 3.3 Total 1,415 474 82.6 Independents and Others 4,743 36 17.4 Grand Total 6,158 510 100.00

Note: Deposits lost: 50.1 or 81.2 per cent. Election for 14 seats in Assam, 13 in Punjab and 6 in Kashmir not held.

The Tenth Lok Sabha Elections (1991) The Tenth Lok Sabha was constituted on Jime 20,1991. The result for 507 seats were available till June 26,1991. While elections were countermanded in 13 constituencies, four results (three from Bihar and one from Karnataka) were not available. As for the political complexion of the new House, the Congress (I) secured 225 seats. (An absolute majority would need 256 Seats). After bye-election in November 1991, the strength of the Congress party increased to 231. The BJP was second with 119 seats, while the JD had 55 seats. CPI (M) had 35 and CPI 13 members. Election to the Lok Sabha and Assembly seats in Punjab were held on February 9,1992. Bye-elections to 2 Lok Sabha seats and 19 Assembly seats were held on June 8, 1992. The following Table provides the position. First to Tenth Lok Sabha Elections 21 Table 2.10. Party Position in the Tenth Lok Sabha (1991-95)

P arty No. cf Contestants Seats Won % of Votes

Congress 492 231 36.50 BJ? 468 119 20.80 JD 307 59 11.88 CP(M) 60 35 6.16 CPI 42 14 2.49 AIADMK* NA 11 1.62 DMK* NA 0 2.09 TOP* NA 13 2.99 Total 1,369 482 84.53 Od\er Parties and Independents 7,585 38 15.47 Grand Total 8^54 520 100,00

•Contestants are included in 7,585. OTHER PARTTES SSP 1 Shiva Sena 4 ID(G) 1 RSP 4 HVP 1 AIFB 3 ASDC 1 SJP 5 AGP 1 ]MM 6 Manipur PP 1 Mudim League 2 HPC 1 Cong.(S) 1 Independents 2 Kerala Congress ^ 1 Total 38 Vacancies: 23 (Punjab 13, J & K 6, Bihar 2, U_P 1, Delhi 1) Table 2.11: Party Position as on Januaiy 31,1996 Party No. of seats

Lidian National Congress 260 Bharatiya Janata Party 113 Janata Party 23 Janata Dal (S) 1 Conuntinist Party of India (M) 36 Conuntinist Party of India 14 AIADMK 11 (Mulayam) 3 Revolutionary Socialist Party 2 a iiv Sena 13 3 Bahujan Samaj Party 6 JharkhaiKl Mukti Morcha 7 Telegu Desam 2 Forward Bloc 3 Manipur People's Party 1 Congress (S) 1 All India Majlis l^ d u l Musalmin 1 22 Elections in India: 1952-96

Party______No. of seats Kerala Congress (M) 1 Sikkim Sangram Parishad 1 Janata Dal (Gujarat) 3 Bihar People's Party 1 Independents 45

The Congress Party had started with 225 seats but managed to cobble a working majority.

Tenures of Lok Sabhas The first Lok Sabha, constituted vmder the Constitution that came in eflfect from January 26, 1950 had its first sitting on May 13, 1952. The Second Lok Sabha was constituted on April 5,1957 and the Third on April 2,1962. All along there had been smooth &ve yearly elections. The dissolutions took place barely 38 to 44 days before expiry of the term. The Fourth Lok Sabha, constituted on was dissolved one year and 79 days before the expiry of its term. The dissolution took place on 27 December 1970 and the next Lok Sabha had its first meeting after its constitution on March 19, 1971. For over three months there was no Lok Sabha. Sm t Indira Gandhi, however, continued to functions as the 'caretaker* Prime Minister. Under Article 94 of the Constitution, in case of dissolution of the Lok Sabha, Speaker does not vacate his office until immediately before the first meeting of the House after dissolution. An exception arose in case of Shri Neelam Sanjiva . He had taken over as S p e ^ r of the Fourth Lok Sabha on March 17, 1967 but resigned on July 19, 1969. Dr. succeeded him on August 8, 1969. The Fifth Lok Sabha was constituted on March 15, 1971. Its term was to expire on March 18,1976. But it was extended by one year up to March 18,1977 by the House of the People (Exter\sion of Duration) Act, 1976. It was extended for a further period of one year up to March 18, 1978 by the House of the People (Extension of Duration) Amendment Act, 1976. However, the House was dissolved after having been in existence for a period of five years, 10 months and six days. The tenure of the Fifth Lok Sabha was associated with the imposition of Emergency in June 1975. It also marked the end of an era in which Congress as a political party held office at the Centre with the number of its members in the Lok Sabha always in absolute majority ranging from 279 to 371. The Sixth Lok Sabha had its first meeting on March 23, 1977. Smt. Indira Gandhi, who had been Prime Minister since 1966 had lost at the Lok Sabha elections. Shri , who was an aspirant for Prime Ministership in January 1966, and had lost to Smt. Indira Gandhi now took over’as the Prime Miruster heading the newly formed Jaiuta Party. N. Sanjiva Reddy who had resigned from Ae post of in July 1969 was sworn in as the Sixth President of India on July 25,1977. First to Tenth Lok Sabha Elections 23

The Sixth Lok Sabha was dissolved on August 22,1979. The House existed for only two years, four months and 28 days. K.S. Hegde functioned as Speaker in the Sixth Lok Sabha after between July 21, 1977 and January 21, 1980. Charan Sing^ who has had the unique distinction of having been Prime Minister who never faced the Lok Sabha, had recommended the dissolution of the Sbcth Lok Sabha and the same took place on August 22,1979. Elections to the Seventh Lok Sabha followed. ITiere was a gap of about five months between the dissolution of ttie Sixth and the constitution of the Seventh Lok Sabha, rather imusual considering the past records. Smt. Indira Gandhi returned back to power in the Seventh Lok Sabha. The Seventh Lok Sabha had 352 Congress (I) M.P.S — a quantum leap from 154 in 1977. Smt. Indira Gandhi was assassinated on October 31, 1984. Rajiv Gandhi was sworn in as the Prime Minister after her and the new Prime Minister opted for elections in December. The Seventh Lok Sabha was dissolved on December 31, 1984 and the E i^th Lok Sabha constituted the same day. It held its first session on January 15, 1985 and was dissolved on 27 November 1989. The people of India had pinned high hopes on Rajiv Gandhi. However his image had been badly slurred by allegations of having received cuts in the Bofors deal. The voters perception was that while they sent their sons and brothers to the Army to def^d tiie country, those at the helm of the affairs compromised with the quality of weapons just to earn kickbacks for their party. The disillusioned voters once again opted for a Non-Congress Government at the Centre. The Ninth Lok Sabha had its first meeting after its constitution on December 18, 1989 with V.P. Singh as the Prime Minister. However, yet another Non- Congress government at the Centre fell before completing its term. Its life ended on March 13, 1991. The Janata Dal headed by V.P Singh had won 143 seats in the Lok Sabha elections of 1989. It was well below 195 won by Congress (I). But Rajiv Gandhi declined to form the government in the absence of an outright mandate. V.P. Singh agreed to become the Prime Minister with the understanding that his goverrunent would have the support of BJP, CPI, CPI (M) and some others from outside. However, the arrangement did not work. The Ninth Lok Sabha lasted for only 16 months and 11 days and in between had two Prime Ministers. The M andal Report and Ram Janmabhoomi Babri Masjid controversy split the understanding between National Front Qanata Dal) and the BJP. The Janata Dal split into JD and JD (S) with Chandra Shekhar heading the split group. V.P. Singh failed to get a vote of confidence and had to go out on November 7, 1990. Chandra Shekhar stepped into his shoes, this time with the imderstanding that he would be supported by Congress (I) again from outside. He was sworn Prime Minister on November 10,1990 but his tie-up with the Congress could not last long. The 117 day old Janata Dal (S) government collapsed on March 6, 1991. Congress (I) had chosen to support Chandra Shekhar as the other 24 Elections in India: 1952-96 alternative, i.e. General Elections was much less favourable with the BJP wave sweeping the Hindi heartland subsequent to firing and large scale casualties at Ayodhya. There is a general feeling that Congress (I) was successful in getting a num ter of things of its choice done for the price of its support even though Chandra Shekhar continued the pretense of taking independent decisions. But Chandra Shekhar had started filin g the heat of pressures that he was being subjected to from outside. The crunch came when Congress (I) decided to boycott the Parliament (thus depriving Chandra Shekhar of numerical support in the House where he had only 54 members) on the plea that Rajiv Gandhi's house was imder surveillcuice by constables of Haryana Government and that Chandra Shekhar was unwilling to pimish the culprits behind surveillance the way Rajiv Gandhi had desired. The Ninth Lok Sabha lasted for about IVi years only. The Tenth Lok Sabha lasted its full term. The last four decades have witnessed a nvimber of imusual developments so far as the conduct of elections in India is concerned. The role of money and muscle power has been increasing. Several criminals have been entering politics and succeeded in getting elected. The criminal-politidan nexus has been growing at an alarming rate. O ef^o r« , cross voting, and voting influenced by alleged pa)m[ient of huge sums are only some of the symptoms of decay that has set in our political system. Prima fade the future seems dark. However there is also a bright side to the story. There is growing awareness and political parties cannot take any minority group or the deprived section of the voters for a ride. They expect something more tangible than sops in the form of promises or liquor or dhoties on poll eve. The Election Commission and the Indian Judiciary have been performing active roles in ensuring that the sanctity of the elections is not sullied by corrupt electoral practices. A strict check on poll expenditure and stricter enforcement of election laws and code of conduct has helped in checking the downward slide. The greatest achievement of our democratic system is that it has survived, n ie system may not be in the pink of health but it has not lost the capacity to fight back the infections. The rest is for the people of India to decide. One hopes people have enough sense to make Democracy work rather than curse it for the failures for which we and not the system are primarily responsible. First to Tenth Lok Sabha Elections 25

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Universal Franchise The right to elect representatives to the Lok Sabha and State Assembly is predous and yet crores of Indian dtizens just do not exercise their right to choose the people who will run the government for them. The number of voters who are eligible to vote and turn up at the polling booths to exercise their franchise has rarely exceeded the two third number. So far women voters are concerned, this proportion is still less. This phenomenon of low tum but has wide implications. Political parties have wielded power though they never represented majority of voting population. The common voter has not been able to assert himself over the self-seeking politicians just because enough voters do not turn up to give the electoral verdict an authenticity that is in keeping with the general mood. There have been years when even with relatively low voters tiim out, the people have been able to establish their anger or resentment at the deeds and misdeeds of the goverrunent but Indian democracy is yet to acquire that ferocity which alone can keep the politicians on toes aU through their term of office. Table 3.1 shows voters turn out.

Table 3.1: Electorate and Votes Polled and Voter Turn Out

Year Polling Electorate Votes Polled Voter Turn Out Stations (Million) (Million) (Average %)

1952 196,089 173.2 105.9 45.7 1957 220,478 193.7 123.5 47.7 19622 238,244 16.4 119.9 55.4 1967 267,555 249.0 152.7 61.3 1971 342,944 274.1 151.5 55.3 1977 358,208 321.1 194.3 60.5 1980 434,442 355.6 202.4 57.0 1984 505,751 399.8 249.6 64.1 1989 579,810 498.6 309.0 61.9 1991* 594,797 514.1 272.0 51.13

‘Excluding Jammu and Kashmir, Elections not held in Punjab.

In this context, the performance of the Congress Party at the General Elections needs special mention. This party has been in power at the Centre 28 Elections in India: 1952-96 for greater the part of our post-independence years. However, it never represented even 50 per cent of the totd voters. The Table 3.2 illustrates the above mentioned phenomenon.

T able 3.2: Performance of the Congress Party

Year Seats Contested by Seats Won %of Votes the Congress Polled

1952 479 364 45.0 1957 490 371 47.8 1962 488 361 _44.7 1967 516 283 40.8 1971 441 352 43.7 1977 492 154 34.5 1980 492 353 42.7 1984 517 415 48.1 1989 510 197 39.53 1991 481 225 37.57

M ultiplicity of Political Parties and the Independents Compared to the voter in Britain or U.S.A. where the voter's choice is usually limited to three (Conservative, Labour and the Liberal) or just two (Democrat and Republican) party candidates, the Indian voter has to choose from amongst a relatively much larger number of candidates. In the 1991 elections at least in one cor^tituency, the ballot paper had to be of the size of a newspaper page to be able to cover the lutmes and symbols of all the candidates. Compared to the 1952 elections to the Lok Sabha, the increase in the average number of candidates per constituency has been three-fold. Two reasons can be ascribed to this phenomenon; the proliferation of parties and the low deposit figure. In the year 1952 there were on an average only 3.8 candidates per constituency. However by 1989 this figure had swelled to 11.2. The 1977 election marked a general decrease in the nimiber of candidates, the average slumping down to 4.5 (from 5.3 in the preceding elections). Between 1984 and 1989, the nimiber of candidates registered a rise from 5,481 to 6,091. Seat adjustments among political parties bring down the number of caixdidates per constituency at the Natiotuil level. This could be seen in 1977 when the average dropped down to 2.0 from 2.3 to leap up again to 3.0 in the succeeding elections. 1957 had also witnessed a -similar phenomenon. The major contribution to increase in number of candidates over the last 35 years has come from the Independents. All that an independent stands to lose is, the meagre security deposits in case he fails to secure less than one-sixth of the votes polled. The Table 3.3 presents a comprehensive and contrasting analysis over the years. Highlights of First Ten Elections 29 Table 3.3: Number of Candidates Put up by Political Parties

Year Average Number National State Parties Other Parties Indepen- of Candidates per Parties dents Constituency

1952 3.8 2.3 0.3 0.1 1.1 1957 3.2 1.9 0.2 0.04 1.0 1962 4.0 2.8 0.1 0.04 1.0 1967 4.6 2.7 0.1 0.02 1.7 1971 5.3 2.3 0.4 0.4 2.2 1977 4.5 2.0 0.1 0.1 2.3 1980 8.5 3.0 0.2 0.3 5.3 1984 10.1 2.4 0.3 0.2 7.4 1989 11.2 2.6 0.3 1.7 6.7 1991 17.0 2.7 0.4 1.6 7.2

Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Voters National as well as Regional level parties regard SC and ST voters as a significant phenomenon even though their number is not overwhelming even in reserved constituencies. The past experience has been that SC and ST voters do not back political parties that are exclusively SC or ST based, for example, the Republican Party of India. Its representation has been restricted to just one seat in the years 1% 2,1967 and 1971, while the Bahujan Samaj Party got two seats in the 1989 elections. Congress had been the main benefidaiy so far SC/ST constituencies are concerned. In the year 1984, it cornered 92 out of the total 119 reserved seats for the Lok Sabha. The year 1977 was bad-for the party. The number of seats won among the reserved ones slumped to 29 from 73. In the year 1989 the tally was just 44, the lowest (with the exception of 1977). Tlie SC/ST voters have expressed their displeasure with the ruling party at the Centre by shifting their loyalties to Left or other mainstream politick parties operating at the regional level (AIADMK-DMK, Telegu Desam). Bharatiya Lok Dal which later merged into the Janata Party was the most successful p a ^ in the reserved constituencies in the year 1977. But this performance could not be sustained. In 1989 Janata Dal managed 31 seats but the best gains came to BJP. It captured 18 seats while in the preceding elections its tally had never crossed the seven score of 1%7. BJP drew a blank in the years 1980 and 1984. It would be unrealistic to ascribe the BJP victory to any significant shift in loyalties or enchantment wifli the BJP. The 1989 score could be ascribed more to BJPs electoral alliance with the Janata Dal. In several reserved constituencies, political parties based exclusively on SC/ST made good showing being a close second but that was all. In U.P. and Bihar, the Bahujan Samaj Party was not even second at many places. In 19 out of 32 coi\stituendes (1989) BSP was only third. Bahujan Sainaj Party and the have been cor\solidating their popular support since 1989. 30 Elections in India: 1952-96

Swinging Vote Patterns The multiple party system along with provision for Independent candidates has resulted in many distortions so far voting patterns and number of seats captured by various political parties is concerned. A two-party polity can ensure that number of seats won by a political party is in fair proportion to votes polled by it. A system of proportional representation also ensures that there is no arbitrariness between the two factors. In India, the position has been rather different. Often a small majority of votes has resulted in a much larger majority in seats captured A broad analysis of percentage of votes polled vis- a-vis seats won by BJP (1971) illustrates the phenomenon with 7.4 per cent votes the party got just two seats in 1984 while wath the same percentage it had secured 22 seats in 1971. A small increase of .5 per cent votes raised the tally of seats won from 4 in 1957 to 14 in 1962. Two per cent increase resulted in increase in number of seats from 35 in 1967 to 85 in 1989. On the other hand a 2 per cent slump brought down the number of seats won from 35 in 1967 to 22 in 1971. If we compare the 1952 and 1989 performance we find that while the percentage of votes polled increased by less than four-fold, the number of seats won increased by over 28 times. Swings in percentage of votes polled thus influence the number of seats secured in a very magnified proportion. Till the Ninth Lok Sabha elections Congress Party had been able to form government at the Centre seven times since after Independence even though it never polled more than 48.1 per cent of the total votes polled. It has represented just 25 per cent population at its best and yet ruled ^ e coimtiy for 40 years. Such is the dynamics of the existing electoral system. More instances follow. The CPM polled 4.3 per cent votes in 1977 and secured 22 seats. Compared to that it had 4.4 per cent votes in 1967 but the number of seats won was less (19). Similarly in 1984 it polled a higher percentage (5.7) compared to 5.1 in 1971, but the seats won in 1984 was 22 i.e. three less than that in 1971. Similar distortions can be seen in the performance of other Left parties. CPI secured an identical percentage of votes in 1980 and 1984 (2.6 and 2.7). But the gap in nimiber of seats won varied from 11 at 2.6 per cent and six at 2.7 per cent. In 1957 the party won 27 seats at 8.9 per cent votes. In 1967 it needed oiUy 5% votes to secure 23 seats. In 1952 the Forward Bloc had secured 4.5 per cent votes but could not win a single seat. In 1977 it got or\ly 4.3 per cent votes but still bagged three seats. The phenomenon is complex to submit to any easy or simple explanation. Few things, however, are clear. Seat adjustments leading to near one-to-one contest tend to keep the two figures (percentage of votes polled and number of seats won closer). Mvilticomered contests bring about distortions! The Constitution of the country guarantees the right to form associations. So multiple political parties cannot be checked from being bom or growing in numbers. Independent candidates cannot be barred under the existing laws of the land. We may have to put up with this for some time, notwithstanding the complications arising out of people's representation being vmduly iiifluenced by relatively small swings in voting patterns. Highlights of First Ten Elections 31 Uncontested Victories At Lok Sabha elections, there have been candidates who have been elected without tears — uncontested as there were no candidates opposing them to necessitate an election. In the Nehruvian era, there have been instances when the Congress Party did not put up a candidate agairwt some veteran of their own party who subsequently chose to change sides. Fortuitous combination of events have resulted in candidates being returned uncontested as would be seen from the following Table. At the other end of the continuum are the candidates who contest and even lose tiieir security deposits. Provision of Security deposit from candidates seeking election is m ade to prevent frivolous contestants from entering the fray. But the amount is so small that it has no deterrent effect. Candidates file nominations for a variety of reasor\s that sometimes have nothing to do with the serious business of representing the people. When paper was a 'controlled conunodity' many candidates filed nominations to become eligible for 'quota' that could ^

Table 3.4. Uncontested Returns by Congress and Others

Election Uncontested Congress Others Year Returns

1952 10 7 3 1957 12 12 - 1962 3 3 - 1967 5 4 1 1971 1 1 - 1977 2 2 - 1980 1 - 1 1984 1 1 - 1989 1 - 1 1991 - -- disposed off at a preiruvim. The 'candidate' serious or frivolous is well guarded by the State lest anything happens to him between nomination and the date of election resulting in the election to that cor^tituency being countermanded. It is not unusual to expect an independent to be persuaded to withdraw for some consideration that may be too small for the serious candidate but enough for the frivolous one.

Forfeiture ot Deposits The Deposit forfeiture rate has been miiumimi for the Congress Party. It has always fielded maximum candidates, the minimum being 441 in 1971. But the num ter of candidates put up by it and who forfeited their se< ^ty deposit never exceeded 18 (in 1977). That was the year when it had contested 492 seats and its forfeiture ratio was 3.7 per cent. The following Table illustrates the number of candidates who lost their deposits over the successive years. 32 Elections in India: 1952-96

The fortunes of major political parties in the country have been fluctuating. Many of tiiem have been able to withstand the storms and maintain their political identity; many others have either merged or simply faded into the oblivion of political history.

Table 3.5. Deposits Forfeited/Candidates Fielded

Year INC BJP CPI Janata Party (J.P) 1952 5/479 50/94 8/49 1957 2/490 54/130 14/110 1962 3/488 119/196 28/137 1967 7/516 114/251 54/168 1971 4/441 48/160 65/172 1977 18/492 77/144 5/405 1980 7/492 26/111 115/432 1984 5/517 112/229 42/130 132/219 1989 5/510 88/225 25/114 150/156

Communist (CPI and CPM), CPI till 1962, Janata Party (JP), BLD in 1977.

Representation of Women W omen constitute half the world yet their representation at the decision making forums has been disproportionately low. The Indian Lok Sabha has been no exception, notwithstanding lofty promises made by all political parties at the time of elections. There has been a talk of proportional representation to Other Backward Classes. The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes have reserved seats. Anglo- Indians can be represented by Constitutional nomination provisions. But no such provision exists for women. Indian women have headed International Organisations like the U.N.O., been Prime Minister and held responsible Cabinet posts in the Lok Sabha and State Assemblies but still they have to find suitable representation in the elected forums. The representation of wom en candidates in ti\e Lok Sabha since the first elections of 1952 are shown in the following T able. Table 3.6: Seats and Percentage of Women in Ten Lok Sabhas Year Total Seats Women Percentage of Women Members Members to Total Seats 1952 499 22 4.4 1957 500 27 5.4 1962 503 34 6.7 1967 523 31 5.9 1971 521 22 4.2 1977 544 19 3.4 1980 544 28 5.1 1984 544 44 8.1 1989 517 27 5.2 1991 544 39 7A Note: It will be been above that in the polling, the percentage of women has remained below 10 per cent. Highlights of First Ten Elections 33 Table 3.7: Victory Percentage of Women Candidates in the Lok Sabha Elections 1991

Category Total Candidates Elected Victory Forfeited Percentage

Male 8,699 5.56% 45.26 86.9% Candidates Female 325 11.38% 50.52 72.9% Candidates Source: O utlook, April 17, 19%. Reservation for women has been a catchy slogan and some parties including the m ain political rivals — BJP and Congress — have armounced they will give 30 per cent reservation to women. But a glance at the elections this time, convinces one that it's all an eyewash. In Madhya Pradesh, where there were close to 1,300 candidates in the fray for 40 seats, only 11 women candidates had been fielded by three main parties. Pushapdevi (Raigarh), Vimla Verma (Seoni), Alka Nath (Qihindwara), and Chhabila Netam (Kar\ker) were the orUy Congress woman candidates whereas for the BJP, Ms Vqaya Raje Sdndia (Guna), (Khajuraho), (Indore) and Pravin Kumari (Rewa) had been fieldeid. The BSP, too, named just three candidates: Basanti Kaul (Sidhi), Janki Devi Dhurve (Mahasamund) and Ganga Singh (Mandla). Hie Congress (T) does not seem to be in love with women either. They named cmly one candidate — Ganga Potai from Bastar. How Ms Chhabila Netam and Alka Nath were given tickets is not required to be discussed. The Congress wittiout these two, have given five per cent of the tickets to women instead of 30 as promised in its manifesto.

3.8. Booth Capturing Section 58 A has been inserted in the Representation of the People Act, 1951 by Act of 1989 providing for adjovmiment of poll or countermanding of elections b ^ u s e of booth capturing. Booth capturing has been defined in S«Aion 135 A of the Representation of People Act, 1951. Political Parties in India

Political parties in India originated from the Indian National Congress formed in 18^ by a retired I.C.S. Officer A.O. Hume. The ol^ective was to provide a forum where conflicts and differences between the British empire and the Indian people could be amicably settled without the need for use of violence. Over the years, the Indian National Congress got transformed as the most powerful instrument in our struggle for Independence from British rule. Moderates like Dadabhai Nauroji and Feroz Shah Mehta played dominant roles in the early years but towards the end of the 19th century, the leadership of the Congress passed into the hands of hardliners like Balgangadhar T il^ Ltila Lajpat Rai and B.C. Pal. They raised the slogan of 'Swaraj' and 'Swadeshi'. W ith the coming of M ahatma Gandhi on the Indian political scene, the Indian National Congress adopted, 'non-violence' as its creed. The struggle culminated on August 15, 1947 when India became a free coimtry. Ituiian ’National Congress — Since independence, the Indian National Congress has undergone many splits and its role today is so different from what it was in the pre-independence era. The leadership today comprises of so many who are 'men of straw' compared to the giants of yore. Communist Party of India— The Communist Party of India emerged on the Indian scene in 1924, primarily as a party interested in organisation of Trade Unions among the working classes. It remained banned by the British government between 1924 to 1943. The party drew its inspiration from the success of Conununist movement in USSR. Ilie party split into CPI and CPI (M), the latter contesting elections under its independent identity since 1967 and onwards. Kerala and West Bengal are the two States where the parties have their stronghold. Bharatiya Jam Sangh — Bharatiya Jan Sangh (BJS) was formed as a political party on Ortober 21,1951 under the leadership of late Shyama Prasad Mookherji. The party was considered by many political observers as the political wing of the Rashtriya Swayam Sewak Sangh, a cultural organisation believing in, 'One Country, One Culture, One Nation. It did not do well till 1967 when the party gained spectacular success in some of the States of India — the Hindi belt. The Bharatiya Jana Sangh merged itself with the Janata Party in 1977. After the failure of the Janata Government in 1980, the BJS, renam ed itself as Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Its performance as Bharatiya Janata Party in 1984 elections to the Lok Sabha was dismal. By 1989 it had consolidated its electoral base and had 85 members in the Lok Sabha. In 1991 elections it captured 119 seats. Political Parties in India 35

Janata Party — The Janata Party was formed on the eve of the Sixth Lok Sabha Elections. The party had the tadt approval of Jaya Prakash Narayan, a highly respected leader of the Independence movement w^ho too had b e ^ the victim of Emergency clamped on the nation in 1975 by the Prime Minister, Indira Gandhi. Opposition parties like the Bharatiya Jana Sangh, Bharatiya Lok Dal, Congress (O) and the Socialists combined too put up a joint front against Congress (I) led by Indira Gandhi. The people's ire at the excesses of Emergency found expression in putting Congress (I) out of power at the Centre. However, the constituent groups could not forge any working vmity among themselves. Personal ambitions and idiosyncrades led to the fall of the Janata Government much before the expiry of the five year term. General Elections had to be held in 1980 as neither Morarji Desai, nor who succeeded him as the Prime Minister could establish and prove their majority in the Parliament. Swatantra Party — Swatantra Party was a rightist party that emerged in July 1959 with stalwarts like Rajagopalachari, K.M. Munshi. N.G. Ranga and M.R. Masani coming out in the open advocating relaxatior\s in the controls and quota systems being administered by the State. The party was the anti-thesis of Sodalism and Communism. The party showed good progress in the 1967 elections and could even form coalition governments in a few States. In 1974, it merged with Bharatiya Lok Dal which again merged with the Janata Party in 1977. Praja Socialist Party — Praja Sodalist Party was bom on the eve of the first General Elections (1952). Originally it had functioned as the left arm of the Congress Party. The leading lights were Ashok Mehta, Ram Manohar Lohia and Acharya Kripalani. The Sodalist movement in India had too many splits and mergers till it lost its identity in 1977. Some other names assodated with the Sodalist movement are the Krishak Mazdoor Praja Party, Revolutionary Sodalist Party and Samyukta Sodalist Party. Political parties contesting elections have been rising and falling in num ber over the decades. In the First General Elections there were as m any as seventy four political parties. There has been a sudden decline (polarisation) in the number of parties since then. For the 1957 and 1962 elections there were only sixteen parties. Since then the total number has varied between 21 to 28. For the 1989 elections, there were a total of 28 political parties, 8 recognised at the National level and 20 at the State level. The State parties ranged between 12 to 21 over the years 1957 to 1959. In 1996 there are seven national political parties, 38 state parties and about 440 registered parties (see list in subsequent pages). It would not be out of place to record some of the major splits that have taken place since 1952. The phenomenon is peculiar inasmuch as we do not hear of any such thing in other democrades like the U.S.A. or the U.K. From strid Eledoral point of view the first split in the Indian National Congress surfaced in 1969. Indira Gandhi carved out the Congress (I) from the main body leaving others who were Congress (O) hereafter. The latest split has been the formation of Congress (T) led by Narain Dutt Tewari. 36 Elections in India: 1952-96

The Communist Party of India has been contesting the elections vmder its banner since 1952. In this case also a split occurred with the result that CPI (M) assumed a separate identity and contested the 1967 elections as a political party distinct from the Commimist Party of India. Bharatiya Jana Sangji had b e ^ in the political fray since 1952. It merged with the Janata Party formed on the eve of ihe 1977 General Elections. It was revived in 1989 under the new name Bharatiya Janata Party. Since then it has been functioning as a separate and independent political entity. The Janata Party (Lok Dal in 1977) became a force to reckon with when it threw the Indira Gandhi government out of power in the General Electior\s of 1977. The Bharatiya Lok Dal later became the Janata Dal and won 142 seats in the 1989 General Elections. However it too faced a split and the Janata Dal (S) with its 54 members came out to form a government under its leader Chandra Shekhar. Janata Dal (S) had fought the 1991 elections as a separate entity. The splits have had their ramifications on the political fortunes of the various political parties. The BJP disentangled itself from the Janata Party for the 1984 elections. The Janata Party had secured 295 seats in the Lok Sabha elections held in 1977. The euphoria did not last long. The Congress (I) had its lowest tally in 1977 (154) w h ile in th e 1984 G en eral E lections it se cu red 405 seats. T h e Socialists had their best achievement in 1967 with a tally of 36 Lok Sabha seats but the party faded out with just a score of five in the next elections.

Non-Congress Combinations Congress party had uninterrupted rule at the Centre until on March 24, 1977, when the first Non-Congress government was sworn in with Moraiji Desai as the Prime Minister. Earlier Moraiji Desai had lost to Indira Gandhi in 1965 in the succession battle after the death of Lai Bahadur Shastri. The people expressed their anger against rule imposed by Indira Gandhi by voting out of power not orJy the Congress party and also Indira Gandhi and his son . The Janata experiment, however, did not succeed due to internal party bickerings and dissentions. Indira Gandhi was all the time keen to topple the combination. She played her cards in a very shrewd and subtle manner. Charan Singh was assured of Congress support. He was asked by the President to form the government and seek a vote of confidence at the earliest opportunity. Charan Singh was in no position to face the Parliament. Support from the Congress party was promised but did not forthcome as the fall seemed imminent. Charan Singh submitted his resignation on August 20,1979. His resignation was accepted and he was asked to continue as caretaker Prime Minister. The Sixth Lok Sabha was dissolved on Augxist 22, 1979 and a mid-term polls were ordered by the President. The year 1989 presented another opportunity for the Non-Congress parties to rule at the Centre. The Bofors stigma had stuck to Rajiv Gandhi and the Congress failed to secure an absolute majority in the Parliamentany elections. Political Parties in India 37

V.P. Singh with his promise of value based politics was able to unite the conflicting forces like the BJP and the Leftists. Inner contradictions once again surfaced leading to the fall of the Government led by V.P. Singh in November 1990. The Congress party took full advantage of the rivalry among V.P. Singh's government It prom pt^ Qiandra Shekhar to form the government with support promised from outside the government. The support did not last long. Chandra Shekhar had to resign on March 7,1991 bringing down the curtain on the second Non-Congress government at the Centre. Apart from Congress and the BJP, a Third Force combirution of National Front and Left Front parties has been emerging on the country's political scene. There is very little that is common in their ideologies except that they want to defeat both the Congress and the BJP by making winning combinations and polarising the great variety of voter preferences. The NF-LF combination is without a central leadership as every constituent has its leader aspiring to be the next Prime Minister irrespective of national following. If the past experience is any guide, NF-LF combination has too m any contradictions within and as such in no position to provide a stable government, leave aside a lasting national policy on important matters relating to politics and economy. Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) — The BSP is the late entry in the field. It banks upon the Dalit vote. It did achieve some success when it joined hands with the Samajwadi Party (SP) in Uttar Pradesh but the hone 5m oon was short-lived. After withdrawing support to SP, it formed its Ministry at State-level with the outside support of the BJP and Mayawati of the BSP became the first Dalit Chief Minister of the state, though for a very brief period — less than a year. List of Political Parties This list of National and State Parties is as per Election Commission's Notification No. 56/96/JUD. II dated 05.02.1996 for publishing in the Official Gazette of India.

NATIONAL PARTIES Bhartiya Janata Party BJP Communist Party of India CPI Communist Party of India (Marxist) CPM Indian National Congress INC* Janata Dal JD Janata Party JP Samata Party SAP

STATE (REGIONAL) PARTIES Telugu Desam TDP People's Party of Arunachal PPA AGP Natun Asom Gana Parishad NAGP Autonomous State Demand Committee ASDC Jharkhand Mukti Morcha JMM 38 Elections in India: 1952-96

Maharashtrawadi Gomantak MAG United Goans Democratic Party UGDP Jammu and Kashmir National Conference jk N C Jammu and Kashmir Panthers Party JPP Jammu and Kashmir Peoples Conference JKPC Harayarui Vikas Party HVP Karnataka Congress Party KCP Muslim League MUL Kerala Congress (M) KCM Indian Congress (Socialist) ICS Shivsena SHS Kuki National Assembly KNA Manipur People's Party MRP Federal Party of Manipur FPM All Party Hill Leaders' Corrference (Armison Marak Group) Hill People Union Hill State Peoples' Democratic Party Public Demands Implementation Convention MNF Nagaland People's Council NPC Shiromani A k^ Dal SAD Bahujan Samaj Party BSP Samajwadi Party SP (Simaranjit Singh Mann) SAD(M) Sikkim Sangram Parishad SSP SDF All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam ADK* Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam DMK PMK Revolutionary Socialist Party RSP Tripura Upajati Juba Samity TUJS FBL REGISTERED PARTIES Abnihav Bharat Sangh Akhil Bharatiya Gram Parishad Adarsh Lok Dal Akhil Bharatiya Hindustani Krantikari Akhand Bharat Mahasang Sarvahara Samajwadi Party Krantikari Party Akhil Bharatiya Jagrook Nagrik Dal Akhil Bharatiya Berozgaar Party Akhil Bharatiya Jan Sangh Akhil Bharatiya Bharat Desham Party, Akhil Bharatiya Janta Vikas Party Delhi Akhil Bharatiya Kissan M azdoor M orcha Akhil Bharatiya Dal Akhil Bharatiya Lok Tantrik Akhil Bharatiya Bharat Mata-Putra Alp'Sankhyak Jan Morcha Paksha Akhil Bharatiya Lokraj Party Akhil Bharatiya Dalit Utthan Party Akhil Bharatiya Loktantra Party Akhil Bharatiya Desh Bhakt Morcha Akhil Bharatiya Mahila Dal Akhil Bharatiya Dharmiurp>eksh Dal Akhil Bharatiya Manav Kalyan Ram Akhil Bharatiya Gareeb Party Rajya Committee Akhil Bharatiya General Labour Party Akhil Bharatiya Marattia M ahasai^ Akhil Bharatiya Gorkha League Akhil Bharatiya Pichadavarg Party Political Parties in India 39

Akhil Bharatiya Rajarya Sabha Bharat Bachao Party of India Akhil Bharatiya Ram Rajya Parishad Bharat Dal (Prem BallaUi Vyas) Bharat Jan Party Akhil Bharatiya Ram Rajya Parishad Bharat Ka Samyawadi Dal (Marxist- (V.S. Atul) Leninwadi) Akhil Bharatiya Rashtrij^ Sanathan Sabha Bharat Mukti Dal Akhil Bharatiya Revolutionary Shoshit Bharat Nirudyog Party Sam ij Dal Bharat Pensioner's Front Akhil Bharatiya Shivsena Rashtrawadi Bharatha Makkal Congress Akhil Bharatiya Janhit Jagrit Party Bharathiya Nethaji Party Akhil Bharatiya Manav Bharatiya Adarsh Party Akhil Bharatiya Sena Bharatiya Ambedkar Party All India Azad Hind Mazdur and Jan Bharatiya Asht Jan Party Kalyan Party Bharatiya Azad Party All India Democratic People Federation Bharatiya Backward Party All India Forward Bloc (Subhasist) Bharatiya Democratic Dal All India Gareeb Congress Bharatiya Dhuhi Party All India Bhartiya Ekta Party All India Kisan Mazdoor Sabha Bharatiya Gareeb Party All India Labour Welfare Party Bharatiya Jai Jawan Jai Kisan Party All India Majlis-E-Ittehadul Muslimeen Bharatiya Jan Congress All India National Youth Party Bharatiya Jan Kisan Party All India Nethaji Congress Bharatiya Jan Sabha All India People's Party Bharatiya Jantantiik Parishad All India Pravasi Dal Bharatiya Jan-Shakti Party All India Shiromani Baba Jiwan Singh Bharatiya Kranti Sena Mazhbi Dal Bharatiya Krantikari Kammand Party All India Tribes and Minorities Front Bhartiya Krantikari Parishad (H) All India Morcha Bharatiya Krantikari Swatantra Jan All India Vakkalar Munnetra Kalagam Parishad All India Youth Akali Dal Bharatiya Krishi Udyog Sangh Ambedkar Kranti Dal Bharatiya Lok Kalyan Dal Ambedkar Peoples Movement Bharatiya Lok Panchayat Ambedkar Puratchikara Makkal Katchi Bharatiya Lok Tantrik Mazdoor Dal Ambedkarbadi Party Bharatiya Manav Raksha Dal Amra Bangalee Bharatiya Parivartan Morcha Bharatiya Andaman People's Party Rashtrawadi Dal Andhra Pradesh Navodaya Praja Party Bharatiya Rashtriya Ekta Dal Anndata Party Bharatiya Rashtriya Mazdoor Dal Anti Injustice Party Bharatiya Rashtriya Morcha Arya Dal Bharatiya Rashtriya Party A rya Sabha Bharatiya Rashtriya Sangh Aryan Nationalist Party Bharatiya Republican Paksha Asom Jatiya Parishad Bharatiya Samaj Sangathan Morcha Awami National Party Bharatiya Samta Party A zad H ind Fauz (R) Bharatiya Sanghathit Party (S) Baghel Khand Samaj Bharatiya Shrimik Dal Bahujan Kranti Dal Bhartiya Surajya Paksha Bahujan Kranti Dal 0ai) Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha Bahujan Loktantrik Party Bhartiya Berozgar Mazdoor Kisan Dal Bahujan Samaj Party (Ambedkar) Bhartiya Labour Party Bharatiya Bahujan Samaj Party () Minorities Suraksha Mahasangh 40 Elections in India: 1952-96 Bhartiya Pragatisheel Party Gommant Lok Pokx Bhartiya Rashtriya Jan Jagran Congress Gurjar Sangh Party Haryana Bhoonuheen Party Bhrishtachar Virodhi Dal Haryana Chhatra Yuva Morcha Bihar People's Party Haryana Democratic Congress Bira Oriya Party Himachal Kranti Party Bodoland People's Party (Premsing Himachal Sangam Brahma Group) Hind Desham Bolshevik Party of India Hind Morcha Brij Pradesh N irm an Sangh Hind National Party Bundelkhand Vikas Dal Hindu Praja Party Chan\paran Vikas Party Hindu Samaj Party Chanakya Party Hindustan Janta Party Chhattisgarh Mukti Morcha Hindustaru Samajwadi Peoples Party Chhattisgarh Rajya Party Hul Jharkhand Party Chotanagpur Santhal Pargana Jan Seva Human Rights Party of India Dal Indian Bahujan Samajwadi Party Christian Democratic Front Indian Democratic Party Christian Mannetra Kazhagam Indian Democratic People's Party Kerala State Indian Democratic Socialist Party Com mittee Indian Farmers and Workers Party Communist Party of India (Marxist- Indian Labour Congress Lennist) Liberation) Indian Muslim Congress Congress of People Indian National Congress (O) Anti­ Cooperator's Front of Assam merger Group) Deccan Congress Indian National Labour Party Delhi Poorvanchal Party Indian National League Delhi Vikas Party Indian National Party Democratic Labour Party Indian National Secular Front Democratic Jharkhand Mukti Morcha Indian People's Congress Democratic Party of India Indian Secular Congress Democratic Socialist Party (Prabodh Indian Union Muslim League Chandra) Internationalist Democratic Party Denzong People's Chogpa Islamic Party of India Deseeya Karshaka Party Jai Naujawan Jai Mazdoor Kisan Party Desh Bhakt Party Jammu & Kashmir Awami National Desh Punjab Niyaye Front Conference Doordarshi Party Jan Ekta Morcha Ekta Party Jan Kranthi Morcha Ekta Kranti Dal U.P. Jan Parishad Forward Bloc (Socialist)Ganatantrik Gana Jan Satta Party Sam m ilan Jan Sevak Sanghathan Gareebjan Samaj Party Jan Swarajya Party Garib Janata Party Jana Priya Gondvana Gantantra Party Janadhipathiya Samrakshna Samiti Gorkha National Liberation Front Jananishta Gorkha Democratic Front Janata Congress Party of Bharatvarsha Grama Munnetra Kazhagam Janata Dal (A) Gramya Bharat Bhoonu Dal Janata Dal (D) Rajasthan Green Party of India Janata Dal (Pragatisheel) Gujarat Janta Parishad Janata Kranti Congress Gujarat League Party Jatiya Kranti Manch Political Parties in India 41

Jawan Kisan Mazdur Party Marxist Engelist Leninist Proletariat Jharkhand Liberation Front Health Commune Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (Mardi) Matra Bhoomi Vikas Manch Jharkhand Party Maydhaavi Congress (J) Jharkhand Party (Naren) Meghalaya Progressive Peoples Party Jharkhand People's Party Mizo National Front (Democrats) Kalyan Morcha Chawanzuala Kamzor Varg Sangh, Bihar Mizoram Janata Dal Kannada Chalavali Vatal Paksha Mool Bharati (S) Party Kannada Desha Party Mukt Bharat Kannada Paksha M.G.R. Anna D.M. Kazhagam Kanpur Grameen Sans than M.G.R. Makkal Munnetra Kazhagam Karnataka Ganaparishatha M.G.R. Munnetra Kazhagam Karnataka Pragatiranga Nag Vidarbha Andolan Samiti Karnataka Rajya Ryota Sangha Nagaland Peoples Party Kerala Congress National Confederation Kerala Congress (B) National Congress of Youth Kisan Desham National Democratic Party Kisan Mazdoor Gaon Raj National Democratic Peoples Front Kisan Vyawasayee Mazdoor Party National People's Party Kosal Party National Republican Party Kranti Dal National Students Party Kranti Parishad Native People's Party Kranti Sabha Navabharatha Congress Party (R) Krantikari Samajwadi Manch Nayee Party Krantikari Samajwadi Party Lohia Netaji Subhas Biplabi Parishad Labour Party of India (V.V. Prasad) Netaji Subhash Party Lok Dal Orissa Communist Party Lok Party Orissa Congress Lok Seva Parishad Orissa Khandayat Khetriya Krusak Gana Lok Swaraj Andolan Parishad Lok Swarajya Abhiyan Orissa Vikash Parishad Lok Swarajya Sangh Paschim Banga Rajya Muslim League Lokhit Morcha Panchayat Raj Party Lok Hit Party Peasants and Workers Party of India Mahabharatha Mahajan Sabha Peoples Democracy of India Maharashtra Rashtravadi Congress Peoples Democratic League of India Maharashtra Republican Party People Democratic Party Maharashtra Vikas Congress People's Party of India Mahakaushal Vikas Party People's Party of Prants Majlis Bachao Tahreek Pichhadavarg Samaj Party Manav Kalyan Sangh Dal Plains Tribals Council of Assam Manav Vikas Party Pondicherry Marmila Makkal Munnani Manava Party Poorvanchal Rashtriya Congress Manipur Hill People's Council Pragatisheel Party Manipur People's Coimcil Praja Party Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Pragtisheel Manav Samaj Party K azhagam Praja Socialist Party (Kerala) Marxist Communist Party of India (S.S. Pratap Srivastava) PRISM Marxist Co-ordination Progressive Hul Jharkhand Party (Shibu G roup) 42 Elections in India: 1952-96

Proutist Sarva Samaj Samiti Samajik Ekta Party Pvinjab Bachao Morcha Samajwadi Dal Punjab Janata Morcha Samajwadi Jan Parishad Punjab Kairon Dal Samajwadi Jan Shakti Andolan Punjab People's Party Samajwadi Janata Party (Maharashtra) Punjab V ik^ Party (Punjab) Samajwadi Janata Party (Rashtriya) Punjabi Dal Sampuma Kranti Dal Quami Morcha Saiuitan Samata Sanghatan Ramrajya Marg Sanjukta Lok Parishad Rashtriya Aikta Manch Savadharam Party (Madhya Pradesh) Rashtriya Alpsankhyak Dalit Party Sarvahara Dal Rashtriya Bharat N av N irm an Sangathan Sarvjati Janata Panchayat Rashtriya Bharasthachar Virodhi Morcha Sarvodaya Party Rashtriya Chetna Manch Satya Marg P a ^ Rashtriya Chhatra Kisan Mazdoor Party Satyayug Party Rashtriya Hindu Morcha Savaran Samaj Party Rashtriya Kisan Party Seruor Citizens National Party of India Rashtriya Krantikari Dal Shaheed Pheruman Akali Dal Rashtriya Mahasangh Shahu Phule Ambedkar Prajasattak Party Rashtriya Mazdoor Ekta Party Shiromani Akali Dal (Simranjit Singh Rashtriya Mazdoor Ekta Party Mann) Samajwadi) Shiromani Jagat Akali Dal Rashtriya Mazdoor Paksha (Gujarat) Shiromani Akali Dal (Badal) Rashtriya Pragtisheel Morcha Shiromani Akali Dal (Master Tara Singh) Rashtriya Samaj Sevak Dal Shiromani Akali Dal (S) Rashtriya Samaj Sudhar Party Shoshit Samaj Dal Rashtriya Samajwadi Congress Shoshit Samaj Party Rashtriya Samajwadi Party Tragatisheel' Sinh Jan Seva Party Rashtriya Samdarshi Party Social Action Party Rashtriya Surajya Parishad Socialist Democratic Party Rashtriya Unnatisheel Dal Socialist League India Rashtriya Valmik Mazdoor Morcha Socialist Party (Lohia) Rashtriya Vikas Party Socialist Party (Ramakant Pandey) Rashtriya Vyapar Dal Socialist Republican Party Rashtriya Wahdat Party Soshan Mukti Morcha Rastreeya Praja Parishat Surajya Party Realist Party of India Swarajya Party Republican Janata Party Tafsili United Party Republican Party of India Tamil Nadu Hindu Vellalar Youth Republican Party of India (A) K azhagam Republican Party of India (Democratic) Tamil Nadu Kamaraj Makkal lyakkam Republican Party of India (Kamble) Tamil Nadu Makkal Congress Republican Party of India (Khobragade) Tamil Nadu Peasants & Workers Party Republican Party of India (Sivaraj) Tamil Nadu People's Party Republican Presidium Party of India Tamil N adu People's Welfare Association Revolutionaiy Communist Party of India Tamilaga Janata (Rasik Bhatt) Tamilar E>esiya lyyakkam Rising Sim Party Tamilar Kazhagam Sadbhav Pichhera Vikas Party Tamizhar Party Sadbhavan Party Tamizhaga Munnetra Munnani Sahi Party Tharasu Makkal Mandram Samajik Kranti Dal Thayaka Marumalarchi Kazhagam Political Parties in India 43

The Hiunanist Party of India Uttar Pradesh Republican Party The Religion of Man Revolving Political Uttar Pradesh Vikas Manch Party of India Kranti Dal The Tamil Nadu State Indian Union Uttarakhand Party Muslim League Vidarbha Praja Party United Bodo Nationalist liberation Front Vidaibha Rajya Mukti Morcha United Communist Party of India Vishal Bharat Party United India Peoples Party Vishal Haryana Party United Indian Democratic Council Vokkaligara Parishat United Minorities Front, Assam W est Bengal Socialist Party (S.N.J. Mirza) United Republican Party West Orissa Peoples Front United Reservation Movement Coundl of Workers Party of India Assam Yadiartfiawadi Jan Morcha United Tribal Nationalists Liberation Yuva Desham Party Front

Note: * INC and Cm g (1) have been used interchangeably in the book; * ADK has also been referred to as AIADMK in tiie book; Cong. (T) and Madhya Pradesh Vikas Party (MPVP) came into being after the issue of the order mentioned above. Election Manifestos: 1996 All This and Heaven Too

On the eve of national. State or local elections, major political parties come out with their election manifestos containing a plethora of pUtitudes and promises about what will be done should the party come to power. Every party makes it a point to say something on everything that may be agitating people's minds. No manifesto bothers as to how ^ese promises can be achieved or how will the resources raised to fulfil the promises. Often the promises are contradictions in themselves e.g. promising more subsidies and lesser taxation in the same breath. Nevertheless it is important to have a perusal of the salient features of the manifestos of parties and make a critical analysis. Bharatiya Janata Party Manifesto: Highlights • ^d in g the misuse of Article 356. • Carving out Uttaranchal, Vananchal, Vidharbha and Chattisgarh. • Abrogating Article 370 in respect of J & K. • Making it obligatory on every elective representative to declare his income and wealth. • Appointing a Lok Pal. • Appointing special judges to clear the backlog. • Setting up a National Judicial Commission. • Disfavouring extension to bureaucrats and police officers. • Working for cultural natiorulism which is * e core of the Hindutva. • Helping, the poor to cross the poverty line. • Sustainable consumption and growth. • Lightening debt burden. • Raising/exemption limit/income Tax to Rs 60,000. • Enlarging PDS. • Making adequate supply of commodities in the rural, tribal, remote backward areas at cheap rates. • Decentralising economic centre. • Encouraging small scale industries • Protecting workers against inflation. • Revision of pay scale and time scale promotion. • Revitalising law and order machinery. Election Manifestos: 1996 45

• Providing external security. • Allocating 60 per cent of plan outlay for agriculture and rural development.

Congress Manifesto: Highlights The Congress President P.V. Narasimha Rao released its election manifesto on April 12, 1996. The manifesto highlights the following points: • Establishment of a Lok Pal covering the Prime Minister and Chief M inisters, • Restoration of democratic government in J & K. • No change in personal law of any commuiuty. • Greater self-reHance. • Setting up an antigraft body; proposals to take effect in six months. • Racing retirement age of 37 lakh Central Government Staff. • Nuclear weapon policy to be reviewed if Pakistan persists with the nuclear weapon programme. • Raising GDP growth to 8-9 per cent. • Near full employment by 2002 A D. • Cheaper wheat and rice for the poor. • Farm input subsidy to stay. • Houses for houseless, poor. • Drinking water for all habitations. • Mid-day meals for all primary school children. • Complete implementation of operation blackboard. • Broadgauge railway all over the country. • Road or rail linkage all over the country. • Improve health and education facilities for all children. • Empowerment of women including by reservation in legislative bodies. • Remunerative prices for farmers. • No job quota for Muslims. • Reservation for Dalit Christians.

Congress (T) Manifesto: Highlights The manifesto released on April 11, 1996 includes the following salient points- • Setting up a Lok Pal to probe corruption at high places. • Removing illiteracy and poveiiy in a time-bound programme. • Undertaking drastic electoral reforms to check mafia, money and muscle p o w er. • Launching country wide crusade against the nexus between politicians, bureaucrats, businessmen, and crirrunals. • Launching a mass movement against the frequent hike in prices of essential commodities. Introducing schemes to encourage savings and bringing forward a legislation containing penalties for ostentatious or wasteful expenditure. • Passing a legislation cor\ferring ownership rights on slum dwellers. 46 Elections in India: 1952-96

• Making Dalit Christians eligible for reservation as applicable to SC and ST. • Expressing the just and legitimate causes of the people of Jammu and K ashm ir.

CPI (M) Manifesto: Highlights • Defeating the Hawala tainted Government of Prime Minister Narasimha Rao as well as the BJP. • Protecting the economy from the assault of multi-national corporations and the growth of privatisation. • Ensuring better living conditions for the working people. • Ensuring decentralisation and promoting federalism. • Protecting environment. • Protecting the indigenous industries. • Ending the policy of privatisation of Public Sector. • Ensuring ne^-based minimirai wages. • Reversing the telecom policy. • Implementing land reforms in order to generate wealth and employment to the agrarian poor. • Allocating more rnoney for the social sector. • Strengthening the public distribution system. • Reserving one-third of seats in the legislatures for women. Janata Dal Manifesto: Highlights The Janata Dal manifesto released on April 15 1996, contains the following highlights: • Upward revision of the 50 per cent ceUing on reservations through a constitutioi\al amendment. • Extension of reservation in the private sector. • Protection of the rig^its of the minorities. • Right to work as a fundamental right • Sbcty per cent budgetary allocation for the development of agriculture and rural areas. • List of 'yes' or 'no' for the entry of m ultinatioi^. • Multimember Lok Pal. • Declaration of assets annually by all those holding public offices and offices of political parties. • Right to information as fundamental right. • CBI free from the government control. • Economic empowerment of the dispossessed group. • Reservation for promotion to the C)ther Backward Classes (OBCs'). • Reservation in the judiciary also. • Reservation for religious minorities without disturbing the quota of O B C s'. • Reservation in the distribution of licenses and quotas. • Elimination of the inhuman scavenging system in two years besides permanent employment for safai mazdoors. Election Manijestos: 1996 47

• All disputes regarding shrines including the Ayodhya dispute to be referred to the Supreme Court. Samajwadi Party (SP) Manifesto: Highlights The President of the SP, Mulayam Singh Yadav, released the m aiuf^to of the party on April 10, 1996. • Snapping the economic policy of the Narasimha Rao Government and introducing a new policy which would be more relevant in the Indian context. • Freeing the covmtry from the foreign debt within five years of his party's coming to power. • Efforts to be made to contain the devaluation of the rupee. • Initiative to be taken to keep India out of Dunkel proposals. • Giving concessions for agriculture based small imits and indigenous industries. • Giving large scale industries the fundamental role of creating the basic infrastructiu-e. • Providing one job to at least one person in each family. • Taking initiative for the formation of India-Pakistan - Bangladesh Federation, improving relations with neighbours and resolving problem in Kashmir with the formation of the Federation. • Setting up a State Reorganisation Conunittee for considering the creation of small States. • Irrigating the entire cultivable land in the covmtry. • Enacting laws for the protection of nunorities. • Taking legal action in anti-Sikh riots cases in 1984 and riots relating to the demolition of the Babri Masjid in 1992. • Creating a peace keeping force 'Shanti Suraksha Bal' at the natioiuil level. • Reviving Sri Krishiu Commission or setting up a new Commission for probing the Bombay riots. The manifesto remains silent on the minorities demand for reservation of Government jobs. It also does not indicate the party's policy regarding reconstruction of the Babri Masjid in Ayodhya.

Samata Party Manifesto; Highlights (Released on April 15, 1996) • Reducing social tensions generated by certain political groups in the name of social justice. • Creatica of jobs as the first priority. • Decentralisation of political and economic power. • Autonomy to States and Regions. • Right to job. • Right to education. • Swadeshi. • Support to domestic industry. • Creation of small States. • Electoral reform. • Universal demilitarisation. 48 Elections in India: 1952-96 Manifesto (HVP): Highlights The HVP President Bansilal released the manifesto on April 10, 1996. • Making provision of electricity for 24 hoius within two months of coming to power in the State. • Providing more water for drinking and irrigation facilities. • Introducing compulsory prohibition. • Bringing an end to inter-State water dispute. • Removing caste bias. • Bringing cleanliness in State politics. • Appointing Lok Pal for chectog corruption. • Restoring law and order situation. • Constructing canals including early construction of SYL Canal, Haridwar- Kamal Canal. • Utilising flood waters of Yamtina. • Constructing Agra Canal. • Introducing crop ir«urance for farmers. • Granting of easy loans to farmers. • Changing of electricity rates from the farmers at low rates. Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) Manifesto: Highlights Election manifesto of SAD (Badal) was released on April 13, 1996 a t th e holy dty of Talwandi Sabo to mark the 'Birthday' of Khalsa Panth. • More autonomy for States. • Agreements on adjudication of inter-State river waters. • Filling of SYL with earth. • Transfer of Chandigarh and other left-out Punjabi speaking areas into th e State. • Free education to girls upto graduation. • Free power to tubeweUs. • Pension to aU old persons at the age of 60 years. • Review of Punjab Health Systems Corporation. • Federal structure of the Incian Union. • Constitution of high level commission by the judges of the Supreme Court for probing into role of the Congress Party's alleged role on the creation of terrorism and divide and rule policy. • Setting up a human rights commission. • Second Imguage status to Punjabi in other Punjabi speaking States. • Punishment to the guilty in the anti-Sikh riots in 19^. • Suitable compensation to the people suffering during the infamous Operation Blue St^. • End of alleged 'police raj'. • Independent working of judiciary. • Waving the farmer's irrigation water rent. • Abolition of the octroi. • All India Gurudwara Act. Election Manifestos: 1996 49

Analysis of Election Manifestos The Pvinjab Qiief Minister Harchiaran Singh Brar ridiculed the populist gimmicks of supplying water and electricity free of charge to farmers by the Akali Dal (Badal). He further states that Badal's promises were derived of logic. The BJP criticised the Congress for repeating all those misleading promises in the election manifesto which it failed to fulfil during the past five years. It may be recalled that the party had lured the electorate with attractive promises like rolling back prices in 100 days but in reality the prices of all articles, including essential commodities had shot up by four to five times. Similarly during the 1991 election it had promised to end imemployment in 1,000 days whereas the problem had gone from bad to worse. It was not clear how the party would provide jobs to all by the year 2002 as promised in 1996 election mariifesto. The Janata Dal spokesman S. criticised the Congress for not including anything about Babri Masjid and Hawala issue. He also criticised it for raising the slogan of stability. He further said that the Congress should be ashamed of the kind of the stability it gave the country, its major selling point in its manifesto, which was released today. "Narasimha Rao is taking pride that he converted a minority government into a majority government, by splitting other parties, encouraging defectors — all of whom have bulging bank accounts — luring them with the loaves and fishes of office." Reddy said he foimd it shocking that the Congress manifesto did not refer at all to Ihe tragic destruction of the Babri Masjid." The Central government remained a mute spectator, nay an interested observer to the process of destruction which went on the whole day. The manifesto, of course, does not refer to the fact that after Central Rule was imposed in UP, a makeshift temple was built at the disputed site. The idols were brought back and permission for puja was granted during President's Rule. Reddy also said that the Congress manifesto also makes it clear that it wants the State "to abdicate its responsibility for the core sector such as power, ii\frastructure, ports etc." He also pointed out that the Congress' contention that the money saved in the core sector would be spent on poverty alleviation programmes was "a dangerous economic proposition". While "paying lip service to the small scale sector," Reddy said the manifesto had failed to mention that in the last five years "quarter of a million small scale vmits had been closed down." Reddy also took exception to the "philosophical thrust" of the Congress m an ifesto . CPI (M) General Secretary, Harkishan Singh Sxirjeet strongly criticised the Congress, marufesto. Surjeet among other criticisms stated that during the Congress rule, the national unity has been continuously assaulted. The Indian Express in its editorial of April 15 criticised BJP for its double speak on the issue of migrants. Writing on the Congress manifesto. The Indian Express; editorial caption was "Desperate to Please". 50 Elections in India: 1952-96

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State Assemblies Position of Political Parties state Assembly Elections Since 1951-52 First general elections in India on the basis of adult suffrage was held in 1951-52. This was a simultaneous elections both for the Lok Sabha and all State Legislative Assemblies (including Part A, B and C States). Second general election held in 1957, shortly after reorganisation of States was also a simultaneous elections. In third general election in 1962, elections to State Assemblies of Kerala and Orissa became out of step with general electior\s with the result that simultaneous elections could not be held in these two States. Similarly in 1967, simultaneous election could not be held in Nagaland and Pondicherry along with fourth general elections to the Lok Sabha. After 1967, elections to most of assemblies had to be held earlier than normally due with the result that Orissa, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal had simultaneous elections to the Lok Sabha and State Assemblies at fifth general election held in 1971. In 1977, Kerala was the or\ly State where elections to Legislative Assembly was held simultaneously sixth general elections. When seventh general elections was held in , elections to constitute new assemblies were held simultaneously only in Marupur, Anmachal Pradesh, Goa, Daman, and Diu and Pondicherry. Polling for Eighth Lok Sabha elections was held on 24, 27 and 28 December 1984 in 20 States and nine Union Territories except Assam and Punjab. Election for Assemblies of Tamil Nadu, Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh and Goa, Daman and E>iu were also held simultaneously. In Assam, the Commission in fulfilment of an assurance given to Supreme Court, initiated action to undertake inter^sive revision of electoral rolls of all Assembly constituencies which could not be completed before commencement of the process of general elections in rest of the coimtry. On the basis of report received from Punjab Government and also Chief Electoral Officer regarding prevailing law and order situation, the Commission was satisfied that elections in Punjab could not be held along with rest of the country. For this the Representation of the People Act, 1951 was amended and a new Section 73 A was inserted by an Ordinance issued on 20 November, 1984. The Ordinance was replaced by an Act of Parliament. Except Jammu and Kashmir, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Uttar Pradesh, all other States and Union Territories had one day poll. In March 1985, electior\s was held in 11 States and one Uruon Territory. Of these, elections in Bihar, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Orissa, Rajasthan, and Uttar Pradesh was held as the five-year term of Assemblies of State Assemblies 53 these States was due to expire in June/July 1985. Elections to constitute new Assemblies of Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, and Himachal Pradesh were necessitated due to their premature dissolution on 22 November, 1984,2 January, 1985 and 21 January, 1985, respectively. Sikkim and Union Territory of Pondicherry were under President's Rule from 25 May, 1984 and 21 June, 1983. The Commission was informed that President's Rvile would be revoked shortly. Except for Bihar, Maharashtra and Uttar Pradesh, where there was a two-day poll on 2 and 5 March, 1985, elections were held on a single day on 5 March, 1985 in rest of the eight States and one Union Territory. Elections to constitute Assembly of Punjab was held in September 1985 and that of Assam in December 1985. Simultaneous elections were also held that to fill vacant seats in the Lok Sabha from these States. Consequent upon enactment of the State of Mizoram Act, 1986, a new State of Mizoram comprising territories which immediately before that date comprised Union Territory of Mizoram, came into existence. Hie new State was redelimited into 40 Assembly constituencies. There was, however, no change in allocation of seats to the Rajya Sabha and the Lok Sabha from Mizoram. Poll to constitute a new assembly was held on 16 February 1987 and it was duly constituted on 20 February 1987. Poll to constitute Assemblies of Kerala and West Bengal, whose terms were due to expire on 24 June, 1987 and 14 June, 1987, respectively, was held on 23 March, 1987. Poll to coi\stitute new Assembly of Jammu and Kashmir, which was dissolved on 7 September, 1986 was also held on the same date. The term of Haryana Assembly was to expire on 24 June, 1987 and poll was held on 17 June, 1987. Erstwhile Union Territory of Arunachal Pradesh was granted Statehood from 20 February, 1987. Goa was made a full-fledged State from 30 May, 1987 and Daman Diu was retained as a Uruon Territory. Goa was given a seat in the Rajya Sabha and allowed to retain both of its seats in the Lok Sabha. Daman and Diu was given a seat in the Lok Sabha. The term of Nagaland Assembly was to expire on 28 November, 1987. Accordingly, a general elections for .Assembly was held on 18 November, 1987. Similarly, general elections to constitute new Assemblies for Meghalaya and Tripura were held on 2 Februcuy, 1988. Perhaps for the first time in the history of Indian elections, there was a tie of votes between two candidates in electoral battle at Marak constituency and tiie winner had to be decided by a draw of lots under Section 25 of the Representation of the People Act, 1951. President's Rule imposed in Punjab on 11 May, 1987 was extended beyond the s:ix-month period. Assembly was subsequently dissolved on 6 March, 1988. President's Rule was also imposed in Tamil Nadu on 30 January, 1988 due to political instability after the death of the Chief Minister on 24 D^ember 1987. President's Rule was imposed in Nagaland on 7 August, 1988. Assembly was dissolved on the same date. Poll to constitute new assembly was held on 21 January, 1989 and it was duly constituted on 25 January, 1989. Mizoram Assembly was dissolved by Presidential Proclamation on 7 September, 1988. Poll was held on 21 January, 1989 and new Assembly constituted on 24 January, 1989. 54 Elections in India: 1952-96 Tamil Nadu was put under President's Rule on 30 January, 1988. Poll was held on 21 January, 1989 and new Assembly constituted on 27 January, 1989. President's Rule was imposed in Karnataka on 21 April, 1989. This was the third time Karnataka was brought under President's Rule which eeirlier was imposed in 1971 and 1977. A new Assembly has been duly cor\stituted there. The term of Eighth Lok Sabha was upto 14 January, 1990. General elections was held on 22, 24 and 26 November, 1989 to the Ninth Lok Sabha except Assam where revision of rolls was not completed by that time. Simultaneous elections was also held to constitute new Assemblies in Andhra Pradesh, Goa, Karnataka, Sikkim, and Uttar Pradesh. Ninth Lok Sabha was duly constituted on 2 December, 1989 and the House met for the first meeting on 18 December, 1989. The term of Eighth Lok Sabha came to end on 17 December, 1989. Poll to constitute State Assemblies in Himachal Pradesh, Rajasthan, Bihar, Arunachal Pradesh, Orissa, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Gujarat and in Union Territory of Pondicherry was held on 27 February, 1990. New Assemblies there were constihited. The Ninth Lok Sabha did not serve its full term. The House was dissolved on 12 March, 1991. Elections to the 511 seats of Tenth Lok Sabha, except 6 seats in Jammu and Kashmir and 13 seats in Punjab, were held on 20 May, 6 Jime, 8 June, 12 June, 15 June, 1991. Elections were also held to the State Assemblies of Assam, West Bengal, Uttar Pradesh, Haryai«, Kerala, Tamil Nadu and Pondicherry. Bye-election to 15 Lok Sabha seats and 56 Assembly seats in 14 states was held on 16 November, 1991. Elections to the Lok Sabha and Assembly seats in Punjab were held on 15 November 1992. Bye-elections to two Lok Sabha seats and 19 Assembly seats were held on 8 June, 1992. On December 6,1992, the disputed structure at Ayodhya was demolished. The BJP Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh resigned after the demolition. On 15th of the same month BJP Governments in Himachal Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan were dismissed by the Union Government. The status of Uruon Territory of Delhi underwent a change with the Government of National Capital Territory of Delhi Act, 1991. As against the Metropolitan Council an Assembly was to be created in Delhi. The voters, list was updated in October 1993. Elections to 6 State Assemblies in Etelhi, Himachal Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Mizoram, Rajasthan, and Uttar Pradesh were held in November 1993.

Table 6.1: Party Position in State Assemblies

Party Seats

ANDHRA PRADESH (1994) BJP 3 Mtislim Majlis TDP 219(Both groups) Janata Dal 1 Congress 26 Independents & Others 11 CPI 19 294 CPI (M) 15 State Assemblies 55 ARUNACHAL PRADESH (1995) Independents & Others 15 Congress 43 Total 182 JD 3 Janata Party QP) 2 HARYANA (1996) Independents & Others 12 Cong. 9 Total 60 BJP 11 Cong T 3 ASSAM (1996) SP 24 AGP 59 HVP 33 Congress 34 Ind. & Others 10 BJP 4 Total 90 CPI 3 CPI (M) 2 HIMA(3iAL PRADESH (1993) AHDC 5 BJP 8 UPPA 1 Janata Dal 1 UMFA 2 Congress (I) 52 Ind. & Others 12 CPI Total 122 Independent & Others 7 Vacant BIHAR (1995) Total 68 Janata Dal 163 Congress 29 JAMMU & KASHMIR BJP 40 Total Seats 78 CPI & CPI (M) 32 (President's rule) Independents & Others 50 Countermanded 10 KARNATAKA (1994) Total 324 Congress (I) 35 Note: JM M included in Independents b Others Janata Dal 116 BJP 40 DELHI (1993) Janata Party (JP) - BJP 49 Independent & Others 22 Congress 14 KCP 10 JD 4 CPM 1 Independents & Others 3 Total 224 TOTAL 70 KERALA (1996) GOA (1994) Cong 37 Congress (I) 18 BJP 0 MGP 12 CPI 18 Independents & Others 3 CPI (M) 41 Vacant - JD 4 BJP 4 JSS 1 UGDP 3 Cong (S) 3 Total 40 RSP 5 Kerala Cong (J) 6 GUJARAT (1995) lUML 13 5 Janata Dal Kerala Cong (M) BJP 121 Kerala Cong (T) 1 Congress (I) 46 Ind. & Others 6 Total 140 56 Elections in India: 1952-96 MADHYA PRADESH (1993) MIZORAM (1993) BJP 116 Congress (I) 16 Congress (I) 171 Democratic Party Janata Dal * Mizo National Front 14 CPI 2 Mizo OD) 2 BSP 11 Total 40 Independents & Others 16 Vacant 4 NAGALAND Total 320 Congress 34 * Included in others Others 26 Total 60 MAHARASHTRA (1995) Congress (I) 81 ORISSA (1995) Shiv Sena 73 Janata Dal 46 BJP 65 Congress (I) 80 Janata Dal 11 CPI 1 PWP 6 BJP 9 CPM 2 CPM 1 CPI 3 Independents & Others 5 RPI (KH) - JMM 4 Congress (S) JPP 1 Independents & Others 45+1 Total 147 Result not declared Maharashtra Village Congress 1 PONDICHERRY (1991) Total 288 Congress (I) 9 DMK 7 MANIPUR (1995) TMC 6 Congress (I) 21 AIADMK 3 Jaiuita Dal 7 CPI 2 BJP 1 JD 1 MPP(Manipur People's Party) 18 PMK 1 Cong (S) 1 Ind. & Others 1 CPI 2 Total 30 KNA 2 NPP (National Peoples Party) 2 PUNJAB (1992) (FMP) Federal Party of Manipur 2 INC 86 Independents & Others 3+1* BSP 9 Samata Party 2 BJP 6 Total 60 CPI 4 * Countermanded CPM 1 S. Akali (Kabul Group) 3 MEGHALAYA (1990) Janata Dal 1 Congress (I) 22 Independents & Others 7 HPU 18 Total 117 HSPDP 4 PDCC 2 Note: Almost all Akali groups boycotted the APHLC 2 elections) Independents 9 Vacant 3 Total M State Assemblies 57 RAJASTHAN (1933) TRIPURA (1993) BJP 95 Congress 10 Janata Dal 6 CPI + CPI (M) 40 Congress (I) 76 JD 1 CPM 1 Independents and Others 9 Independents 21 Total 60 Vacants 1 Total 200 UTTAR PRADESH (1993) Janata Dal (JD) 28 SIKKIM (1994) Congress (I) 28 Sikkim Sangram Parishad 10 BJP 177 Sikkim Democratic Front 19 BSP/SP 176 Congress 2 CPI/CPM 4 Independent & Others 1 Independents & Others 9 Total 32 Vacant 3 Total 425 TAMIL NADU (1996) AIADMK 4 WEST BENGAL (1996) Congress 0 Cong. 82 DMK 172 BJP 0 TMC 39 CPI 6 CPI 8 CPM 150 Others 10 FB 21 Total 233 RSP 18 Ind. & Others 17 * 1 result not declared Total 294

Table 6.2: Parties Ruling the States (As in May 1996)

State Party in power

Andhra Pradesh Telegu Desam (Naidu Group) Anmachal Pradesh Indian National Congress Assam (1995) AGP Bihar Janata Dal Goa Indian National Congress Gujarat Bharatiya Janata Party Haryana HVP-BJP Coalition Himachal Pradesh Indian National Congress Jammu & Kashmir President's Rule Karnataka Janata Dal Kerala Left Front Madhya Pradesh Indian National Congress Maharashtra BJP * Shiv Sena combine Manipur Indian National Congress Meghalaya -do- Mizoram Congress * MJD combine Nagaland -do- Orissa Indian National Congress Punjab -do- 58 Elections in India: 1952-96

State Party in power

Rajasthan Bharatiya Janata Party Sikkim Sikkim Democratic Party Tamil Nadu DMK Tripura Left Front Uttar Pradesh President's Rule West Bengal Left Front Arunachal Pradesh Indian National Congress Delhi Bharatiya Janata Party Pondicherry DMK

Table 6.3: Party Position in the UP Assembly on October 27,1995

Party Members Party Members

BJP 176 CPI 1 SP 127 CPM 1 BSP 59 UKD 1 Congress 29 Ind. & Others 15 BSP (R) 10 Vacant 2 JD 4 Total 425 Prepoll Ups and Downs

Chief Election Commissioner Vs Election Commissionets How Supreme is the Chief Election Commissioner? Are his decisions subject to the majority rule as in the case of Chief Justice or the other members of the commission do not have equal powers. Mr. Seshan had contended that as Chief Election Commissioner he was in overall control and the sole authority of the Commission. He had gone to the Supreme Court claiming the supremacy of his authority. The Court upheld the legislation equating the status, power and authority of the two Election Commissioners with the Chief Election Commissioner and approved the 1993 Presidential Ordinance (now an Act) making the poll panel a multi-member body with equal powers. The court's verdict delivered on July 14, 1995 ended nearly two years of bitter controversy over the functioning of the CEC vis-a-vis the Election Commissioners and advised aU of them that, for the sake of the people and the country, they would eschew their egos and work in a spirit of comrades. The Judges opined that the Election Commission discharged a public function. The scheme of Article 324 dearly envisages a multi-member body comprising the CEC and the ECS. The ECs form part of the Election Commission. It, therefore, stands to reason that they must have equal say in the decision making. If the CEC is considered superior, he would render the EC's non-functional. The Judges rejected the CEC's argument that ECs function was oiUy to tender advice to the CEC. Ciiminal'Politidan Nexus On July 1993 Home Secretary N.N. Vohra was detailed to head a Committee to take stock of the activities of the crime syndicates and mafia organisations which had evolved links and were being protected by government functionaries and political personalities. The report was submitted on October 5,1995. It was tabled on both the Houses on August 1, 1995. The Committee quoted the Director of the Intelligence Bureau as stating that some parliamentarians and Assembly members have come into political power through the leadership of gangs and armed senas. The Committee found out that 'Of late, currency amoimting to crores of rupees is being seized invariably packed in sviitcases and gunny bags. The banks are reluctant to pass on infonnation about account holders to Central Board of Direct Taxes and do not allow their officers to hold exploratory enquiries.' 60 Elections in India: 1952-96 'There has been a rapid spread and growth of criminal gangs, drug peddlers and economic lobbies in the coimtry which have developed an extensive network of contacts with bureaucracy at the local levels, the politician mediapersons and strategically located individuals in the non-State sector. Some of these syndicates have international lirJcages/ 'In certain States like Bihar, Haryana and Uttar Pradesh, these gangs enjoy the patronage of local level politicians, cutting across party lines and the protection of government functionaries. Some political leaders have become the leaders of these gangs, armed senas and get themselves elected to local bodies. State Assemblies and the national Parliament.' 'The mafia starts its operations from petty crime and soon graduates from illicit distillation/gambling/prostitution to include smuggling in port cities and real estate operations in tovms and dties.' 'Even in small towns and rural areas, muscle men have become the order of the day. Hired assassins have become a part of these organisations.' The cost of contesting elections have thrown the politidarxs into the lap of these criminals and led to great compromise by officials of preventive/detective systems. Immediately after a raid is conducted, pressures are mounted by crime syndicates. Pressures are also mounted when prosecution is about to be initiated. Transfers of corrupt and undesirable officers from sensitive assignments are also subjected to mafia pressures. So much for the sanctity of the people's verdict. Vertical Split in Telugu Desam in Andhra Pradesh N.T. Rao, had come to power in Andhra Pradesh with a massive mandate in December 1995, winning 220 out of 294 seats for his Telugu Desam. However, he bowed out of the office of Chief Minister on August 31,1995 and paved the way for his son-in-law and State Revenue and Finance Minister, N. Chandrababu Naidu, to succeed him. Qiandrababu Naidu had revolted against Rama Rao in a "family coup," in which the latter's other six sons and sons-in-law claimed the support of 163 TDP MLAs, which gave him a clear majority in the Assembly. What triggered off the revolt was the susper^sion of e i^ t party MLAs for bringing about the defeat of official candidates, who happened to be the "nominees" of Ms. Lakshmi Parvathi, in the District Cooperative Central Bank elections — those suspended belonged to the rival group. The ruling of matinee idol-tumed-politician, Rama Rao, split vertically on August 24, 1995, with over 163 MLAs, under the leadership of Chandrababu Naidu, raising a baiuier of revolt. Union Cabinet Reshuffle In a major reshuffle of portfolios the Prime Miiuster, P.V. Narasimha Rao, on September 15,1995 removed the Miiiister of Internal Security, Rajesh Pilot, from the Home Miriistry and put him in charge of Envirorunent and Forests. While shifting K.P. Singh Deo from the important Information and Broadcasting Ministry, the Prime Minister upgraded the post to Cabinet rank and put P.A. Sangma. Singh Deo was given Food Processing Mirustry. Prepoll Ups and Downs 61 The much-awaited Cabinet expansion saw five Central Ministers tendering their resignations. Narasijnha Rao inducted 16 new Ministers of State and promoted three Deputy Ministers to refurbish the Government's image before the Lok Sabha polls. However, none of the 16 Ministers was given a Cabinet berth. While R.K. Dhawan and Rajshekhar Murthy were sworn in as Ministers of State with independent charge, the others were inducted as Ministers of State. They were Debi Prosad Pal, Kripa Sindhu Bhoi, Prof. Mei-Jin-Lung Kamson, Mohammed Ayub Khan, Dr. P.J. Kurien, G.Y. Krishnan, Suresh Pachauri, S. S. Ahluwalia, , Suresh Kalmadi, Syed Sibte Razi, Venod Sharma, Vilas Baburao Muttemwar and Mrs. Vimla Verma. Three Deputy Ministers, Ms. Selja, Ram Lai Rahi and Paban Singh Ghatowar, also promoted as Ministers of State. President's Rule in Uttar Pradesh The Bharatiya Jarwta Party (BJP), which had helped the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) to form a govemrrient in Uttar Pfadesh in Jime 1995, withdrew its "unconditional support" on October 17,1995 leading to the resignation of the Chief Minister, Ms. Mayawati. Tlie State was placed under President's rule on October 18, 1995 and the Assembly kept in suspended animation. Notwithstanding the exercises that went on for ministry-making since October 24, when both the BJP and the Samajwadi Party (SP) staked their claim before the Governor, doubts persisted in bo^ the camps about the sincerity of the ruling party at the Centre to allow any non-Congress (I) Government in the largest populated State, with Lok Sabha electior\s orJy a few months away. A lthou^ a lot of spadework and horse-trading had been imdertaken to induce defections to touch the magic figure of 212 by the BJP as well as SP, the Centre threw cold water on all projections to allow the Congress (I) to rule by proxy. The President, Dr. , dissolved the Assembly on October 27 following the State Governor, 's recommendation. Under the Presidential proclamation issued under Article 356 after the Mayawati Government resigned in view of the withdrawal of the BJP support to it, the Central Government assumed to itself all the functions of the Government of the State of Uttar Pradesh, and dissolved the State Assembly declaring that the powers of the U.P. State Legislature would be exercisable by or vmder the authority only of Parliament. Article 356 is one of the emergency provisions set up in Part XVni of the Indian Constitution to provide for the contingency of a breakdown of constitutional machinery in the State, that is to provide for cases where the goverrunent of a State "cannot be carried on in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution." Ms. Mayawati, the General Secretary of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) was sworn in as the sixteenth Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh on June 3,1995. She was the first Dalit Chief Minister of the State and the second woman to become the Chief Minister of the State after Sucheta Kripalani. Ms. Mayawati's ascendency to power followed the dismissal of the 18- month-old Mulayam Singh Yadav Government by the Governor after it had 62 Elections in India: 1952-96 lost its majority, on the withdrawal of support by the BSP, a junior partner in the coalition. The Mayawati Government had on June 20 won the vote of confidence in the Uttar Pradesh Vidhan Sabha by mustering the support of 249 members, belonging to the BJP, the BSP, the Democratic Samajwadi Party (rebel SP group) and Independents, of the House of 425, who voted in favour of the confidence motion by a lobby division. BJP Gujarat Crisis The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in Gujarat — where the party had won a two-third majority less than a year ago — was biected by a virulent form of dissidence. The person who single-handedly challenged-the imght of the f)arty s entire central high command, forcing the top leaders to make a beeline to Gujarat, virtually on bent knees, was SharJci-niinh Vaghela. The crisis in the Gujarat BJP was staved off after the seven-month-old Keshubhai Patel ministry won a trust vote in the Assembly even as the party high command made it clear that the Chief Minister would have to step down to enable a change of leadership in the State. All 121 BJP legislators in the 182- inember House, including 48 MLAs loyal to the dissident leader, Vaghela, and an independent voted in favour of the confidence motion. The 25-day old crisis in the legislative wing of the BJP in Gujarat ended on October 21, 1995. S.C. Mehta of the BJP was sworn in as the new Chief Minister. The misadventure made a serious dent in the BJPs image as a party with a difference. The party cadres were hereafter perceived to be as power hungry as in other political parties. Supreme Court on Hindutva and On December 11, 1995, the Supreme Court absolved Maharashtra Chief Minister from charges of misuse of religion in his 1990 Assembly election while holding Shiv Sena Chief Bal Thackeray guilty of corrupt practices under the election law. The court held that use of 'Hindutva' and 'Hinduism' as a poll plank 'per se' was not a corrupt practice under the election law. But its misuse in the form of an appeal to vote for a candidate or not to vote for him on grounds of his religion would fall within the prohibition of the Act. Bal Thackeray, who during an election campaign in 1987, used abusive epithets against Muslims was foiond guilty by the court. A petitioner Mohd. Aslam filed a writ petition before the three-judge bench comprising Justice J.S. Verma, Justice N.P. Singh and Justice K. Verikataswami seeking reconsideration of the apex court's verdict on Hindutva. It was submitted that the judgement could have serious repercussions in a secular society leading to discrimination of different minority communities in the coming general elections. The BJP — Shiv Sena combine could use religion as the basis of campaign in the light of the Hindutva decision. The writ petition was dismissed on December 11,1995 with the observation that there was nothing in Manohar Joshi's judgement to give rise to such an apprehension. The verdict was not properly understood by its critics. A speech Prepoll Ups and Downs 63 during the elections with a secular stance alleging discrimination against any particular religion and promising removal of the imbalance could not be treated as an appeal on the grovind of religion as its thrust was promoting secularism. The judges said that the grounds in the writ petition were not based on findings in the judgement but on assumptions. Hawala Scam On March 25, 1991 the police nabbed one Ashraf Hussain, Deputy Chief of a militant organisation named Hizbul Mujahideen. A sum of Rupees 26 lakhs was recovered from him. The money was meant for the militants in Kashmir. The money had come through Hawala (illegal transactions in foreign exchange) deals. Further probe into the matter led to the seizure of infamous Jain diaries. Noted journalist Vineet Narayan, Rajinder Puri and lawyer Prashant Bhushan followed up the case through a public interest petition to the Supreme Court taking the lid off the 'Hawala' racket. On January 16,1996, the Central Bureau of Investigation disclosed before the Supreme Court that it had sought Presidential sanction to prosecute three Union Cabinet Ministers Madhavrao Sdndia, and V. C. Shukla and filed chargesheets against seven others including L. K. Advaru, Aijim Singh and V.P. Singh. The subsequent developments in the 'Hawala case' took place as follows: Advam L.K., BJP President, who allegedly received Rs. 60 lakh from the Jains, was chargesheeted on January 16,1996. Court took cognisance on February 29, 1996 Granted bail the same day. Bami P.S, former Chairman and managing Director of the National Thermal Power Corporation (NTPC) and six other officials, including former General Manager (Badarpur) and General Manager (CS), V. Sunderajan; former General Manager (Engineering) R.K. Narayan (presently General Manager of the Delhi Electric Supply Undertaking); former Director (Technical) M.A. Hai; former General Manager (Vindhyachal) G. Venkataraman, former Director (Operation) M.L. Malik were chargesheeted on November 28, 1995. Court took cognisance on March 13, 1996 Bami was granted bail on March 15, 1996. Dhake B.D., Former Minister of State for Power, allegedly received Rs. 10 lakh from Jains. Chargesheeted on February 22,1996. Court took cognisance on March 11, 1996. Granted bail on March 12, 1996. Dhawan R.K., Former Union Minister for Urban Affairs, allegedly received Rs. 50 lakh. Chargeshested on February 22,1996. Special court took cognisance on March 11, 1996. Granted bail on March 13, 1996. Jaffer Sharief C.K., the former Union Minister for Railways, who allegedly received Rs. 15 lakh from the Jains, was chargesheeted on February 22, 1996. Special court took cognisance on March 11, 1996. Granted bail on March 14, 1996. Jakhar Balram, former Union Minister for Agriculture, accused of receiving Rs. 21 lakh from Jains, was chargesheeted on January 31, 1996. Court took cognisance on February 29, 1996. Granted bail on March 11, 1996. 64 Elections in India: 1952-96 Joshi Kailash, former Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister, allegedly received Rs. 10 lakh. Chargesheeted on February 22,1996. Court took cognisance on March 11, 1996. Granted bail on March 15, 1996. Khan Arif Mohammad, former Union Minister, was chargesheeted on January 16, 1996 for allegedly receiving Rs. 7.5 crore. Court took cognisance on February 29, 1996. GraiUed bail on March 3, 1996 Khvirana Madan Lai, Delhi Chief Minister, was chargesheeted on March 6,1996 for allegedly receiving Rs. 3 lakh from the Jain brothers and providing street lights worth Rs. 37,606 at the Geetika farm house of the Jains on Gadipur Road. Court took cognisance on March 16,1996. Issued summons to Khurana. Lai Devs, Former, Deputy Prime Minister, and his two Grandsons Amardeep Singh and Pradeep Singh were chargesheeted on January 16, 1996. Court took cognisance on February 29,1996. Devi Lai was granted bail on March I, 1996 by the Delhi High Court. Narayanan and others, former Chairman and Managing Director of the Neyveli Lignite Corporation (NLC) and six others, including N. Venkatesan, B.R. Desikachary, S. Ranganathan, S.C. Gupta, chargesheeted on November 28, 1995. Court took cognisance on January 15,1996. Narayanan and Venkatasen were granted bail on March 15, 1996. Desikachary wants to become an approver in the case. Nath Kamal, former Union Minister for Environment, allegedly received Rs. 22 lakh. Chargesheeted on February 22,1996. Court took cognisance on March II, 1996. He was granted bail on March 14, 1996. Netam Arvind, former Union Minister, was chargesheeted on February 22, 1996 for allegedly receiving Rs. 50,000 from the Jains. Court took cogrusance on March 11, 1996. Granted bail on March 11, 1996. Rai Kalpnath, former Union Miruster, presently lodged in Tihar jail for allegedly harbouring six associates of the Dawood Ibrahim gang, was chargesheeted on January 23,1996 for his role in the Hawala case. Court took cognisance on February 29, 1996. Granted bail on March 6, 1996. Sdndia Madhavrao, former Union Minister for Human Resource Development, was chargesheeted by the CBI of having received Rs. 1 crore from the Jains on January 31,1996. Court took cognisance on February 29,1996. Granted baU on March 11, 1996 Sen Ashoke, former Law Minister, allegedly received Rs. 20 lakh. Chargesheeted on February 22, 1996. Court took cognisance on March 11, 1996. He was granted bail on March 15, 1996. Singh Aijun, breakway Congress leader, who allegedly received Rs. 10.5 lakh, was chargesheetedd on January 16,1996. Court took cognisance on February 29, 1996. Granted bail on March 1, 1996. Singh Buta, former Union Minister for Civil Supplies allegedly received Rs. 7.5 lakh. Chargesheeted on February 22,1996. Special court took cognisance on March 11, 1996. He was granted ball on March 14, 1996. Sahi L.P., former Minister of State for Education, allegedly received Rs. 5 lakh. Chargesheeted on February 22,1996. Court took cognisance on March 11, 1996. He was granted bail on March 15, 1996 Prepoll Ups and Daums 65 Singh K. Natwar, former Minister of State for External Affairs, who allegedly received Rs. 23 lakh, was chargesheeted on February 22,1996. Special court took cognisance on March 11, 1996. Granted bail on March 14, 1996. Sinha Yashwant, former Union Mir\ister, was chargesheeted on January 16, 1996 for allegedly receiving Rs. 21 lakh from the Jains. Court took cognisance on February 29, 1996. Granted bail on March 1, 1996. Shukla V.C., former Union Minister, was chargesheeted on Januaiy 31, 1996. Court took cognisance on February 29,1996. Granted bail on March 2,1996. Tewari N.D., leader of the breakaway Congress faction charged with receiving Rs. 25.88 lakh, was chargesheeted on February 22, 1996. Court took cognisance on Marcli 11, 1996. Granted bail on March 11, 1996. Yadav Sharad, former Union Minister, allegedly received Rs. 5 lakh. Chargesheeted on February 22, 1996. Specii court took cognisance on March 11, 1996. Yadav was granted bail on March 14, 1996. The charge sheets were filed on the basis of entries in the Jain brothers diaries which showed payments made to these individuals. It is yet to be established as to what pecuniary favours were gained from these public servants against payments alleged to have been made to them by Jain brothers. On subsequent interrogations and investigations some more names including that of the Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao were mentioned but the CBI did not file chargesheets against them as the statements were regarded to be of insignificant evidentiary value. Impression gained ground that the CBI was going soft on the PM. S.K. Jain had alleged in his statement that he paid Rs. 2.5. crores to Chandraswami and Rs. 50 lakh to Union Minister to be paid to P.V. NarasinJia Rao in 1991. CBI however limited its investigations to individuals named in the diaries. Thus excluding Chandraswami and the Prime Minister. S.K. Jain's assertions made in the interrogation statement tally entirely with the CBIs findings as far as 10 people chargesheeted are concerned. Significant portions of this statement have been used in CBIs investigations relating to other individuals such as P.S. Bami. Director (Finance) NTPC. Bami vyas chargesheeted by the CBI not just on the basis of diary entries but also on account of fi:esh line of enquiry S.K. Jain's revelations had opened up. It is alleged in certain quarters that on May 1,1996 Motilal Vora, Governor, Uttar Pradesh and P. Shiv Shankar, Governor, Kerala resigned after being implicated by the CBI in the Hawala scandal. CBI seemed to be applying d i^ren t yardsticks for different people. On March 1, 1996 the Supreme Court ordered the CBI to refrain from reporting the progress of investigatior« in the multicrore Hawala scandal to higher authorities including the Prime Minister. The directions were given to eliminate any impression of bias and avoid erosion of credibility of the CBI probe and any reasonable impression of lack of fairness and objectivity therein. Poll Expenses In a landmark judgement, delivered on April 4, 1996 the Supreme Court bench comprising Justice Kuldip Singh and Justice Faizan Uddin held that the expenditure incurred by a political party on a candidate in an election would 66 Elections in India: 1952-96 fell within the prescribed ceiling of expenses if the soxirce of money was not revealed. If a political party deliberately choose to violate or circumvent mandatory provisions of Income Tax Act and Representation of People Act and goes through the election process with the help of black and unaccounted money, the said party, ordinarily, cannot be permitted to say that it has incurred or authorised expenditure in connection with the election of its candidates in terms of Expiration 1 of Section 77 of the RP. Act, the Court held. Any expenditure in connection with the election of a candidate, which according to him has been incurred by his political party, should be presumed to have been authorised by the candidate or his election agent. But the presumption is rebuttable. "The candidate shall have to show that the said expenditure was in fact incurred by a political party and not by him. The candidate shall have to rebut the presumption by the evidentiary — standard as applicable to rebuttable presumptions imder the law of evidence," the Judges observed. The operative parts of the judgement may be simimed up as below: • Urtless they have audited accoimts, political parties caimot claim exemption for election expenses imder Section 77 of the Representation of the People Act, 1951. • Under Article 324, the EC can issue directions to the political parties to submit all election expenditure for its scrutiny. • Political parties which have not been filing IT returns for several years will be deemed to have violated the statutory provisions of the Income Tax Act. As a follow up measure, the Election Commission issued necessary directions to all political parties. According to the EC's directives, the eight national and 39 State registered and recognised parties, and 44 registered and unrecognised parties will have to submit details which should cover all expenditure incurred or authorised by them from March 19 this year — that is, from the date on which the EC announced the programme for the current elections — till the completion of elections in all ^ e constituencies in which they have set up candidates. They have also been asked to furnish to the EC complete information on the opening balance of the party funds as on March 19, 1996 and the total receipts of the party from all sources from March 19 till the completion of electiorK, and the closing balance on the completion of all elections. The EC further stated that these statements must be certified as to their correctness and completeness by an authorised office-bearer of the party. The EC's letter stipulates that the details of the expenditure given should be clarified under two main heads — expenditure incurred or authorised on general party propaganda; and expenditure incurred or authorised in coruiection with the election of individual candidates. Under the experxses relating to candidates head the break up of expenditure in respect of each candidate has to be given separately. Each of these two main heads have a nimiber of sub-heads under which the details have to be listed. The annexure to the letter provides the list of sub­ Prepoll Ups and Dovms 67 heads also and the format for filing. For instance, the sub-heads for the Expenditure on General Party Propaganda includes publicity, travel exper«es of leaders and workers and maintenance and running of party/campaign offices. These are then itemised. To dte an example, while giving details of travel expenses, parties have also to specify the exper\ses for travel on cars/other four wheelers/three wheelers/two wheelers, train, aircraft/helicopter, ships etc., aitimal transport and expenses on accommodation etc. All the details of expenditure should be submitted "as soon as may be after the current elections are over and in any case not later than 5 p.m. on 31st July, 1996," the letter stated. In its letter to the Revenue Secretary, the EC called for a status report on the filing of returns of income under the Income Tax Act by recognised rational and State political parties. Attaching a list of such parties for reference, it said that it would later seek information regarding registered ixnrecognised parties. The Supreme Court verdict and the ECs directives can be best appreciated if one takes into account as to how much actually spent on contesting elections. The permissible limits are Rs. 4.5 lakh for bigger States for a parliamentary constituency and the lowest Rs. 60,000 in a small Union Territory like Lakshadweep. Similarly a maximum ceiling of Rs. 1.50 lakh fixed for an A ss^bly constituency in a bigger State while a lower figure of Rs. 10,000 as the maximimi for a State like Manipur. India Today (31.3.96) estimated that for 1991 Lok Sabha electior\s the total expenditiue must have come to around in NE States 72.74 crore with average spending ranging from Rs. 80 lakh to Rs. 100 lakh (in Delhi). In a case study relating to South Delhi Urban Constituency (1991) the total of expenditure on all items was estimated around 1.25 crore. Figures for a rural Lok Sabha Constituency in Tamil Nadu put the expenses incurred at about Rs. 35 lakhs. Return of Two Ordinances by the President An attempt by the Central Government to bypass Parliament with two poll-eve ordinances, considered in some quarters as designed to improve the electoral prospects of the Congress, was thwarted by the President Shai\kar Dayal Sharma as the President questioned the propriety of promulgating them at this juncture when the last session of the Parliament was over. One Ordinance related to the reduction of the Lok Sabha Poll campaign period from three to two weeks and the other to extension of reservation to Dalit Christians. Election Commission Code for TV Coverage On March 27,1996 the Election Conunission released the code of conduct for television coverage of the Lok Sabha electioris. This was aimed at ensuring that the medium is used in the best interests of democracy. Listing the various dos and don'ts, the code specified that no one candidate in any constituency be projected. "While it is not necessary to cover every candidate, at least the important candidates should be covered in any report from a constituency," it said. The code prollibited the coverage of any election 68 Elections in India: 1952-96 speech or material that could incite violence among linguistic or religious groups. Campaigning and excerpts from speeches; symbols, banners and flags of parties; results of opinion polls by non-political prof^ional organisations with a proven record; party marxifestoes and their positions on different electoral issues should be covered in a balanced and fair marmer, says the code. It explained that by "balanced and fair," it meant no party should be given substantially more coverage than the others. "This balance need not be achieved in any single day or in a single story but over a reasonable period of time, say, one week." A balance implied that one party should not seem to be projected too much while excluding the others, it says. The code made it mandatory for all television producers to record a copy of their programme for vise as a reference in case of any dispute. The commission was to be the final arbiter in any dispute. "Hie final interpretation of any disputed passage or story should be with the Election Commission." RSS's Campaign for Hindutva Forces For the first time since Independence, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) decided to deploy its cadres to campaign for tiie 'Hindutva forces' in the 1996 elections terming the polls as a 'turning point, in the nation's history. In a directive to the 'Swayamsevak's members of RSS, the leadership has called for their "wholehearted, full time participation in the mass-awakening prograirmie under the guidelines of Sangh teaching to bring the country out of the present edipse caused by the anti-Hindutva forces." In two separate appeals RSS Sanghchalak (Chief) Shri Rajendra Singh and 'Sar Karaya', General Secretary Shri H.V. Sheshadri have asked Sangh and Sangh Pariwar—allied organisations to turn the event into a practical landmark. According to appeals, "the coming elections will be a test of the people's propensity to the Hindutva concepts." The RSS cadres, however, were not to share the BJP platform and were to run its campaign from its plank. The last time the RSS actively took part in the poll campaign was in 1977. The issues emphasised were: Ayodhya temple, national security, Pakistan's hostility to India, the Purulia arms-drop, Bangladeshi infiltration, cow protection, clean life and safeguarding Indian culture from alien influence. The RSS leadership justified its active participation in campaign in terms of its perception of these Lok Sabha elections as ^ e "most significant political event since the 1977 general elections in the wake of Emergency." The number of the RSS workers throughout the country is estimated at about 10 lakhs. Political Parties and Alliances There are 442 uiuecognised but registered political parties in India. As many as 121 of these parties have prefixes and suffixes like all-India, Indian and National. Prepoll Ups and Doums 69 Forty-four parties are prefixed or suffixed by words like "Lok Jan" and "Janata". "Democratic/' "People's", and "Republication" qualify 24 parties. Twenty-three political parties are prefixed or suffixed by the word "Congress". Words like "Socialist" or "Samajwadi" can be found in the names of 21 parties. Seven are qualified by the word "Conununist" Four use the word "Ram Rajya". There are eight Republican parties, seven Akali Dais (almost aU in Punjab), seven Jharkhand parties and sue Bahujan parties. With announcement of the general election dates, political parties started finalizing the details of the poll campaign including the selection of candidates and finalization of alignments and alliances. The decision of the Congress to forge an alliance with AIADMK in Tamil Nadu, much against the wishes of rank and file and leaders of the Congress Party unit in the State led to a split of the party in the State with the senior Party Leader, G.K. Moopanar and his followers going separate ways and clinching an electoral pact with DMK, led by Karunanidhi. TTie Janata Dal had a tie up with the Samajwadi Party in U.P. and also explored the possibility of seat adjustment with the Indira Congress (T). It ran into trouble when a section of its leaders wanted a tie-up with Kanshi Ram's Bahujan Samaj Party. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) had

Table: 7.1 Lok Sabha Alliance Partnera

Party/Parties State Seats Shared Party No

1. Akali Dal and BSP Punjab Akali Dal 9 (Adjustment of seats) BSP 3 Friendly contest 1 (Gurdaspur) 2. BJP Maharashtra BJP 28 Shiv Sena 20

Haryana BJP 6 HVP 4

Bihar BJP 32 Samata Party 22 SP

3. Congress Tamil Nadu Congress 16 AIADMK 10 4. DMK/Congress (Moopanar) Tamil Nadu Congress 20 Moopanar) DMK 19 5. Janata Dal Madhya Pradesh JD 10 Congress (T) 16 Uttar Pradesh JD 16 SP 68 70 Elections in India: 1952-96 alliances with the Haryana Vikas Party for Haryana, the Samata Party (into which the former Prime Minister Q\andra Shekhar's Samajwadi Janata Party has merged recently) for Bihai* and the Shiv Sena for Maharashtra. The Akali Dal has entered into a tenuous alliance with the BSP in Punjab. In Assam, the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) is already a constituent of the National Front. In Jammu and Kashmir, the National Conference decided to boycott the elections.

Table 7.2: Statewise Alliances of Political Parties

State Political Parties

1. Assam: AGP and Left Front 2 Bihar: BJP and Samta Party 3. Haryana: BJP and HVP 4. Kerala: Congres? and Muslim League 5. Maharashtra 1. BJP and Shiv Sena 2. Seven non BJP and non-Congress parties Front-(l) Janata Dal (2); RPG (1); Samajwadi Party (7); CPI (3); CPM (3); Bahujan Mahasangh (4); PWD (4) and Kamgar Agadhi (1) 6. Punjab: 1. Akali Dal (B) and BSP 7. Tamil Nadu: 1. Congress and AlADMK. 2. DMK led group includes DMK, CPI, Forward Block, Indian National League, 8. Tripura : Congress Moopanar (TMC), Congress and Tripura National Volimteers. 9. Uttar Pradesh 1. Janata Dal and Samajwadi Party 2. Left and National Front Marriages of Convenience Sunday of 7-13 April, 1996 illustrated the scenario as under: Alliance-Makers: Congress - AlADMK R. Venkataraman: The former President has been one of Jayalalitha's closest advisers. Shares her animus towards Subramaiuam Swamy. Key figure in bringing Narasimha Rao and Jayalalitha together, arguing that whatever else Jayalalitha represented friendly forces. Prabhakar Rao and Subash: Since the Congress-AIADMK alliance broke in 1993, Prabhakar Rao, the PM's second son, and Subash, his grandson, have been working to mend it The former, in fact, has been performing yagnas to get the alliance going. He is said to have used the pretext of Rajnikath not being available for campaigning in the electior« for Narasimha Rao to make a deal with Jayalalitha. P.V.R.K. Prasad and K. Saranyan: Since the alliance broke, Narasimha Rao and Jayalalitha have had 12 one-to-one meetings, Prasad, the PM's information adviser, and Saranyan, Secretary, security, aided in these. Prepoll Ups and Downs 71 Anti-alliance Group N. Pano Sheila Priya: The Secretary to TN Governor M. Channa Reddy, Priya made several trips to Delhi with briefe and documents against Jayalalitha sent by Reddy which were the basis of the subsequent raids on friends and associates of Jayalalitha. Samajwadi Party-Janata Dal Alliance-Makers Mulayam Singh Yadav: Thrashed out most of the seat-sharing deals himself, aided by his cousin and Rajya Sabha member. Ram Gopal Yadav. JD was keen to get ^ per cent of the seats in UP but Mulayam beat it down. : The former Home Minister insisted on the deal. : Wanted to keep Kanshi Ram's BSP out and be the principal Scheduled Caste vote-catcher in UP. But couldn't get a suitable constituency. Harkishan Singh Sutjeek Most persistent of all the CPI (M) leaders that the JD go with the SP. Called on JD president Laloo Yadav several times and even pressed V.P. Singh to approve the alliance. Jyoti Basu also pressed Mulayam's case. H.D. Deve Gowda: Tlie Karnataka Chief Minister is Mulayam's friend since the Janata days and also shares Chandra Shekar as a mentor. Ambivalent V.P. Singh: He has said in interviews that he considers Mulayam Singh a future Indian Prime Minister. But their relations have been strained since the late Eighties. This is partly because Chandra Shekhar was opposed to V.P. Singh and partey because, in the race for the UP Chief Mir^tership in 1989, Mulayam thougj\t V.P. Singh was really keen on . But, in the final voting V.P. Singh backed Mulayam. In the current round of negotiations, V.P. Singh was for a deal with Mulayam and vwth Kanshi Ram. He didn't want the Harijan vote to split, as it is boimd to do now, to the BJPs advantage. But the Left said the BSP could be spoken to later, by which time, Kanshi Ram had upped and left. Laloo Prasad Yadav: Till very late, he was set on allying wath the BSP. But, obviously, there was considerable pressure from the Left to have Mulayam in instead. BJP-Samata Party Alliance-Makers : Prime-mover. He was one with the BJP on the swadeshi issue. Jaya Jaitley: Has also been involved in bringing Fernandes close to the BJP. Quite a tumaroimd anyhow. 72 Elections in India: 1952-96 SJP-BJP Alliance-Maker Chandra Shekhar The former Prime Mmister has been dose to RSS chief Rajinder Singh for years. And has good friendship with Nanaji Deshmukh and the Rajasthan Chief Minister, Bhairon Singh Shekhawat. DMK-Congress (Moopanar Faction) AlUance-Makers Rajnikanth: Piqued by the Congress' alliance with Jayalalitha, the Tamil film star spoke to Kanmanidhi and Moopanar from the US, where he's holidaying, asking them to come together. Cho Ramaswamy; Kanmanidhi and Moopanar couldn't agree on the number of seats to give to the latter's new Congress. Moopanar wanted as many as 30 Lok Sabha seats and Kanmanidhi, sajdng he had come in too late, offered about 10. Ramaswamy, the editor of Tughkq meditated to get 20 Lok Sabha seats and 40 Assembly seats in Tamil Nadu for Moopanar.

Table: 7.3 Pre-poll Defections

Name Old Party New Party

Arif Beg BJP Congress (I) Col. Ram Singh Congress (I) BJP Janata Dal Congress (I) C.K. Moopanar Congress (I) Tamil Maanila Congress Kalpanath Rai Congress (I) Independent K.P. Urmikrishnan Congress (S) Congress (I) Krishendra (Deepa) Kaur BJP Congress (I) Madhav Rao Sdndia Congresss (I) M.P. Vikas Congress M. Arunachalam Congress (I) Tamil Maanila Congress Maneka Gandhi SJP Janata Dal Natwar Singh Congress (I) Congress (T) P. Chidambaram Congress (I) Tamil Maanila Congress R. Prabhu Congres (T) Congress (I) Rajkumar Rai Janata Dal Congress (I) Ramvir Singh Viduri Janata Dal Congress (I) Salim Sherwani Congress (I) Samajwadi Party Shailendra Mahato BJP JMM Prepoll Ups and Downs 73 The Times Poll — 2 conducted during April 24-28 on a sample of 5,300 voters spread over 53 constituencies projected as follows;

Table 7.4: The Time Poll Projections

Party Seats

Congress and Allies 169 BJP and Allies 165 NF/LF 145 Others 58

(The Times Poll 1 had given the BJP 180-195 seats against the Congress taUy of 135-158 seats). The other findings were: The Eleventh Lok Sabha elections is more about splits than about swings. Both the Congress and the BJP are affected by this, but the Congress suffers much more. The National Front, a conglomeration of parties, is the result of this democratic trend. Almost the entire decline in seat share for the Congress and its allies is explained by three states — Tamil Nadu (36 seats), Maharashtra (20 seats) and Madhya Pradesh (19 seats). JayalaUtha, according to both Times Polls, is possibly the most disliked politician in the country, while the joint vote for the Congress and the Congress (Moopanar) in Tamil Nadu will likely be the highest in history. Thus, the Congress decline in seats in TamU Nadu has little to do with issues, and more to do with personalities, name change and alleged corruption of a local politician. In Madhya Pradesh, the story is of Congress splits. For both Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh, the opinion polls fail to reveal any single issue that is causing the voters to switch away from the Congress to the BJP. The Congress is forecast to maintain its tally of six seats in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. Yet its vote share in Uttar Pradesh may fall into single digits from 18 per cent in 1991, and decline to 16 per cent in Bihar, from 24 per cent. Adding the Tamil Nadu dedine suggests that almost half of the 9 per cent decline in vote share is explained by Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and Tamil Nadu. The opinion polls do yield one overriding conclusion: that the voters believe their representatives do little or no work — fully 70 per cent of the respondents believe this to be the case. One explar\ation therefore for the universally predicted hvmg Parliament is that the voters are fed up with the choices and are choosing either to not vote or to switch allegiances without much provocation or explanation. MARG Opinion PoU (April 13 and April 19,1996). The poll commissioned by India Today came out with the following projections: 74 Elections in India: 1952-96 Table 7.5: Marg Opionion Poll Projections Party Seats in 1991 Projection for 1996

Congress (I) 248" 168-187 Including UDF in Kerala BJP including 124 178-197 Shiv Sena in Maharashtra NF-LF 115** 103-117 * Includes Janata Dal (G) in Gujarat ** Includes TDP in Andhra Pradesh and JMM in Bihar While the Congress share of votes was, according to the forecast was shown as declining from 36.9 to 31.9, the upward swing for BJP was shown as rising from 20.9 to 25. The NF-LF share was projected to decline from 20.7 in 1991 to 17.6 in 1996. The survey put the number of undecided voters at 10.6 per cent. In the Zonal analysis, BJP was shown as gairung ground in North and West. Congress was well ^ e a d of the rest in South while NF-LF led in the East.

Zone North Fast West South

Congress 24-31 35-40 49-56 55-63 BJP 79-86 21-27 62-68 14-19 NF-LF 23-29 64-71 0-2 12-18 Others 8-10 12-15 0-4 38-42

Delhi Doordarshan's first ever Exit Poll (May 7, 1996) came out with following projections:

Table 7.6: Delhi Doordaishan Exit Poll

Party Seats

Congress 142 (260) BJP 192 (113) NF/LF 134 (73) Others 67 (99) (Figures in brackets represent seats held in 1991) Table 7.7: Rating of Persons Considered to Be Most Capable of Becoming Prime Minister Person % cf Ranking Narasimha Rao 29 A.B. Vajpayee 27 15 V.P Singh 9 Jyoti Basu 4 l^loo Yadav 3 Mulayam Singh 2 (Outlook, April 10, 1996) 8

Conduct of 1996 Elections

There is one member for each constituency. The present number of constituencies was fixed in 1989 when the number of Lok Sabha seats was raised from 542 to 543 (excluding 2 nominated members). The Constitution (Article 82) prescribes that a fresh drawing of boundaries should take place after every census. Qianges in the number of seats have occurred on accoimt of several factors like administrative convenience remoteness, state boimdaries etc. On the recommendations of four Delimitation Commissions changes from time to time have been made in the number of Lok Sabha seats.

Table 8.1: Statewise Electorate and Contesting Candidates 1996

State No. of Seats No. of No. of Electorates Contestants 1 2 3 4

Andhra Pradesh 42 1462 49434445 Arunachal Pradesh 2 10 54413 Assam 14 137 12585712 Bihar 54 1436 58360467 Delhi 7 523 8498009 Goa 2 30 868138 Gujarat 26 577 28598056 Haryana 10 294 11114478 Himachal Pradesh 4 54 3532477 Janunu & Kashmir 6 110 4271418 Kamataka 28 980 31705177 Kerala 20 232 20671374 Madhya Pradesh 40 1259 43862983 Maharashtra 48 1065 55291784 Manipur 2 28 1286260 Meghalaya 2 13 1091603 Mizoram 1 4 406801 Nagaland 1 3 874518 Orissa 21 226 22415932 Punjab 13 259 14457882 Rajasthan 25 1001 30382220 Sikkim 1 7 228922 Tamil Nadu 39 749 42461801 Tripura 2 20 1647637 76 Elections in India: 1952-96

1 Uttar Pradesh 85 3297 100188460 West Bengal 42 397 45310088 Andaman & Nicobar 11 211216 Chandigargh 48 448453 Dadra, Nagar Haveli 30 94909 Daman & Diu 5 70242 Lakshadweep 2 33894 Pondicherry______21 627395 * Figures are for 1991. Table 8.2: Lok Sabha Constituencies with over 20 per cent Muslim Voters State No. of Constituencies Uttar Pradesh 25 West Bengal 16 Kerala 4 Bihar 9 Gujarat 3 Andhra Pradesh 6 Maharashtra 3 Assam 6 Tamil Nadu 2 Karnataka 5 Delhi 2 Rajasthan 5 Lakshadweep 1 Jammu & Kashmir 4 Madhya Pradesh 4

The Election Schedule The Election Conunission, in a unanimous decision recommends a four phase general election to constitute the Eleventh Lok Sabha and six State Assemblies (Assam, Haryana, Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Pondicherry and West Bengal). Details of the various stages of election schedule are given in Table 82 and 8.3. Table 8.3: Stages of 19% polls S. No Stage Date

1. Notification of Poll March 27 2. Last date for filing nominations April 3 3. Scrutiny of nominations April 4 4. Withdrawal of nominations except in Nagaland April 8 5. (a) Counting (For the Parliamentary and Assembly seats where polling scheduled on April 27 and May 2) May 8 (b) Counting (for the Jammu & Kashmir May 23 Lok Sabha constituencies and where polling Stated on May 7 and May 21) (c) Counting (for all other Constituencies May 7 going for election on May 7) 6. Completion of the polling process except Jammu & Kashmir May 28. Conduct of 1996 Elections TJ

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3 V i f2 78 Elections in India: 1952-96 Nominations Out of about 25,000 nominations nearly 1,000 papers were rejected when the papers for the polls to Lok Sabha and six Assemblies were scrutinised across the coimtry on April 4, 1996. Most of the papers rejected belonged to Independents. With this, the second phase of electoral process for 543 Lok Sabha seats and 914 Assembly corwtituendes ended on April 4. With over 8,000 candidates withdrawing on April 7,1996, a record number of 16,000 candidates remained in the field for 543 Lok Sabha seats. EHiring 1991 elections, 8,699 candidates had contested. First Phase of Polling Polling was held during the first phase of the in Assam for 14 seats, Haryana 10, Himachal Pradesh 4, Kerala 20, Punjab 13, Andhra Pradesh 21, Karnataka 17, Rajasthan 15 and Tamil Nadu 25 besides Chandigarh, Lakshadweep, Pondicherry, Andaman and Nicobar Islands (one each) and for 7 in Delhi. Besides the Lok Sabha polls, elections for Tamil Nadu and Kerala Assemblies were also held simultaneously. Polling in Nazira and Dispur Assembly constituency in Assam had been countermanded following the death of Assam Chief Minister Hiteshwar Sakia who was contesting both the seats. Polling in Dergaon Assembly constituency was countermanded after an Independent candidate was killed in an accident. An estimated 50-55 per cent of the 161 million electorate voted in the first phase of the polling. Polling was generally peaceful except for a few cases of violence in Andhra, Assam, Delhi and Haryana. Andhra topped in violence at about 27 polling stations. Thre^ in Prime Minister Narasirnha Rao's Nandyal constituency. Three persons were killed in violence one each is Andhra, Haryana and Tamil Nadu. The Election Commission received over 300 complaints of disruption from the 14 States and Union Territories which went to polls on April 27. The highest number of complaints —155 had been received from Andhra Pradesh. The EC ordered repoll in the Nagaon Assembly constituency in Assam and in 69 polling stations, including 17 in Prime Minister's constituency of Nandyal. Two persons were killed in poll related violence in Tamil Nadu. All over the country tight security arrangement was made for ballot boxes. Repolling in 447 polling stations of Assam, Andhra Pradesh, Haryana, Karnataka, Rajasthan and Tamil Nadu where the polling on April 27 was disrupted due to group clashes, snatching of ballot papers and booth capturing was held on April 30. Assam topped the list of States where fresh polling took place at all 129 polling stations in Nagaon Assembly coristituency. Besides Nagaon, votes were cast again at 96 booths elsewhere in the State. Andhra Pradesh followed with repoll being ordered at 174 booths. The other affected States were: Haryana (26 booths), Rajasthan (15), Tamil Nadu (4) and Karnataka (1). In Haryana, the staff at the Assembly segments of Sadhura, Badle Meham, Narwana, and Adampur had been alerted about apprehensions to tamper with ballot boxes. Security had been geared up in these areas. Conduct of 1996 Elections 79 Second Phase of Polling In the second phase of polling on May 2, it was estimated that 50 to 60 per cent of the electorate voted whidh was marked by stray incidents of violence leaving 13 dead and several injured. Two hundred and four Lok Sabha constituencies and 232 Assembly constituencies of West Bengal and Tamil Nadu went for polls. A little more than 223 million electorate in 17 States and Union Territories turned out to vote. Eight people were killed in Bihar; and 5 in other States. Snatching of ballot boxes were reported from various places. In Andhra Pradesh, a police Sub-Inspector was killed and two constables injured when Naxalites set off a powerful landmine blast in Nizamabad district. Incidents of bogus voting were reported from Amreli, and Surat in Gujarat. Poll boycott failed in Uttarakhand. Shoot-at-sight orders had been issued in Bihar and parts of Uttar Pradesh and more than 3,00,000 preventive arrests made as a precautionary measure for the second phase of polling for India's Eleventh Lok Sabha election slated for Thursday. The preventive arrests included 125,000 from Uttar Pradesh alone. The Election Commission declared as 'sensitive or hypersensitive" nearly 40 per cent of the polling booths in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. Overall, 25 to 30 per cent of the total number of polling booths, set up for this round, fall in these categories. Unprecedented security measures had been taken in view of apprehensions of violence, following reports from Bihar that "Private armies" had b e ^ operating there. Para-military forces have fanned out in 17 States and Union Territories from where 204 members of the Lok Sabha and 223 members of two assemblies of West Bengal and Tamil Nadu were to be elected. About 6,00,000 security personnel had been deployed and 1.5 million officials pressed into service to conduct the polling. More than five lakh personnel of the State police, home guards and rangers had also been deployed. Besides, about 75,000 para-military personnel, who had been drafted for duty for the first phase on April 27, had also been deployed for polls. In May 2 polling, the largest in terms of seats and the electorate, about 223 million voters including about 15 nuUion in the 18-21 age group, exercised franchise at 292,425 polling stations deciding the fate of nearly 6,000 Lok Sabha and 2,424 assembly aspirants. There were 447 women candidates, of which about two-third were independent and one-third had been put up by various political parties. The polling also covered assembly by-elections in six constituencies of five States—^Bihar (two) and Maharashtra, Orissa, Andhra Pradesh and Meghalaya (one each). The EC ordered repolling in 125 polling stations in 31 parliamentary constituencies spread across Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh,, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, Karnataka and Andhra. The Statewise break-up of the polling stations in which repoUing was ordered included Rajasthan (31): Dausa 13, Bharatpur 9, Bayana 2 and Sawai Madhopur 7; Karnataka (9): Bidar 1, Raichur 5, Chitradurga 2 and Chikballapur 1; Andhra Pradesh 57: Srikakulam 2, BobbiM 1, Anakapalli 2, Nagarkumool 3, Mahbubnagar 8, Siddipet 2, Medak 3, 80 Elections in India: 1952-96 Nizamabad 4, Pedapalli 3, Karimnagar 1, Hanamkonda 22, Warangal 1 and Miryalguda 5; Madhya Pradesh 1: Indore 1; Uttar Pradesh 21: Garhwal 1, Bijnor 1, Shahjahanpur 4, Balarampur 11, Gonda 3, and Basti 1. Over 70 per cent voters exercised their franchise in incident-free fresh polling on May 4 at 531 polling stations in five States, which was necessitated following large-scale violence and all malpractices in the second phase of elections on May 2. The constituencies in Bihar where repoll was conducted are Qiapra (78), Gopalgunj (58), Siwan (51) Vaishali (46), Maharajgunj (38), Sitamarhi (43), Motihari (28), Bettiah (6), Bagaha (one), Hajipur (seven), Muzaffarpur (four), Samastipur (11), Rosera (eight), Madhubani (one), Jhanjharpur (22), Darbhanga (10), Barh (23), Balia (two) and Saharsa and Sheohar (17 each). Nine persons were killed during the first phase of poll in the State of Bihar. RepoU in six West Bengi booths under Malda and Murshidabad districts also passed off peacefully tcxiay with an average 87 per cent of polling recorded, repoll was held to three booths under Araidanga Assembly constituency and one booth each at Beldanga, Domkal and Malda Assembly cor\stituendes. The highest turnout was recorded at a booth at Domkal widi 94 per cent of the voters exercising their franchise which was followed by another polling station in Malda with 89 per cent and Beldanga with 85 per cent. The three booths under Araidanga Assembly constituency recorded 89,82 and 82 per cent polling respectively. In Bhubaneswar repolling in 22 polling stations went off peacefully. The highest number of 15 booths, where fresh polls took place today were in Aska Lok Sabha constituency in south Orissa where Janata Dal stalwart, is the candidate. Repolling was also held in two polling stations at Goba under Chatrapur Assembly segment of Berhampur Lok Sabha constituency. Third Phase of Polling At least 16 people were killed and several injured in violence today in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh in the third and practically the last phase of the general poll which witnessed a turnout of around 50 per cent, while Jammu and Kashmir registered over 65 per cent tiunout in an incident-free election. In Bihar, 15 people were killed in mine explosions, bomb blasts and armed clashes involving members of extremist groups in Palamu Hazaribagh, Jehanabad, Gaya and Begusarai Lok Sabha constituencies during polling. Palamu alone accounted for five deaths followed by Jehanabad with four, Hazaribagh and Gaya vwth two each and Begusarai one. Another person was killed in police firing in Mainpviri in Uttar Pradesh during attempts at booth capturing. West Bejigal, the only State which had simultaneously polling to the Lok Sabha and Assembly, registered the maximum tiunout of 80, closely followed by Nagaland (76), Tripura and Marupur (65 each) and Orissa (60). The States of Gujarat and Maharashtra had poor turnout of 30 to 35 per cent and 40 per cent respectively. The percentage was marginally better in Uttar Pradesh at 40 to 50 and in Madhya Pradesh at 50. Conduct of 1996 Elections 81 Jammu & Kashmir: In the State of Jammu and Kashmir, witnessing elections for the first time in seven years, 55-60 per cent voters were cast in the Jammu constituency while the Ladakh seat saw 80 per cent polling. To disrupt the polls, Pakistani troops fired shells and rockets in 27 places in the border district of Poonch in Jammu and Kashmir from across the line of control. Referring to the polling in Jammu and Ladakh today, Krishnamurthy, Election Commissioner, said that Pakistan had resorted to firing and shelling since early morning in the Bagial Darra sector to frighten voters away. However, in anticipation of trouble, the State Government had made preparations for alternative voting sites and these booths were used. Claiming that it was a matter of prestige, dignity and happiness that there were no incidents of violence in the State, the EC mentioned that the State Government had tightened the security grid to guard against it. It arrested 367 anti-sodal elements, expanded and strengthen polling parties and enhanced the polling staff among other measures. According to Krishnamurthy this time the violence was comparatively low both in the coxmtry and in Bihar which is considered as one of the most trouble- tom States during elections. "The violence is much less than what we anticipated", Krishnamurthy said, adding that the EC anticipated three times more violence than which took place during the three rovinds of electiorts throughout the coiantry. Observations on the Conduct of Elections Observations made by The Hindustan Times in its editorial of May 7, 1996, very aptly provide the overall picture of the conduct of elections. This misplaced obsession with keeping the voter's choice free of all "subtle inducements" led to many other quixotic decisior\s like the banning of cotton export, which only added to the miseries of farmers in Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra and Gujarat. Even before the Andhra Pradesh High Court struck it dovm, the Commission should have realised that it has no control over commercial decisions of this kind. Similarly, the cancellation of the exter^ion given to the Director General of Police, Uttar Pradesh, was done ignoring the fact that the orders were issued before the election dates were announced. The objection to the appointment of the Executive Trustee of UTI can be justified only if the Commission is empowered to paralyse the administration by questioning each and every decision of the Government. The Commission also exceeded its jurisdiction in banning not orJy the reference to the Ram temple construction in Ayodhya but the perils posed by ISI activities from the BJP poll broadcast, which showed scant respect to a political party's legitimate areas of canvassing. While the respect for the electoral laws that the Commission has been able to instil in the contestants is certainly conmiendable, the Election Commission should tealise, based on its experience of the current exercise, the limits of its jurisdiction and authority to weed out any mark of imposition from the people's mandate." Lessons for the Election Commission What is immediately obvious is that unlike some of the recent elections when the commission and its ebullient chief were widely praised for curbing extravagant campaigns and ensuring fair polls, the obverse side of some of 82 Elections in India: 1952-96 these efforts became noticeable this time, suggesting that a far more sophisticated and purposeful approach is needed to make elections a genuinely meaningful exercise. For a start, the question of expenditure has to be re-examined to restore the colour and gaiety which is normally associated with Indian polls. The reason why the political parties took care not to cross the ceiling on expenditure was the fear of pimitive action which T N Seshan has successfully instilled by his histrionics and temperamental action in the political class. But while such apprehensions may have worked at the relatively higher orgaiiisational levels controlling the purse-strings, they did not at the grovmd level, particularly in Bihar, where old-style violence and booth-capturing were once again in evidence. Clearly, when a political contest became a tense and closely-fought one, the parties threw all restraint to the winds and had no compunction, or difficulty, in violating the most basic of all conduct rules — that of allowing voters to vote. It seems that when a party is fairly confident of wirming, it generously allows the electorate to exercise its franchise, but not when it is under pressure, as the Janata Dal was in Bihar this time. The Commission will have to consider once again this recurring problem of Indian elections after looking at the video films, if it has any, of the unruly scenes" {Indian Express, May 9, 1996). The usual explanation for the two phenomena — lower turnout and lower violence — is adduced to the so-called 'Seshan factor' in the Indian elections. The Election Commission's dogged insistence on the model code of conduct did rob the campaigning of its festive element, resulting in one of the most lacklustre campaigns in recent history. This, together with the improved effectiveness of the returning officers and the threat of repoll, contributed to the making of a weU-conducted if dull election. However, the Seshan factor has been somewhat exaggerated. After all, there is enormous variation in both the level of turnout and the degree of violence between and within States. Since the Seshan factor was common to all States in the country, such regional variation is then left unexplained. What causes the usual variation between States in terms of turnout? The level of education of the electorate and the increased activity of cadre-based parties in a region have been found to strongly correlate v«th higher voter turnout the world over. In the more literate Kerala, and the politically better mobilised West Bengal voter tvimout was much above the national average, as it has been for some time now (, May 9, 1996). 1996 Elections The Tit-bits

1033 candidates for one Assembly seat. A record number of candidates in fray for Modakurichi Assembly constituency in Periyar district (Tamil Nadu) led the EC to postpone polling citing "admiiiistrative and other difficulties," in view of the large number of candidates. 456 candidates for one Parliamentary seat. 456 candidates from Belgaum Lok Sabha constituency and 418 from Nalgonda Parliamentary constituency posed a serious problem for the election officers as the number of candidates in the poll fray far exceeded the 105 symbols listed with the EC. About 600 per cent increase in the average number of candidates. In 1996 elections the average nimiber of candidates increased 592 per cent as compared with 1952, the first election. As against the average of 3.8 in India the average number of candidates per Lok Sabha seat increased to 26.3. Presidents don't vote! President Shankar Dayal Sharma, named in serial 1 of Delhi's voters list, did not exercise his franchise. Not surprising, observers will tell you, for, the country's first citizen never votes in general elections. Presidents are boimd by the Cor^stitution not to favour any party at the hustings. Seven Congress in Kerala. Four under UDF—Congress (1), Kerala Congress (Mani), Kerala Congress (Jacob), Kerala Congress (Pillai); under LDF—Congress (S), and Kerala Congress (Joseph) and Congress (T). Three DMKs and three Congress parties in Tamil Nadu. In Tamil Nadu elections, there were 3 DMKs— DMK, AIADMK and MDMK led by DMK rebel V. Gopalaswami. The three Congress groups/parties were Congress (I), Congress (T) and TMC (Tamil Maanila Congress) of former Congress leader G.K. Moopanar. Largest Parliamentary Constituency. Outer Delhi constituency has 29,62,000 voters. Traditionally it has been a Congress stronghold with the party wiiming the seat in 8 out of 10 Lok Sabha elections. Disproportionate Voters in Constituencies There appears to be little rational in demarcating constituencies. For instance, the outer Delhi Parliamentary constituency has aroimd 29 lakhs voters in 29 Assembly segments as compared with just 3.8 lakh voters in Chandni Chowk constituency. East Delhi constituency comes a close second with 23 lakh voters. Karol Bagh has a voter's strength of 5.6 lakhs; South Delhi 11 lakhs; and New Delhi 5.45 lakhs and Delhi Sadar 5.27 lakhs. 84 Elections in India: 1952-96 Political Parties and Food Parties to the Press The results of a survey conducted by Business India and reported in its issue of April 22-May 5,1996 make an interesting reading and are reproduced here. BOMBAY: The most elaborate: the BJP is sparing no expense to entice joximalists in the nation's financial capital. It's menu includes kaju-barfi, chiwda and samosas (with lots of garlic chutney). Interestingly, to wash it all down, the party originally provided authentic Gujarati masala chai, but then abruptly shifted to Mirinda. And why the switch, that too to the product of an exploitative MNC, one which also ovms Kentucky Fried Chicken? Presumably, the drink's orange colour overrides all other coi^siderations. The Congress is presumably pushing envirorunental credentials with fruit juice rather tiian tea, and ethnic dahi-fnissal. And nothing could better illustrate the penury of the Janata Dal better than its offering of wafers and tea. CALCUTTA: The least elaborate: either 19 years in power or maybe just believing in a simple way of life led Jyoti Basu's CPM to offer half-fille^ cups of black tea laced with lime juice. The Congress was slightly better with its offering of muri (puffed rice) accompanied by green chillis and oruon or brinjal bhajiyas, all wrapped in three sheets of newspaper. For parched throats, there was tea (this time with milk). A rather humble fere, wouldn't you say, considering the fact that Bengalis are supposed to love eating. THIRUVANANTHAPURAM: The party to follow here is clearly the Indian Union Muslim League, which dishes out some rather excellent biryani, presumably cooked in the Moplah style. Going all out to win over the scribes. Congressman and President of the Kerala Pradesh Congress Committee, , offered the press a sumptuous dinner of central Travancore dishes prepared by wife Mercy ^ v i, who some say is an aspiring politician in her own right. MADRAS: It seems that party leaders of the AIADMK are on a diet. For, this is one party that does not offer the paparazzi a thing to either eat or drink. The rest unifonnly offer samosas and chiwda. : Here, parties have adopted a staple election offering of uppama and filter coffee. PUNE: The Congress, reports out Pune correspondent, is terrified of Seshan's expenditure ceilings and has not yet started regular media briefings. In fact, at the first press briefing by and Suresh Kalmadi, there was a great deal of show about not serving anything before the leaders left the venue so that it wouldn't be chalked up to their accovmts. And when Kalmadi called a press conference at his own Poona Coffee House, orJy tea was served. The BJP is a bit more gutsy and lot more generous with a standard fare of wafers/and or batata xvadas, barfis and bottled lime juice. A Shiv Sena MLA sits in on the briefings and doesn't do anything separately. However, last fortnight BJP stalwart and Deputy Chief Minister, Gopinath Munde treated journalists to tea/coffee and biscuits at L.R. Bhojwani's spai\king new Holiday Inn hotel. No Water, No Vote: People of 18 villages of four parliamentary constituencies in Rajasthan boycotted today's polling to press their demands about the water supply. According to official sources in Jaipur, people in 13 villages under the Bhadra tehsU in the Ganganagar (SC) constituency decided not to cast their 1996 Elections: The Tit-bits 85 ballot in protest against the non completion of the construction of a canal in the area. Similarly, two villages of Pali constituency and one village each in the Churu, Banner and Qiittorgarh constituencies stayed away from polling in protest against "insufficient" water supply. Who Needs Politicians? Voters have several reasons for boycotting the polls, disillusionment with the sitting MP or MLA being the most common. But an old woman had an offbeat reason for ignoring the politicians. "We have a tube-well in our area and a well in the field. This year, we got a bumper harvest and made a lot of money by selling it Actually, we do not have many problems with electricity either. Who needs politicians when I don't have a "problem," she said. 101-Year Old Casts His Vote: I have been casting my vote in all the elections since Independence and would do so till I die. A 101 -year-old voter, Suhiram Bora, who was carried by three of his sons to cast his vote at a polling booth in the Guwahati Parliamentary constituency. Votes and Dies: A 65-year-old voter of Vikramangalam in the Usilampatti Assembly constituency in Madurai district collapsed and died after exercising his franchise this mon\ing. The voter, Chidambaranadar, who came out after voting, appeared very excited and shouted to other queuing up outside his booth to vote for the Tion' (the Forward Bloc's symbol) (77k Hindustan Times, April 28, 1996). Luring Voters on the Phone: The Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), faced with the strict guidelines from the Election Commission on poll campaigning, has come up with an innovative idea to woo voters on telephone. Anyone answering the telephone in thousand lights constituency, fix)m where DMK supremo M. Karunanidhi's son M.K Stalin is contesting for the assembly, can hear a pleasant female voice asking them to vote for flie DMK candidate. Those staying outside the coi\stituency are asked to support the DMK- Tamil Maanila Congress combine. (UNI) A Tall Challenge: His height may be 79 cm only but 35-year old Domayi promises to throw "a tall challenge" from the Lucknow Lok Sabha constituency to his opponents of BJP and cinestar Raj Babbar of Samata Party. I want to plead in Lok Sabha the case of dwarfe who have not been granted any facility by the government so far. They have not even been granted ttie status of physically handicapped, he says. (PTI) High Stakes on Winners Satta Market. Satta markets in Rajasthan these days are blistering v«th activity and according to rough estimates a staggering amount of Rs. 100 crore is involved in betting about the performance of Congress and BJP in the current Lok Sabha election. According to market sources here, of late bookies are favouring the BJP which they think would emerge as the single largest party. They are offering only 80 paise against Re 1 before the first phase of polling on April 27. Currently the rates of Congress to emerge as a single largest party are Rs. 1.25 against Re.l. (The Hindustan Times, May 2, 1996). 86 Elections in India: 1952-96 Horses Carrying Ballot Boxes: The district police have deployed 105 horses for transportation of polling personnel and material in inaccessible agency areas (Tribal pockets) in Visakhapatnam district, where polling began in the second and final phase of Lok Sabha elections. T. Krishnaprasad, Superintendent of Police (Rural), told reporters here that besides horses, 15 bullock carts had also been arranged for transportation of polling material to inaccessible eastern ^ a t areas. No Female Voter: Two polling stations in Meghalaya's Shillong and Tura Parliamentary constituencies have only male voters. Election Department sovirces said that the Laban polling station in Shillong Parliamentary constituency has 1,506 voters and Kamipara polling station in Tura Parliamentary constituency has 1,717 voters who are all male. (PTI). 'Browning and Shelley' in Fray: It's Browning versus Shelley in Calcutta's prestigious Jadavpur Lok Sabha constituency where two eminent women, both professors of English, have plunged into the prosaic world of electioneering with the same zeal as in their academic career. Mrs. Malini Bhattacharya, former professor of Jadavpur imiversity, and the CPI(M)'s sitting candidate for the seat tods inspiration in Shelley's revolutionary prometheus. Pitted agairut her is the Congress' debutante, Mrs. Bose, former professor and principal of Shivnath Shastri college, who believes in Browning's optimum — "god is in heaven, and all is right with the world". It will be no cakewalk for either of the contestants this time too. (PTI). Polling Station xvithout Voters: Chhimtuipui district in Mizoram has the unique distinction of having a polling booth sans voter, while two other booths have just one and five voters each. Not only this, it has 24 such booths where poUing personnel will have to trek for at least two days through a hilly, dense and uiunotorable path. The polling booth in Fungktii West can boast of neither voter nor water and yet is listed as a polling station. State's Chief Electoral Officer, Tabom Bam, explains that since the booth falls in a Chakma-dominated area and the Chakmas are basically migrated people, no voter was registered in the 1996 electoral roll. The Sumasvmu polling station records just one female voter, while Puaivkhai boasts of two male and three female voters. Elections to the lone Parliamentary seat in the State will be held on May 7. (PTI) Bihar Minister Stabs Himself After Defeat: Unable to bear the humiliation of defeat, Bihar Animal Husbandly Minister Bhola Ram Toofani, who contested the Bagaha (SC) Lok Sabha seat, stabbed himself in a bid to commit suicide. Toofani lost to Mahender Baitha of the Samata Party by over 56,000 votes. Now or Never: Today the PMO returned several files back to various nunistries, but curiously the dates on them indicated that they had been signed much earlier. One file concemed the approval for the appointment of an IAS officer of the Bihar cadre as an Additional Secretary even though she had not completed the mandatory year long cooling-off period in her home state. The signature of the Principal Secretary A. N. Verma had a March date with it. The woman officer's husband works in the PMO. (Times of India, May 10, 1996) 1996 Elections: The Tit-bits 87 Missing Ministers: Only 18 ministers from tiie Prime Minister's Council of Ministers of over 50 showed up at Soutii Block for the meeting on Friday everting. Many of the missing ministers were away in tiieir constituencies, but otfvers apparently dedded to give it a miss. Dissident Industry Minister K. Karunakaran who has been speaking against the PM drove up to attend the meeting at the PMO but when he saw the crowd of cameramen swarming outside he had second tiioughts. He ordered his chauffeur to turn around at the gate and drove off. Sweet Revenge: The candidate witfi tfie largest margin of victory in this election is probably Maneka Gandhi who romped home by defeating the sitting BJP Parusan Gagawar ii\ tt\e Pilibhit constituency by a margin of 2,88,310 votes. For Gandhi it was sweet revoige since she lost the 1991 election by 5,500 votes and at that time had complained that the State BJP goverrunent in power had used its official machinery to deprive her of victory. The voters of this ccH^tuency on d:\e Himalayan footiiills were more impressed with Maneka's personality and the feet that she had put them on tire national map, than her green message and vegetarianism. Kith and Kin in Elections

Table 9.1: Kith and Kin in Elections

Candidate Party Constituency

1. ChabiUa Arvind Netam s/o Arvind Netam Congress Kanker (M.P.) 2. Vikram Kaul s/o &nt 9 iida Kaul Congress (U.P.) Ck>vemor of Himachal Pradesh 3. Sarabjit Singh s/o Buta Singh Congress Ropar (Punjab) Former Central Minister 4. Smt Aika Nath w /o Kamal Nath Congress Chhindwara (M.P.) Former Union Minister 5; Sunil Jakhar s/o Bal Ram Jakhar Congress Ferozepur (Punjab) Former Union Minister 6. P.V. Rqeshwar Rao s/o Naiasimha Rao Congress Secunderabad (A.P.) Primer Minister 7. Ms Babli d /o H.S. &ar Congress Faridkot (Punjab) Late Pimjab Chief Minister 8. Mrs. Varalakshmi Gimdu Rao w /o Late Gundu Rao Congress Bangalore South former Karnataka Chief Minister Karnataka 9. Sam t^adi Rori AssendJy former Haryana Chief Minister Janata Party (Haryana) s/o Devi Lai 10. Vqay Goel s/o Sbri Chartilal Goel BJP Delhi (Sadar) Speyer of Ddhi Assembly 12. K. Mviralidharan s/o K. Karunakaran Congress Kozhikode Former Chief Minister of Kerala and Central Minister 14. SuMibir Singh Badal Akali Dal Faridkot s/o (Punjab) 8 8 Elections in India: 1952-96

Film Stan and Playen etc. in Election 1. Rajesh Khanna Congress N ew Delhi 2. Raj Babbar Samajwadi Party Lucknow (U.P.) 3. Am bareesh Congress Mandya (Karanataka) 4. M s Revathi Independent South Madras 5. Sharda Kanvar Independent Baroda (Gujarat) Shani Kuvar (70 year old) eunuch 6. Ms. Satnam Bai Shiv Sena East E>elhi (widow of 1984 riots) 7. Mrs. nK)oIan Devi Samajwadi Party Mirzapur (U.P.) Former Dacoit 8. Ms. Mangala Bansode BJP Pendharpur (Folk Tamasha Queen) (Maharashtra) 9. Mano) Prabhakar Congress (Tiwari) South Delhi 10. Nitish Bharadwaj BJP Jamshedpur (Bihar) (Krishna of Mahabharata) 11. A rvind Trivedi BJP Sabarkanta (Gujarat) (Ravana of Ramayana) 1 0

1996 Election Results At A Glance

The 1996 Elections led to a hung Parliament With the result that a Government at the Centre formed by the BJP lasted 13 days. On ^ e 16th of May 1996 Vajpayee was sworn in as Prime Minister and he was asked by ti\e P ru d en t to prove his majority by 31st May. On tf\e 27th of May, ccmfidence motion in tiie Parliament was taken up whid\ lasted for 2 days.At the end of tt\e debate Vajpayee announced tfut he was going to meet ^ President and submit his resignation. On the same day i.e. 28ti\ of May tiie President asked H.D. Gowda to form the Government On 1st Jur» 1996 H.D. Gowda was sworn in as India's 12th Prime Minister. Table 10.1: Patty Positioii in ttic Lok Sabha 1996: A Fact Sheet

S lio Party Setts Won Gains/lLosses as Compared with 1991

1. BJP 161 +41 2. Congress 140 -105 3. JD 47 -12 4. CPM 32 -2 5 TMC 20 +20 6i Samt^adi Party 17 +17 7. ravoc 17 +16 8. Shiv Sena 15 +14 9. TCKN) 16 +16 10. CPI 12 -2 11. BSP 11 +9 12. Samata Party 8 +8 13. SAD 8 +8 14. R9> 5 +1 15. AGP 5 +4 16. Congreas T 4 +4 17. HVP 3 +3 18. AIFB 3 N o change 19. h Jm l 2 N o change 20. MPVC 2 +2 21. MGP 1 +1 22. UGDP 1 +1 23. SOT 1 +1 24. KCP 1 N o change 25. AIADMK Nil -11 26. ]MM 1 -5 27. ASDC 1 +1 28. KBC 1 +1 29. MIM 1 + l 30. Independent 7 NU T o tal 543 90 Elections in India: 1952-96 Table 10^ Comparative Data on Paity Position in

State Seats BJP Congress JD CPM CPI TMC

1. Andhra Pradesh 42 - 22 2. Arunachal Pradesh 2 - - - 3. Assam 14 1 5 4. Bihar 54 18 2 23 5. Goa 2 - - -

6. Gujarat 26 16 10 7. Haryana 10 4 2 - 8. Himachal 4 - 4 - 9. Jammu & Kashmir 6 1 4 1 10. Karnataka 28 6 5 16 11. Kerala 20 - 7 1

12. Madhya Pradesh 40 27 8

13. Maharashtra 48 18 14. Manipur 2 15. Meghalaya 2 16. Mizoram 1 17. Nagaland 1 18. Orissa 21 19. Punjab 13

20. Rajasthan 25 12 12 21. Sikkim 1 22. Tamil Nadu 39 2 20 23. Tripura 2 2 24. West Bengal 42 23 3

25. Uttar Pradesh 85 52

26. Andaman & Nicobar Islands 27. Chandigarh 28. Dadra & Nagar HaveU 1 29. Daman & Diu 1 30. Delhi 2 31. Lakshadweep 1 32. Pondicherry 1

ToUl 543 161 140 47 32 12 20 1996 Election Results At A Glance 91 States in Lok Sabh 1996 Elections.

SI. No. Shiv Sena Scmutjwadi TD P(N ) Saimta D M K Others Independent

1 ^ 16 ^ I MIMl 2 2 3 AGP 5 1 4 1 6 5 MGPl UGD-1 6 JMMl 7 HVP3 1

8 9 10 KCP1 11 IMUL2 RSPl 1 12 CongT 1 BSP 2 MPVC2 13 15 14 15 1 16 17 18 1 19 BSP 3 SAD 8 20 Congress T 1 21 SDF1 22 17 23 24 RSP4 AIF3 Congress T 2 25 16 1 BSP 6 1

26

27 28

29 30 31 32 15 17 16 8 17 51 7 92 Elections in India: 1952-96 Analysis of 1996 Elections The 1996 Lok Sabha elections and State Assembly elections (6 States) were without any wave in sight. 'Garibi hatao' was the slogan raised by the Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in 1971. In 1977 it was the anti-Emergency, anti-Indira Gandhi wave and three years later, after the-fall of the Janata Government, it was the “Indira lao, desh bachao" (bring Indira, save India) wave. In 1984, the assassination of Indira Gandhi caused a pro-Congress 'sympathy' wave and 1989 saw the anti-corruption anti-Congress wave generated by the . The 1991 election was dictated by the Ayodhya Ram temple issue advanced by the BJP and the Mandal politics of the Janata Dal. The 1996 elections was of course held in the shadow of several scams — security scam sugar scam, hawala scam, alleged MP's purchase scam and lastly the house allotment scam. Indian National Congress (Congress or Congress (I) The Congress Party fought the 1996 elections under the shadows of various scams. It was for the first time that several ministers of the Narasimha Rao Cabinet had to resign on one accotint or the other not only that he himself was under shadow on various counts. Several prominent leaders left the Congress and floated a new party called Congress (T). N.D. Tiwari and Arjim Singh were no small leaders who challenged tiie leadership of Narasimha Rao. Madhav Rao Scindia revolted and formed a new party in Madhya Pradesh. There was a great opposition against Congress' alliance with AIADMK and it resultled in the exit of several stalwarts like G. K.. Moopanar and Chidambaram. They had argued for an alliance with DMK. Col. Ram Singh of Haryana resigned from the Union Ministry and joined the BJP. Delhi's strongman H.K.L. Bhagat left the party to rejoin it but it created a very ugly situation for the party. Though Kamal Nath a hawala fainted and a former Uiuon Minister withdrew from Chindwara parliamentary constituency (Madhya Pradesh), he persisted with statements supporting Sdndia candidature in Gwalior. Two ministers and half a dozen legislatures openly sided with the expelled leader Scindia in his elections. 'Stability' was the main plank of the Congress in the elections. The Congress Party received a severe blow in the 1996 elections. Its seats were reduced by 111 — a record setback since Independence. Bharatiya Janata Party From having just 2 MPs in 1984 the BJP has come a long way winning 119 seats in the 1991 general elections and 159 seats in the 1996 general elections. It fought the 1996 elections with the hope of becoming the largest single party in the Lok Sabha and even projected its stalwart leader Atal Bihari Vajpayee as the Prime Minister. It contested 475 seats on its own and left 49 seats to its allies and friendly parties with whom it had reached seat sharing adjustments in some States. In Maharashtra, it left 21 seats to its ruling partner Shiv Sena. In Bihar the BJP left 22 seats for its allies * e Samata Party and 4 in Haryana for the Haryana Vikas Party. In Uttar Pradesh it did not put up any candidate at BaUia against former Prime Minister Chandra Shekhar and at Nalanda in Bihar where the Samata Party had fielded a candidate. The BJP withdrew its 1996 Election Results A t A Glance 93 candidate in Gwalior (Madhya Pradesh) where expelled Congress leader Madhavrao Sdndia was contesting. The party with a view to present a , withdrew its candidates from Nandyal (Andhra Pradesh) and Berhampur (Orissa) where Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao was contesting. The decision to field Vajpayee projected as the 'future Prime Miixister' in Gandhinagar (Gujarat), apart from L^ucknow was intended to boost the morale of the cadres which had gone low since the rebellion of theState leader Shankar Sinh Vaghela. The defection of the party Vice President Arif Baig to the Congress after his association with the party for over two decades caused a few ripples. The BJP admitted Col. Ram Singh, an erstwhile member of Narasimha Rao's ministry and fielded him as a BJP candidate from Mahendragarh (Haryana) which place he belonged. This step was not appreciated by the rard< and file of the local unit of the party. The party put up almost all its leaders for the Lok Sabha elections and the work of the coordination of its election campaign was left to its President L. K. Advani who had resigned his Lok Sabha seats and decided not to contest tiU he was absolved of the Hawala Kand. Kalyan Singh, its Vice President and former Uttar Pradesh Chief Miiuster and Bhairon Singh Shekhawat, Chief Minister, Rajasthan were the other key campaigners. Among its national leaders apart ft'om Vijpayee who contested Lok Sabha elections were Murli Manohar Joshi from (UP), Vajayraje Sdndia from Guna (Madhya Pradesh), Promod Mahajan from North Bombay (Maharashtra), from South Delhi (Delhi) and M. Venkaiah Naidu from (Andhra) — three general secretaries and K.L. Sharma, Vice President from Outer Delhi (Delhi). The BJP manifesto focused on Hindutva, construction of Ram temple at Ayodhya, smaller States and clean public life. The BJP increased its tally by 39 seats. Its partner Shiv Sena got 14 seats more. In Haryana, for the first time, it won 4 seats. The (United Front) The Janata Dal and the Left Front leaders tried to form third front to fight the 1996 elections. Much attention had been focused on the evolution of the Janata Dal- Samajwadi Party (SP) and Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) alliance backed by the Left in Uttar Pradesh. The Left attacked the BSP's policies on its break with the SP and the formation of its ministry in UP with the outside support of the BJP. The central leadership of the Janata Dal agreed to enter into an alliance with SP in UP. This decision sparked a revolt in their UP unit of the Janata Dal resulting the exit of its UP urut Chief Ram Ashrey Verma from the party. The revolt was so serious that the Central leadership had to dissolve the UP imit of the party. The breakaway Janata Dal unit in UP entered into alliance with the Congress (Tiwari). Differences between the Left Front and the Janata could not be reconciled regarding their stand towards the two factions in the Telegu Desam Party (TDP) in Andhra Pradesh. The Janata Dal threw its weight behind Lakshmi Parvathi TDP group as against Left Front's support to the Chief Minister N. Chandrababu Naidu's faction of TDP. Veteran Janata Dal 94 Elections in India: 1952-96 leader S. Jaipal Reddy wihdrew his nomination papers in disgust with the Janata Dal's rumblings on this issue from the Mehboobnagar constituency in Andhra Pradesh. The Janata Dal received a setback in the National Capital Territory when party leader Rambir Sing^ Bidhuri along witti prominent leaders Parvez Hashmi and Mateen Ahmad walked out of the party. In TairiQ Nadu, while the Janata Dal and CPI(M) were backing V. Gopalasamy's (Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (MDMK), the CPI had chosen to go with DMK headed by the former Chief Minister M. Karunarudhi, also supported by the new Tamil Maanila Congress (TMC) of Moopanar group — a breakaway group of the Congress (I). In Punjab, the CPI (M) refused to back the Shiromaru Akali Dal (SAD) while (he Janata Dal and the CPI supported it. While the Janata Dal and the CPI fought the BSP in UP, the principal campaign partner of the Akalis in Punjab was that very party. The Kamata^ unit of the Janata Dal expressed different views on economic policy which were quite divergent from its central leaders approach and that of the Left group also. Notwithstanding all these differences, the Third Front managed to arrive at a good deal of consensus. The results indicate that the Janata Dal lost in existence virtually in all States except Bihar and Karnataka. In Bihar it lost several seats to the BJP and the Samata. BSP, TDP (Naidu) and DMK improved their position. The AIADMK and the Congress lost almost their existence in Tamil Nadu.

Table 10.3: Percentage of Votes Polled by Major Parties in 1996 and 1991

Party 1996 1991 Szmng

BJP 23.5 20.8 +2.7 Congress 28.1 36.5 -8.4 NF-LF 20.2 24.9 -4.7

Who Voted Whom The Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS), New Delhi conducted a nationwide exit poll in 121 Lok Sabha constituencies spread over 20 States and Union Territories. The poll was carried out on all the three days of polling—^April 27, May 2 and May 7 and a total of 17,604 voters were interviewed. The voters belonged to cross section of population. Following points emerged: 1. Congress (I)'s support base remained ur\fettered by defeat. 2. Only the BJP did well with young and new voters. 3. Christians were the orJy minority group firmly with the Congress (I). 4. Compared to other parties, BJP's vote share among the uiUettered was rather low. 5. Women preferred Congress (I). 6. New Caste equations at the State level cost the Congress (I) dearly. 7. The rainbow coalition was beginning to come apart. 1996 Election Results At A Glance 95 Table 10.4: Age-Group Party Preferences (Percentage)

Age-Group Cong. (I) BJP NF-LF BSP Slate Parties Others

18-25 years 27 25 20 4 14 10 26-35 years 28 25 20 4 14 9 36-45 years 29 22 23 4 13 9 46-55 years 32 21 20 5 14 8 Above 56 years 33 22 20 4 13 8

Note: All figures in percentage of votes cast in 1996.

Table 10.5: Religionwise Preference of Voters (Percentage)

Item Cong(I) BJP N F-LF BSP State Parties Others

REUGION 29 27 18 4 14 8 Muslims 28 3 48 2 10 9 Christians 46 3 12 1 23 15 Sikh 29 10 7 8 36 10 EDUCATION UiUettered 32 17 24 6 13 7 Middle 29 22 21 4 16 8 High School 27 30 18 2 13 10 Graduate 25 36 16 3 10 10 GENDER Men 29 25 20 4 13 9 Women 30 21 21 4 15 9

Table 10.6: Caste Preference for Parties (Percentage)

Caste Cong(I) BfP NF-LF BSP State Parties Others

Forward 29 33 17 1 10 10 OBC 25 23 25 2 18 7 SC 31 11 21 16 14 7 ST 47 17 15 2 7 12

Table 10.7: Rural Urban Preference for Parties

Area Cong(I) BfP N F-LF State Parties Others

Rural 21 19 32 14 14 Urban 21 32 24 13 10

Source: India Today, May 31, 1996. 96 Elections in Indin: 1952-96

Landmarks in Elections

1. ATAL BIHARI VAJPAYEE (BJP) has a number of victories from different constituencies spread over 4 States Balrampur (UP) 1957, 1967, GwaUor (Madhya Pradesh) 1971, New Delhi 1977,1980, Vidisha (Madhya Pradesh) and Lucknow (UP) 1991 and Gandhii\agar (Gujarat) and Lucknow (UP) 1996. Atal Bihari Vajpayee won twice from 2 constituencies simultaneously from different States (1991rand 1996). Member of Rajya Sabha for 2 terms. Lost elections twice from Balrampur (196^ and Gwalior (1984). 2. Indrajit Gupta of the CPI elected 9 times from West Bengal : 1996, 1991, 1989 Midnapur, 1984, 1980 Basirhat, 1971, 1967, Alipur and 1962, 1960 Calcutta South-West and now Jadavpur. 3. P.M. Sayeed elected on the Congress ticket 9 times from Lakshadweep. 4. K. Pradbani of the Congress won 8 times in a row from the same constituei\cy i.e. Nowrangpur (ST) in Orissa — 1967, 1971, 1977, 1980, 1984, 1989, 1991 and 1996. 5. Narasimha Rao has 8 victories from different States. Berhampur (Orissa), Nandyal 1996, Nandyal (Andhra) 1991, Ramtak (Maharashfra) 1989, 1984, and Hanamkonda (Andhra) 1980, and 1977. 6. Vijayarajey Scindia, K.P. Unnikrishnan, and Girdhar Gomango have won 7 times. 7. Madhav Rao Sdndia and Chandra Shekhar have 6 victories to their credit. 8. In the 1996 elections Atal Bihari Vajpayee, Biju Patnaik and P.V. Narasimha Rao won from two constituencies. Biju Patnaik from Aska and Cuttack in Orissa. 9. In the 1996 and 1991 elections three members of the Sdndia family of Gwalior won Lok Sabha elections. 10. Six MPs from West Bengal have won for the fifth time, followed by 3 from Madhya Pradesh. 11. Maharashtra has, sent 2 members for the fifth time in a row. 12. Eleven members made it to the Lok Sabha for the fourth executive time, 2 each from Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal, 1 each from Bihar, Kerala, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Maiupur. 13. Hat trickers are ; 14 from West Bengal, 10 from Andhra Pradesh, 8 from Bihar, Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh, 6 from Rajasthan, 4 from Kerala and Maharashfra and 2 from Tamil Nadu. 14. Guna and Gwalior may be treated as family constituencies of the Sdndia family and Baghpat of Charan Singh family. 15. Congress has always won from 12 constituendes — Andhra 1, Assam 3, Karnataka 3, Lakshadweep 1, Maharashtra 2 and Orissa 2. (In all the 11 Lok Sabha elections.) 1996 Election Results At A Glance 97

The Oldest and Youngest

Deputy leader of the Congress in the Tenth Lok Sabha and former Union Miriister Nalhu Ram h ^ d h a (75) is the eldest member of the Lok Sabha among ttie 25 newly-elected MPs from Rajasthan while Nihal Qiand of the BJP is the youngest at 25. Of the newly-elected members for the eleventh Lower House, three Nihal Chand (BJP-Ganganagar-SC), Mahendra Singh Bhatti (BJP- Bikaner) and former Maharani ot Bharatpur Mrs Divya Singh (Bharatpur-BJP) are in the 25-35 age group while six MPs — Narendra Budania (Congress-Churu), former MahMani of Dholpur Vasvindhara Raje (Jhalawar-BJP), Tarachand (Congress-Banswara-ST), Subhash Behedia (BJP-Bhilwara), Parsa Ram (Congress-Jalore-SC) and (Congress-Jodhpur) are in the 35-45 age group. Besides Nathu Ram Mirdha, six other membrs and Sheesh Ram Ola (Congress-Tiwari-Jhtmjhunu), Giridhari Lai Bhargava (BJP-Jaipur), Nawal Kishore Sharma (Congress-Alwar), Dau Dayal Joshi (BJP-Kota), Behru Lad Meena (Congress-Salumber-ST) and Guman Mai Lodha (BJP- Pali) are in the age group of 60 years and above. Three of the 25 members are having professional qualifications. Dr Hari Singh (Congress-Sikar) is a renowned surgeon. Subhash Behedia (BJP-Bhilwara) is a chartered accountant and Dau Dayal Joshi is an "Ayurved ratna". Six memers are law graduates. Besides, two are matriculates while three others — Gangaram, Parsa Ram and Shyam Lai have studied upto middle standard.

PROMINENT WINNERS

Anmachalam, M. (Congress): Six times winner from Tenkari (1977,1980,1984,1989, 1991) in Tamil Nadu. A Union Minister for a number of years. Banerjee, Mamta (Congress): Fire brand Speaker, won from Calcutta South in 1991, Jadavpur in 1984. Bamala, Surjit Singh (SAD) : Former Chief Minister of Punjab and a Union Ministe, 1977-80 during Janata Government. Elected in 1977 and 1996 from Sangrur. Bhakta, M.R. (Congress): A product of Calcutta University and 6 times winner of Lok Sabha seat from Andaman and Nicobar Islands (1971,1980,1984,1989,1991, 1996). Bharti Uma (BJP): A 'Sadhu' fire brand orator. President BJP Yuva wing. Three times winner from Khajuhrah — 1989, 1991 and 1996. Chatterjee, Somnath (CPI — M ): Won Bolpur in 1996, 1991 and 1989; Jadavpur 1980 and 1977; Burdwan 1971 all in West Bengal. Chidambaram, P. (Moopanar Group Congress) : Four times winner from Sivagana (Tamil Nadu) in 1984, 1989, 1991 and 1996. Union Minister for a number of 98 Elections in India: 1952-96 years. Left the Congress party when Narasimha Rao entered into an electoral alliance in Tamil Nadu with AIADMK. Dr. Santhosh Mohan (Congress): Four times MP; 1989 and 1991 from Tripura West and 1985 from Silchar (Assam). Uruon Minister for a number of years. Devi, Ketkaki (BJP) : Wife of Brig. Bhushan, BJP MP detained under TADA. Devi, Phoolan (Samajwadi Party): Dacoit turned social worker and politician won from Mirazapur (U.P.) Fernandes, George (Samata): A trade Union leader, winner of 6 times Bombay South (1967), 4 times from Muzaffarpur (Bihar). Ui\ion Minister for several years. Originally from Karnataka. Won in 1996 from Nalanda (Bihar). Gandhi, Menaka QD/SP) : MP from Pilibhit (UP ) in 1989 and 1996. Lost in 1991. Union Minister for sometimes during Janata regime. An environmental activitist. Gupta, Indrajit (CPI): Winner of 9 Lok Sabha elections — Midnapur 1996,1991, and 1989, Basirhat 1984 and 1980, Alipur 1971 and 1967, Calcutta Southwest; now Jadavpur 1962 and 1960 by electiorw. All in West Bengal. (BJP): Former Governor J & K , Delhi and Goa. Won from New Delhi after defeating Rajesh Khanna. Joshi, Murali Manohar (BJP): Former BJP President. Usually coinsidered at No. 3 in BJP's informal hierarchy. Won from Almora in 1977 and lost in 1980 and 1984. Contested from Allahabad in 1996. Kanshi Ram (BSP) : President of BSP. since 1984. Won Etawah seat (UP) in 1991. Hoshiarpur in 1996. However lost from Phulpur in 1996. Mahajan Promod (BJP) : BJP General Secretary won from North-East. Mahanta, Prafulla (AASU) : Youngest Chief Minister of Assam at the age of 30 in 1985. Major political force in Assam. Mirdha, N.R. (Congress) : Six times wiimer from Nagaur in Rajasthan 1971, 1977, 1980, 1989, 1991, and 1996. Lost to R.N. Mirdha in 1984 when he contested on LKD ticket. Paswan, Ram Vilas (Janata) : Four times winner. Won Hazipur constituency (Bihar) in 1989 with a record margin of over five lakh votes. Very influential leader of the party. Won in 1996 from Hazipur. Patil, Shiv Raj (Congress) : Speaker of Lok Sabha in 1991 Lok Sabha. Five times winner from Latur (Maharashfra) in 1980, 1984, 1989, 1991, and 1996. Patnaik, Biju (JD) : Former Orissa Chief Minister for a number of years and Union Cabinet Minister. Elected in 1984 from Kendrapara. Won Lok Sabha seats in Orissa in 1996. Pawar, Sharad (Congress): Former Chief Minister of Maharashfra and Union Minister. Considered as a very sfrong man of Maharashtra. Member of Maharashfra Legislative Assembly 20 years. Won Lok Sabha seat in 1996. Pilot, Rajesh (Congress) : Union Minister for a number of years. Four time winner- Bharatpur 1980, Dausa 1984, 1991 and 1996 — all in Rajasthan. Rai, Kalpanath (Independent): Resigned from the Congress after being charged under TADA. Union Minister for a number of years. Filed his nomination papers while in Tihar Jail, Delhi. Won From Ghosi (UP) in 1989, 1991 and 1996. Rao, P.V. Narasimha (Congress): Nandyal (Andhra) 1991, Ramtek (Maharashfra) 1989 and 1984; Hanamkonda (Andhra) 1980 and 1984. Prime Minister (1991-1996), Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh (1971-73), Union Minister for a number of years. In 1991, won in a by-election from Nandyal by a margin of 5.80 lakh votes, a record of any constituency. His party lost 1996 Lok Sabha elections. Won from two constituencies in 1996 —Nandyal and Berhampur (Orissa). 1996 Election Results A t A Glance 99 Sanghma, P. A. (Congress): Elected from Tura (Meghalaya). First tribal Cabinet Minister in 1995. First tribal and youngest Speaker of the Lok Sabha. Sayeed P.M. (Congiess): Eight times wirmer from Lakshadweep with the larget of all the States 1 Union Territories including Jammu and Kashmir. Scindia, Madhav Rao (MFVQ : formerly Congress. A former Union Minister of Narasimha Rao government in the wake of 'Hawala' issue. Six times wirmer: Guna 1971, 1977, Gwalior 1984, 1989, 1991 and 1996. Scindia, Vijaya Raje (BJP): An influential EJP leader. Six times wirmer — Guna 1957, 1967,1989,1991 and 1996. GwaUor (1%2) Bhind 1971 — aU in Madhya Pradesh. Shekhar, Chandra (Samata): India's Prime Miruster for sometimes in 1990-91. President Janata Party in 1977-78. MP from BaUia (UP) in 1977, 1989, 1991 and 1996. Swaraj, Sushma (BJP): BJP spokesperson. Won from New Delhi. Singh, Ajit (Congress): Son of late Charan Singh. Elected twice from Baghpat in 1989, 1991, and 1996 changed parties. Union Minister for a number of years. Singh, Jaswant (BJP) ; Deputy Leader of the BJP in the Lok Sabha. MP in 1991 and 1996 from Chittorgarh. Tiwari, Narain Dutt (Congress-T): Three times Chief Miiuster of Uttar Pradesh (1976- 77,1984-85 and 1988-89) Due to differences with Narasimha Rao left Congress in 1995 to form Congress-T MP from Nainital 1980. Lost from Nainital in 1991 but won in 1996. Unnikrishnan K.P. (Congress): Seven times winner from Vadakara (Kerala) in 1971, 1977,1980,1984,1989,1991, Changed several political parties — INC, SP, PSP and ICS. Union Minister in 1989. Vajpayee, Atal Bihari (BJP) : Projected as future Prime Minister in 1996 electiorxs. Leader of the Opposition in the 10th Lok Sabha. Won from Balrampur (1957 and 1967), Gwalior (1971), New Delhi (1977 and 1980), Lucknow and Vidisa (1991). Only politician to win from five different constituencies. Lucknow and Gandhinagar 1996. Yadav, Mulayam Singh (Samajwadi Party) : Twice Chief Minister of UP. Resigned when BSP withdrew its support. Won in 1996 from Maanpuri (UP). Yadav, Sharad (Janata Dal) : Four times winner. Madhepur (Bihar) 1991, Badaim (UP) 1989, Jabalpur (Madhya Pradesh) 1977. Also won in 1996 from Bihar. Resigned as the leader of the Janata Dal in Parliament in the wake of ^Hawala' scandal.

PROMINENT LOSERS IN THE LOK SABHA

Azad, Gulam Nabi (Congress) : Lost from Yevatmal (Maharashtra). Babhar, Raj (Samajwadi Party): Famous film star. Lost from Lucknow constituency. Khaima, Rajesh (Congress) : Noted film star. Lost his seat from New Delhi. Faleiro, Eduardo (Congress) : Former Central Minister, lost from Goa. Lai, Devi (Samajwadi): Former Deputy Prime Minister (1989-90) and Chief Minister Haryana. Elected from on the Janata ticket in 1989 (1977-79) and (1987-89). Lost in 1996 from Rohtak. His son Om Prakash Chautala, former Chief Minister of Haryana also lost the Assembly elections. Karunakaran, K. (Congress) ; Former Cabinet Minister and Chief Minister, Kerala. Lost 1996 Lok Sabha elections from Trichur. His son K. Muralidharan also lost from Kozhikode. Mann, Simranjeet Singh (SAD-M) ; Protagonist of separate homeland for in Pimjab. Won in 1989 from Taran Taran. Lost in 1996 from Sangrur (Punjab). Ray, Siddartha Shankar (Congress) : Won from Raiganj in 1971. West Bengal Chief Minister 1972-77. Governor Punjab during emergency. Ambassador of India in USA. Resigned to contest 1996 elections but lost. 100 Elections in India: 1952-96 Sahi, Krishna (Congress): Three times winner from Begusari (Bihar). Lone Congress winner from Bihar in 1991. Union Miruster for a number of years. Member Bihar Legislative Assembly (1972-80). Lost in 1996. Shankaranand, B. (Congress) : Lost to the Janata from Chikkodi. Singh, Arjun (Congress-T formerly of Congress) : Former Central Cabinet Minister and Chief Minister, Madhya Pradesh. A strong critic of Narasimha Rao. Left Congress in 1995 and formed Congress-T. Two times winner and Governor of Punjab. Lost from Satna in 1996. Tytler, Jagdish (Congress) : Former Cabinet Minister. Lost from New Delhi.

OTHER HEAVY WEIGHTS

Advani, L.K. (BJP): President won from two constituencies in 1991 — New Delhi and Gandhinagar (Gujarat). A leading strategist in the revival of the BJP on the 'Hindutva' plank. Also famous for his 'Ramjanmabhoomi Rath Yatra'. Resigned from the Parliament in the wake of Jain diary and resolved not to contest elections till cleared of the charge from the court. Antony, A.K. (Congress): Chief Minister of Kerala since May 2 1 ,1995. Union Miruster for a number of years. Resigned from the post of Chief Ministership of Kerala in May 1996 in the wake of his party's defeat in the State Assembly. Badal, Prakash Singh (SAD) : Former Punjab Chief Minister. President SAD. An influential leader. Supported the BJP Party to form government at the Centre. His son Sukhbir Singh elected from Faridkot (Punjab) Deve Gowda, H.D. (JD) : Chief Minister of Karnataka. Elected as leader of the Third Front and a Prime Ministerial candidate. His son Kumaraswamy was elected from Kanakapura (Karnataka). Lai, Bansi (HVP): Twice Chief Minister of Haryana. Union Minister for several years. MP from in 1984 and 1989. Won the Assembly elections in Haryana in May 1996 and became the Chief Minister. Lai, Bhajan (Congress): Twice Chief Minister of Haryana. Has the rare distinction of joining Congress en block when he was Chief Minister of the Janata Party. A shrewd manipulator. Ministerial colleagues and other party legislatures resigned in May 1996 on account of his party's failure in May 1996 Assembly elections. Basu, Jyoti (CPI - M ): Chief Minister of West Bengal since 1977 — a record of a Chief Minister in India. Contested and won 13 elections at the State and National level. Mayawati (BSP) : Won on BSP ticket from Bijnor in 1989 but lost ih 1991. First (UP) Scheduled Caste Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh in 1995. Singh, V.P. (JD): India's Prime Minister (1989-90). UP Chief Minister while in Congress (1980-82). Left Congress in the wake of Bofor issue. Formed NF. Elected three times — Allahabad 1980, Fatehpur 1989, and 1991. Resigned from Parliament. Did not contest 1996 electior«. Surjeet, H.S. (CPI - M) ; Dominant figure in CPI-M. Protagonist of the Third Front comprising left parties SP, Janata Dal etc.

VACATING ONE SEAT

Atal Bihari Vajpayee Gandhi Nagar (Gujrat) Biju Patnaik Cuttack (Orissa) P.V. Narasimha Rao Nandyal (Andhra Pradesh) 1996 Election Results At A Glance 101

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Voting Patterns and Regionwise Swings Performance of Major Political Parties

The Congress Party had an edge over its political rivals at the time of first general elections held in 1952. However, the hallo started waiung in the next 15 years. It was overtaken by other political parties, the latter having varying influences in different States. This chapter provides concise information and analysis about the performance of political parties over the eleven general electiorw with reference to States and Union Territories. The Congress popularity is now limited to a few states. The BJP has been gaining groimd and a num bn of combinations under the banner of NF-LF have been coming up making the political scenario rather complicated. The decline of the Congress has created a space which is being filled by regional parties all over the country. The following Table illustrates the strength of Regional parties ill tt\e Lok Sabha during ttie period 1989 to 19%.

Table 11.1: Strength of Regional Patties in the Lok Sabha (1989-1996)

Party Seats in Seats in Seats in States where the party 1989* 1991* 1996* has sign^icant presence

TDP 2 13 16 Andhra Pradesh AGP - 1 5 Assam DMK - 17 Tamil Nadu and Pondicherry AIADMK 11 11 - Tamil Nadu Shiv Sena 1 4 15 Maharashtra HVP - 1 3 Haryana Samata Party 1 5 8 Bihar, U.P. BSP 3 2 11 Punjab, U.P. and M.P. AkaUDal 6 ** - 8 *** Punjab MGP 1 - 1 Goa SDF -- 1 Sikkim JMM 3 6 1 Bihar MPVP - - Madhya Pradesh

* In Parliament; **Akali Dal (M ann); *** Akali Dal (Badal) Voting Patterns and Regiomvise Smngs 103

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Party North West South East 1991 1996 1991 1996 1991 1996 1991 1996

Congress 31 15 87 46 92 37 35 35 BJP 59 62 49 72 5 6 71 19 CPI 1 0 0 0 1 5 13 5 CPI (M) 0 0 1 0 4 6 29 26 JD 22 2 0 0 0 16 37 25 Others & Independents 7 41 6 22 19 51 21 32 Total 120 no . 143 140 121 121142 142

Table 11.8: SUtewise Party Position in Lok Sabha as on 27 April 1992

I .s S •S c

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5 6 10 11 12 13 14 15

1. A ndhra Pradesh 18 42 7' 42 2. Arunachai Pradesh 1 2 2 3. Assam 7 14 2^ 14 4. Bihar 22 54 31 5’ 51 5. Goa 1 2 2 6. Gujarat 11 26 20 1* 26 7. Haryana 5 10 1* 10 8. Himachal Pradesh 3 4 4 9. Jammu & Kashmir 4 6 10. Karnataka 12 28 1‘ 28 11. Kerala 9 20 A’’ 20 12. M adhya Pradesh 16 40 1“ 40 13. M aharashtra 19 48 2’ 48 14. M anipur 1 2 110 2 15. M eghalaya 1 2 2 16. M izoram 1 1 1 108 Elections in India: 1952-96

1 5 6 10 11 12 13 14 15

17. N agaland 1 1 1 - 1'= 1 18. Orissa 10 21 13 - 6 1 1 - - 21 - 19. J ’unjab 7 13 12 - 1>2 13 20. Rajasthan 10 25 13 12 25 - 21. Sikkim 1 1 - 1>3 1 22. Tamil N adu 18 39 27 --- - 11 12 38 1 23. Tripura 1 2 2 2 - 24. U ttar Pradesh 34 85 14 51 22 - 1 - - 5» 84 1

25. W est Bengal 16 42 5 __ 27 3 - - 7'5 42 .

UNION TERRITORIES 26. A and N Islands - 1

27. Chandigarh 1 1

28. Dadra and

Nagar Haveli 1 1 -

29. Daman and Diu - 1 - 1 30. Efelhi 3 7 2 4 31. Lakshadweep 1 1 - 32. Pondicherry 1 1 1 - 33. Nominated Total 245 539 245119 59 35 14 11 7 40 1 531 12 * Others 1. Telugu Desam (V) All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen 2. Autonomous State Demand Committee; Asom Gana Parishad 3. Jharkhand Mukti Morcha 4. Janata Dal (Gujarat) 5. Haryana Vikas Party 6. Janta Party 7. Indian Congress (Socialist) Muslim League K. Cong (M) 8. Bahujan Samaj Party 9. Shiv Sena 10. Manipur People's Party n . Nagaland People's Council 12. Bahujan Samaj Party 13. Sikkim Sangram Parishad 14. Janata Party Bahujan Samaj Party 15. All India Forward Block 3 Revolutionary Socialist Party 4 Four J.D. Party members sitting separately consequent on receipt ot intimation from the Leader of Janata Dal Party in Lok Sabha regarding their expulsion from the party. Voting Patterns and Regionwise Swings 109 Table 11.9: Statewise Party Position in Lok Sabha as on 27 April 1995

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1. A ndhra Pradesh 18 42 30 - 1 - 41 2. A ninachal Pradesh 1 2 2 - 2 3. Assam 7 14 8 1 - 1 14 4. Bihar 22 54 2 1 17 2 54 5. Goa 1 2 2 - 2 6. Gujarat 11 26 6 - 26 7. Haryana 5 10 9 9 8. Himachal Pradesh 3 4 2 4 9. Jam m u & Kashmir 4 6 - 10. Karnataka 12 28 23 27 11. Kerala 9 20 12 - 20 12. M adhya Pradesh 16 40 26 39 13. M aharashtra 19 48 39 47 14. M anipur 1 2 1 2 15. M eghalaya 1 2 2 - 2 16. M izoram 1 1 1 17. N agaland 1 1 1 - 1 18. Orissa 10 21 13 - 20 19. Punjab 7 13 12 1" - 13 20. Rajasthan 10 25 13 - 25 21. Sikkim 1 1 - - 1 22. Tamil N adu 18 39 26 12 - 38 23. Tripura 1 2 2 - 2 24. U ttar Pradesh 34 85 14 5'» - 83 25. West Bengal 16 42 5 27 7' - 42 110 Elections in India: 1952-96

1 4 S 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17

UNION TERRITORIES 26. A and N Islands - 27. Chandigarh 28. Dadra and Nagar Haveli 1 - 29. Daman and Diu - 1 - 30. Delhi 3 5 2 31. Lakshadweep 1 - 32. Pondicherry 1 - - 2 2

33. Nominated 12 2 - - - 2 2 Total 245 545 259'^ 117 36 23 14 12 10»7 31 5 528 17

1. All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen 2. Autonomous State Demand Committee; Asom Gana Parishad 3. Jharkhand Mukti Morcha 4. Indian Congress (Socialists)-l; Muslim League-2; Kerala Cong. (M) 5. Bahujan Samaj Party 6. Shiv Sena 7. Manipur Peoples's Party 8. Bahujan Samaj Party 9. Sikkim Sangram Parishad 10. Janata Party-1; p Samajwadi Party-3; Bahujan Samaj Party 11. All India Forward Block-3; Revolutionary Socialist Party 12. Including H.S. 13. Including seven members sitting separately on receipt of intimation from them. Voting Patterns and Regionzvise Swings 111 Table 11.10: Statewise Performance of the Congress 1991 v/s 1996

1991 19% State Total Seats % of Votes Seats Won Seats Loss/Gain Polled zvon Andhra Pradesh 42 45.6 25 22 -3 Arunachal Pradesh 2 68.9 2 0 -2 Assam 14 28.5 8 5 -3 Bihar 54 24.2 1 2 +1 Delhi 7 39.6 2 2 0 Goa 2 57.7 2 0 -2 Gujarat 26 29.0 5 10 +5 Haryana 10 37.2 9 2 -7 Himachal Pradesh 4 46.2 2 4 +2 Jammu & Kashmir 6 4 ** Karnataka 28 42.1 23 5 -18 Kerala 21 38.8 13 7 -6 Madhya Pradesh 40 45.3 27 8 -19 Maharashtra 48 48.4 38 15 -23 Manipur 2 38.9 1 1 0 Meghalaya 2 56.6 2 1 -1 Mizoram 1 38.1 1 1 + Nagaland 1 44.3 0 1 +1 Orissa 21 44.1 13 16 +3 Punjab 13 49.2 12 2 -10 Rajasthan 25 44.0 13 12 -1 Sikkim 1 0 0 0 0 Tamil Nadu 39 42.6 28 0 -28 Tripura 2 82.8 2 0 -2 Uttar Pradesh 85 18.3 5 5 0 West Bengal 42 36.2 5 9 +4 Andaman & Nicobar Islandsl 50.4 1 1 0 Chandigarh 1 35.9 1 1 0 Dadra and Nagar HaveU 1 61.7 1 0 -1 Daman and Diu 1 22.7 1 1 0 Lakshadweep 1 50.6 1 1 0 Pondicherry 1 53.1 1 1 0 Total 543 36.5 245 140 -105

* includes Punjab (1992) Note: There were 17 vacancies: Elections not held for 6 seals in J & K. and 11 other vacancies. ** Election not held in 1991; + No change 112 Elections in India: 1952-96 Table 11.11: Statewise Perfonnance of the BJP 1991 v/s 1996

1991 1996 State Total % of Votes Seats Seats Gains/Loses Won Won

Andhra Pradesh 42 9.6 1 0 -1 Arunachal Pradesh 2 6.1 0 -- Assam 14 9.8 2 1 -1 Bihar 54 16.0 5 18 +13 Delhi 7 402 5 5 - Goa 2 15.6 0 0 - Gujarat 28 504 20 16 -4 Haryana 10 10.2 0 4 +4 Himachal Pradesh 4 42.8 2 0 -2 Jammu & Kashmir 6 -- 1 +1 Karnataka 28 28.8 4 6 +2 Kerala 20 4.6 0 0 0 Madhya Pradesh 40 41.9 12 27 +15 Maharashtra 48 20.2 5 18 +13 Manipur 2 8.1 0 0 0 Meghalaya 2 6.9 0 0 0 Mizoram 1 0 0 0 0 Nagaland 1 3.0 0 0 0 Orissa 21 9.5 0 0 0 Punjab 13 17.0 0 0 0 Rajasthan 25 40.9 12 12 - Sikkim 1 0 0 0 0 Tamil Nadu 39 1.7 0 0 0 Tripura 2 3.0 0 0 0 Uttar Pradesh 85 32.8 52 52 - West Bengal 42 11.7 0 0 0 Andaman & Nicobar Islandsl 4.9 0 0 0 Chandigarh 1 28.2 0 1 +1 Dadra and Nagar Haveli 1 35.4 0 0 - Daman and Diu 1 31.9 0 0 - Lakshadweep 1 2.0 0 0 - Pondicherry 1 53.1 1 0 - All India Total 543 20.1 120 161 +41

» fo r 1992 Voting Patterns and Regionunse Swings 113

Table 11.12: Statewise Ferfonnance of the Janata Dal 1991 v/s 1996

1991 1996 State Total % of Votes Seats Seats Gains/Loses Won Won

Andhra Pradesh 42 0.5 0 0 _ Anmachal Pradesh 2 24.7 0 0 - Assam 14 5.2 0 0 - Bihar 54 34.1 31 23 -8 Delhi 7 14.2 0 0 - Goa 2 1.0 0 0 - Gujarat 26 3.4 0 0 - H aryana 10 12.5 0 0 - Himachal Pradesh 4 7.1 0 0 - Jammu & Kashmir 6 ---- Karnataka 28 18.5 0 16 +16 Kerala 20 4.5 0 1 +1 Madhya Pradesh 40 4.2 0 0 - M aharashtra 48 9.9 0 0 - M anipur 2 18.6 0 0 - Meghalaya 2 0 0 0 - M izoram 1 23.4 0 0 - N agaland 1 0 0 0 - Orissa 21 34.6 6 4 -2 Punjab 13 2.2 0 0 - Rajasthan 25 6.2 0 0 - Sikkim 1 0 0 0 - Tamil N adu 39 2.9 0 0 - Tripura 2 0 0 0 - Uttar Pradesh 85 21.3 22 2 -20 West Bengal 42 1.1 0 0 - Andaman & Nicobar Islandsl 0 0 0 - C handigarh 1 2.8 0 0 - Dadra and Nagar Haveli 1 0 0 0 - Dam an and Chu 1 2.7 0 0 - Lakshadweep 1 0 0 0 - Pondicherry 1 2.0 0 0 0 Total 543 11.8 59 47 - u * Punjab for 1992 114 Elections in India: 1952-96 Table 11.13: Statewise Perfonnance of the CPI and CPI (M) 1991 V/S 1996

1991 1996 State Total % of Votes Seats Seats Gains/Loses Won Won

Andhra Pradesh 42 4.3 2 2 Arunachal Pradesh 2 0 0 0 A ssam 14 6.9 1 1 Bihar 54 9 9 3 Delhi 7 0.1 0 0 Goa 2 0.15 0 0 Gujarat 28 0.0 0 0 H aryana 10 0 0 0 Himachal Pradesh 4 0.7 0 0 Jammu & Kashmir 6 K arnataka 28 0.8 0 0 Kerala 20 28.8 3 7 +4 Madhya Pradesh 40 0.5 0 0 M aharashtra 48 2.3 1 0 -1 Manipur 2 0 0 0 M eghalaya 2 1.2 0 0 Mizoram 1 0 0 3 Nagaland 1 0 0 0 Orissa 21 5.2 2 0 -2 Punjab 13 5.8 0 0 Rajasthan 25 0.8 0 0 Sikkim 1 2.9 0 0 Tamil Nadu 39 4.5 0 2 +2 Tripura 2 8.5 0 2 +2 U ttar Pradesh 85 1.7 1 0 -1 W est Bengal 42 38.9 30 26 -4 A ndam an & Nicobar Islandsl 44.1 0 0 Chandigarh 1 0 0 0 Dadra and Nagar Haveli 1 0 0 0 Daman and Diu 1 0 0 0 Lakshadweep 1 0 0 0 Pondicherry 1 0 0 0 Nominated 1 0 0 0 All India ToUl 543 8.7 49 44 -5 * Includes Punjab (1992) Voting Patterns and Regiomvise Sivings 1 1 5

Table 11.14: Statewise Performance of the Independents and O thers 1991 v/s 1996

1991 1996 State Total % of Votes Seats Seats Gains/Loses Won Won

Andhra Pradesh 42 40 14 1 -3 Arunachal Pradesh 2 0.3 0 2 +2 Assam 14 49.8 3 7 +4 Bihar 54 16.7 8 3 -5 Delhi 7 5.9 0 0 0 Goa 2 24.2 0 0 0 G ujarat 26 17.2 1 0 -1 H aryana 10 40.1 1 1 0 Himachal Pradesh 4 ■ 3.3 0 0 0 Jammu & Kashmir 6 - - - - Karnataka 28 19.8 1 1 0 Kerala 20 23.3 4 3 -1 Madhya Pradesh 40 8.1 1 5 +4 Maharashtra 48 19.2 4 0 -4 M anipur 2 34.9 1 1 0 M eghalaya 2 36.3 0 1 +1 M izoram 1 38.5 0 1 +1 N agaland 1 52.7 1 0 -1 Orissa 21 63 0 0 0 Punjab , 13 26.0 1 11 -10 Rajasthan 25 8.1 0 1 -1 Sikkim 1 97.1 1 1 0 Tamil N adu 39 48.3 0 0 0 Tripura 2 7.7 0 0 0 Uttar Pradesh 85 25.9 5 8 +3 West Bengal 42 12.1 7 7 0 Andaman & Nicobar Islandsl 0.6 0 0 0 Chandigarh 1 32.5 0 0 0 Dadra and Nagar Haveli 1 32.9 0 0 0 Daman and Diu 1 42.7 0 0 0 Lakshadweep 1 0 0 0 0 Pondicherry 1 44.9 0 0 0 All India Total 543 22.9 53 54 +1

* Punjab in 1992 ” TDP 13 (32.3Vi AIADMK 11 (18. m ) 116 Elections in India: 1952-96 Table 11.15: Analysis of Party Position in Regions 1991 v/s 1996

Region BJP CONG CPI CPI (M) ].D. Others

'91 '96 '91 '96 '91 '96 '91 '96 '91 '96 '91 '96

NORTH 1. Chandigarh 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2. Delhi 5 5 2 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3. Haryana 0 4 9 2 0 0 e 0 0 0 1 4 4. Himachal Pradesh 2 0 2 4 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 5. J & K 0 1 0 4 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 6. Punjab 0 0 12 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 11 7. U.P. 52 52 5 5 1 0 - 0 22 2 5 26

Total 59 63 31 19 1 0 0 0 22 3 7 41

SOUTH 1. A ndhra 1 0 25 22 1 1 1 2 - 14 18 2. Kanmtaka 4 6 23 5 - 0 - 1 - 1 1 3. Kerala - 0 13 7 0 2 3 0 - 16 4 3 4. Lakshadweep 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 5 0 1 0 0 5. A ndam an and Nicobar Islands 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 6. Pondicherry 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 7. Tamil N adu 0 0 1 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 9

Total 5 6 92 37 1 5 4 8 0 17 19 51

WEST 1. Goa 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2. D am an & Diu 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3. Gujarat 20 16 5 10 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 4. M. Pradesh 12 27 27 8 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 5 5. M aharashtra 5 18 38 15 0 0 1 0 0 0 4 16 6. Dadra and Nagar HaveU 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 7. Rajasthan 12 12 13 12 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 Total 49 73 87 46 0 0 1 0 0 0 6 22

EAST 1. Assam 2 1 8 5 1 0 0 1 0 0 3 7 2. A ninachal Pradesh 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 3. M anipur 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 4. M eghalaya 0 0 2 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 5. M izoram 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 6. N agaland 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 2 0 0 1 0 7. Tripura 0 0 2 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 8. Sikkim 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 9. W est Bengal 0 0 5 9 3 3 27 23 0 G 7 7 10. Orissa 0 0 13 16 1 0 1 0 6 4 0 0 11. Bihar 5 18 1 2 8 3 0 0 31 23 8 12

Total 7 19 35 35 13 6 29 26 37 27 21 32 Voting Patterns and Regumwise Smngs 117 Table 11.16: Regionwise Analysis of Congress Performance in 1996 Region 1991 1996 Gain & Loss

N orth 31 15 -16 South 92 37 -55 W est 87 46 -41 East 35 35 0 Total 245 133 -112

Table 11.17; Regionwise Analysis of BJP's performance in 1996 Region 1991 1996 Gain /Loss

N orth 59 63 +4 South 5 6 +1 W est 49 72 +23 East 7 19 +12 Total 120 159 39

Table 11.18: Regionwise Analysis of CPI's Performance in 1996 Elections Region 1991 1996 Gain/loss

N orth 1 0 -1 South 1 5 +4 West 0 1 +1 East 13 5 -8 Total 15 11 -4

Table 11.19: Regionwise Analysis of CPI (M)'s Performance in 1996 Elections Region 1991 1996 Gain/loss

N orth 0 0 _ South 4 6 +2 W est 1 0 -1 East 29 26 -3 Total 34 32 -2

Table 11.20: Regionwise Analysis of J.D.'s Performance in 1996

Region 1991 1996 Gain/loss

N orth 22 3 -19 South 0 17 +17 W est 0 0 - East 37 27 -10 Total 59 47 -12 118 Elections in India: 1952-96 Table 11^1: Regionwise Analysis of Independents & Otheis Feifonnance in 1996

Region 1991 1996 Gain/Loss

N orth 7 41 +34 South 19 51 +32 West 6 22 +16 East 21 32 +11 Total 53 146 93

Note: This increase is on account of inclusion of regional parties among others and independents.

Table 11.22: Partywise Position in the Hindi Speaking States 1996

State Total Seats B]P Cong. CPI CPI(M)JD BSP Ind & Others

Himachal Pradesh 4 2 4 ...... H aryana 10 4 2 - - - - 4 Delhi 7 5 2 - - . . . U.P. 85 52 5 6 20 Bihar 54 18 2 3 - 21-10 Rajasthan 25 12 12 - - - - 1 Madhya Pradesh 40 27 8 2 3 Total 225 120 35 3 31 8 38

Table 11.23: Comparative Data on the Performance of Parties in the Hindi Speaking States 1991 v/s 1996

Party 1991 1996 Gain/Loss 1. BJP 88 120 +32 2. Cong 60 35 -25 3. CPI-CPI (M) 10 3 -25 4. JD 53 21 -32 5. BSP - 8 +8 6. Ind. & Others 148 38 +324 Total 225 225

Table 11.24: Parlywise Position in the Hindi Speaking States — 1991

State BJP Cong CPI JD 1. Himachal 2 2 0 0 2. H aryana 0 9 0 0 3. Delhi 5 2 0 0 4. UP 52 5 1 22 5. Bihar 5 1 9 31 6. Rajasthan 12 13 0 0 7. M adhya Pradesh 12 27 0 0 8. Chandigarh 0 1 0 0 Total 88 60 10 53 Voting Patterns and Regionwise SuHngs 119 Table 11^5: Perfonnance of Regional Political Parties — 1996

State Total Seats Regional Party Seats Won

1. Andhra Pradesh 42 TDP 16 2. A ssam 14 AGP 5 3. Bihar 54 -- 4. Goa 2 MGP 1 JCD 1 5. H aryana 10 HVP 3 6. M izoram 1 -- 7. Karnataka 28 KCP 1 8. Kerala 21 MIM 2 9. M aharashtra 48 SHS 15 10. M anipiv 2 - 11. M izoram 1 - 12. N agaland 1 - 13. Pxmjab 13 SAD 8 14. Sikkim 1 - 15. Tamil N adu 39 TMC 20 DMK 17 1 2

Statewise Election Data Perspectives and Analysis*

The election results 1996 for the Lok Sabha and 6 State Assemblies reveals some very distinct trends. The most outstanding trend is the near total rejection of the Indian Natiorial Congress. It lost its prime position in the Lok Sabha and also in the State Assemblies of Assam, Haryana and Kerala. Its hold among the State Assemblies is now limited to Madhya Pradesh, Orissa, Punjab, Himachal Pradesh and a few very smaller States in the North-East. Even in Madhya Pradesh and Punjab, the Lok Sabha elections are against the Congress Party. The dismal performance of the Congress may primarily be attributed to the voters perception that the party was neck-deep in corruption with the connivance of the party President w ho was also the Prime Minister of the country. Harshad Mehta was upperm ost in the voters, mind and notwithstanding the allegations against L.K. Advani, people seemed to have the feeling that Narasimha Rao—Surinder Jain, Chandraswami nexus had been siphoning off public fimds for private gains. The verdict is imdoubtedly in favour of the BJP. Small groups, here and there may have ideological differences with the BJP's philosophy but these m atter only marginally. These have, of course, been responsible for a lack of clear mandate. TTie Third Front is very much fragmented. The results have highlighted the importance of regional parties. Their influence in the Lok Sabha can no longer be taken lightly. A detailed State-wise analysis forms an important part of this chapter. ANDHRA PRADESH: Fact Sheet

Table 12.1: Party Position in the 1996 Lok Sabha Elections — Andhra Pradesh

Party Seats Won Gains/Losses as Compared with 1991

1. Congress 22 -3 2. BJP - -1 3. CPI 2 + 1 4. CPI (M) 1 No change 5. TDP (N) 16 +3 6. MIM 1 +1 Ind. & Others Total 42 - (Result not declared) For detailed study of Assembly Elections, please refer "Assembly Elections: 1993" and "Assembly Elections: 1994-95" by N.K. Chowdhry. Statewise 1996 Election Data 121 Table 12.2: Partywise Members in Eleven Lok Sabha from Andhra Pradesh Party 1952 1957 1962 1967 1971 1977 1980 1984 1989 1991 1996

BJP ...... 1 - 1 - Congress 14 37 34 35 28 41 41 6 39 25 22 CPI - 2 7 - 1 - - - - 1 2 CPI(M) NA NA NA - 1 - - - - 1 1 JD ...... TDP NA NA NA NA NA - - 30 2 13 16 Independent & O thers 11 4 2 6 11 - 1 1 5 1 1

Table 12.3: Partywise Distribution of Voles — 1991 (in Million) Item Congress }D BJP CPI CPM TDP

Votes 11.61 1.39 2.45 0.48 0.62 8.22 Percentage 45.6 0.6 9.5 1.9 2.1 32.3 Seats 25 0 1 1 1 13

Table 12.4: Party Position in the Andhra Pradesh Assembly (1978 to 1994) Party 1978 1983 1985 1989 1994

Congress (I) 175 60 50 182 26 Telugu Desam - 202 202 74 219 BJP - 3 8 5 3 CPI 6 4 11 8 19 CPI(M) 8 5 11 6 15 All India Majlis - - - 4 Ittehadul Majlis Muslimen (AIMIM) Janata Dal 60 1 3 1 1 Independents & O thers 45 19 9 14 11

Total 294 294 294 294 294

Table 12.5: Percentage of Votes Polled Assembly Elections 1994

Party Percentage of Votes

TDP 42.80 Congress 33.95 BJP 3.91 CPI 3.53 CPI (M) 3.01 JD 0.09 122 Elections in India: 1952-96 Table 12.6: Regionwise Party Performance

SaUs tvon in Party 1989 1994 GainsA.osses Central Andhra : Total seats : 134

Congress 87 10 -77 TDP including allies 44 121 +74 Independents and Others 3 4 +1

Telengana : Total seats : 107 Congress 58 6 -52 TDP and allies 37 91 +54 Independents & others 12 10 -2

Rayalaseema Region: Total seats 53 Cong 38 10 -28 TDP and allies 12 42 +30 Independents and Others______3______0______-3______

Analysis and Overview Andhra Pradesh has been a Congresss bastion for more than three decades since independence, and in 1977, it got 41 seats out of the State's total of 42 Lok Sabha constituencies. In 1983, however, the Telugu Desam Party led by N.T. Rama Rao won 202 seats in the Assembly elections compared to just 60 won by the Congress. The reverse trend started then, no doubt, but the Congress vote in 1991 was as high as 45.6 per cent. At the same time, by the time the last Assembly elections were held the share declined to 33.7 per cent, a loss of as much as 11.9 per cent which is highly extraordinary. For, the number of voters who voted against the Congress, was roughly 13 million. Elections to the Andhra Pradesh assumed unusual significance since this is the Prime Minster's home State. Since 1982, TDP and Congress have been the m ain contestants. T D P w as voted to pow er in 1983 and 1985 but in 1989, the Congress returned to power. Under the leadership of N.T. Rama Rao.NTR was virtually written off as a future threat to Congress. However, he quickly capitalised on the anti-arrack (country liquor) agitation, regained support among women and journeyed back from political oblivion. In 1994, TDP won an absolute majority and romped home with 219 seats in the 294-member Assembly. The Congress languished with a poor 26 seats. On December 12, 1994 amidst cheers from lakhs of people, Rama Rao was sworn in. Percentagewise, however the Congress's performance was far from ummpressive. Against the TDP's 44.02 per cent votes polled, the Congress has drawn 34.87 per cent votes. In 1994 elections, Andhra Pradesh was swayed by the TDP party's promise of Rs. 2 a kg. The marriage of Rama Rao, with Smt. Laxmi Parvati in September 1993, though proved lucky in the 1994 elections for Rama Rao but it subsequently Statewise 1996 Election Data 123 led to the division of TDP. The Telugu Desam Party was split vertically as over 150 Andhra Pradesh legislatures raised a banner of revolt under the leadership of his son-in-low on August 31, N.T. Rama Rao, resigned and on September 1,1996, an eleven- member two-tier ministry headed by N. Chandrababu Naidu, son-in-law of N.T. Rama Rao was sworn in as the Chief ^Miruster. History is replete with instances of kings and emperors abdicating their kingdoms in favour of their beloved. The National Front Chairman and the Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister recreated a modern-day saga of such inunortal love stories by preferring to lose power in the State rather than sacrifice his wife, Sm tLalahm i Parvathi, on &e altar of power. It is shocking that the Goverrunent of Rama Rao, which was formed with so massive a mandate and amidst great expectations, should be toppled by family feuds and palace intrigues that have shown up the Telugu Desam leadership and the party in such poor light. At the root of it all was a struggle for power between the sons and sons-in-law of Rama Rao on the one side and his wife, Smt. Lakshmi Parvathi, on the other. With the passing away of Rama Rao on January 18, 1996, a new era in the history of Andhra Pradesh politics began. The Telugu Desam group, owing allegiance to late NTR, xmanimously elected his wife Smt. Laxmi Parvathi as the President of the party. Dr. Duggubati Venkateshwar Rao, NTR's elder son-in-law and M P was elected as the working President of the party. The Naidu group won and gave a crushing defeat to the Parvathi group. The Congress, in spite of tt\e split in the voters of both the TDP factions, could not take advantage. It lost three seats.

ARUNACHAL PRADESH: Fact Sheet

Table 12.7 : Parly Position in the Lok Sabha Elections (1977-1996)

Party 1977 1980 1984 1989 1991 1996

1. Congress 1 2 2 2 2 - 2. BJP ------Independents & Others 1 ---- 2 Total 2 2 2 2 2 2

Table 12.8: Party Position in the State Assembly (1984 to 1995)

Party 1984 1990 1995

Congress 21 37 43 BJP 1 -- Janata Party - 1 2 PPA 4 Janata Dal - 11 3 Independents & Others 4 11 12 Total 30 60 60 124 Elections in India: 1952-96 Analysis and Overview Arunachal Pradesh, a thinly populated hilly tract in the North-Eastern Region of India has twenty major tribes speaking around 20 languages. It attained Statehood in 1987. Earlier it had a strength of 30 members. The position continued till the third General Elections held in 1984 after which its strength was raised to 60. The first election to the 60-member State A ssembly were held in 1990. There are four major political parties taking part in the elections. Last Assembly elections were held in 1995 in which the Congress won a comfortable majority. There was no regional party in the fray. While the ruling Congress contested all the 60 seats, the Janata Dal 34, the BJP 15 and the Janata Party 5 seats. A record 75 per cent of the 5,35,793 electorate cast their votes. The Congress victory in Arunachal Pradesh was predictable. The electorate found a safe bet in Gegong Apang, Chief Minister. He returned to power for the fourth successive term. He made stability and development of the State his main plank. However in 1996 Lok Sabha Elections, the Congress Party lost both the seats to Independents.

ASSAM: Fact Sheet

Table 12.9; Partywise Members in Eleven Lok Sabha from Assam

Party 1952 1957 1962 1967 1971 1977 1980 1984 1989 1991 1996

BJP .. -- . - -- - 2 1 Congress 11 9 9 10 13 10 2 4 - 8 5 CPI CPI(M) JD 1 1 AGP 7 - 1 5 Congress(S) ------1 - -- PTCA ------1 - - Indepds. & Others 1 3 2 3 - 3 “ * 2 2

* Not Held; !. Elections in Assam in 1980 were held in 2 constituencies only. 2. Elections in Assam were held on 1985 and not in 1984.

Table 12.10: Partywise Percentage of Votes Polled in 1991 Lok Sabha Elections

Party Percentage of Votes

Congress 28.5 BJP 9.6 JD 5.2 CPI - CPI (M) 6.9 O thers 49.8 Total 100.0 Statewise 1996 Election Data 125 Elections were not held in 1989. In 1985 AGP got 7 seats with 33.4 per cent votes as against Congress's 4 seats with 23.6 per cent votes. In 1991, AGP secured seats with 17.6 per cent votes and the Congress 7 seats with 33.4 per cent votes. BJP made its first appearance in 1991 w ith 8.6 per cent v o te s. Table 12.11: Parly Position in the Assembly Elections (1983 to 1991)

Party 1983 1986 1991 Seats % of Votes Seats % of Votes Seats % of Votes

Congress 91 62.5 25 28.2 66 29.2 BJP ---- 10 6.7 AGP - 65 35.0 19 17.9 CPI + CPI(M) - - -- 6 6.2 ADC ---- 4 1.5 Janata Dal ---- 1 4.8 NAGP ---- 5 5.4 Independents & O thers - -- - 15 28.3 Total 126100.00

Analysis and Overview Assam w ent to polls on April 27, 1996 to elect 122 out of 126 (election countermanded in 4 constituencies on account of the death of the candidates) candidates to the State Assembly and 14 to the Lok Sabha. There were 1,264 candidates for the Assembly seats and 137 for the Parliamentary seats about 10 for each. Last Assembly elections brought the Congress to power and Hiteswar Saika (who recently passed away) formed the Ministry. These elections were held after a period of President's rule imposed in November 1990 when the then AGP Government headed by Prafulla Kumar Mahanta seemed unable to control the rampaging United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA). The party position in the last Assembly elections was as under:

Table 12.12: Partywise Position-Assembly Elections 1996

Party Seats

Congress 66 AGP (Mahanta) 19 Natvm Asom Gana Parishad (NAGF) 5 BJP 10 Janata Dal 10 CPI 4 CPI (M) 2 Autonomous State Demand Committee (ASDC) 4 All Bodo Students Union (ABSU) and Bodo People's Action Committeee (BPAC) Combination 9 Socialist Unity Centre of India (SUCI) 2 Independents 4 126 Elections in India: 1052-96 Table 12.13: Number of Contestants — Assembly Election 1996

Forty No.

Congress 126 AGP 97 CPI 12 CPI (M) 10 ASDC 4 UPPA 3 BSMC 17 PDF 11 JUB 1

Also in the fray was a Lest Democratic Alliance (LDA) of 8 sniall parties, namely Congress (S), the United Minorities Front (UMF), the SUCI, the URMCA, the CPI (ML), the RCPI, the RSP and the PLPs. The All India Congress (Tiwari) also put up candidates in several constituencies. Assam, like the rest of the North-Eastern States, considered to be the strong citadel of the Congress, has crumbled. The phoerux-like rise of the AGP is not entirely unexpected. After all, in 1991 the victory of the Congress party was largely due to the vertical split in the AGP. In most cor\stituencies Congress winners had polled far less votes than what had been jointly polled by th ‘e AGP and NAGP nominees. The impressive victory of the AGP in both the Lok Sabha and Assembly elections suggests that a united regional platform can still be effective in the State. In 1991 the voter in Assam had essentially punished the AGP for its dismal performance and for squandering the mandate. It was no rejection of regiomlism as had been widely viewed by the Press. Besides, the continued agitation for over a decade and the fast deteriorating law and order situation had created a sense of disillusionment and insecurity among the people. Interestingly, the performance of the Hiteswar Saikia Government was impressive. Besides taming ULFA and Bodo militants, the Government was able to get several long-standing projects cleared by the Centre. In fact several provisions of the1985 Assam Accord could be implemented only during the Congress rule. But Saikia was trying to solve various ethnic agitations on the cheap. His policy of divide and rule created a sense of ill-will among the Assamese people. The sudden death of Saikia, the star campaigner, who had nursed the State, proved to be the last straw on the camel's back. The 25-member AGP Government headed by Prafulla Kumar Mahanta was sworn in on May 15,1996. It was a coalition Mirustry. The Congress lost power in the State. Statewise 1996 Election Data 127 B IH A R : Fact S heet

Table 12.14: Party Position in the 1996 Lok Sabha Elections

Party Seats Won Gains/Losses as Compared with 1991

Congress 2 No. change BJP 18 +13 CPI 3 -5 CPI (M) -1 Janata Dal 23 -8 Samajwadi Party 1 +1 Samata Party 6 +6 Independents an d O thers 1 -6 Total 54

Note; In 1991 elections were not held in two constituencies

Table 12.15: Fartywise Members in Eleven Lok Sabha fiomBihar

Party 1952 1957 1962 1967 1971 1977 1980 1984 1989 1991 1996.

BJP --- 1 2 - - - 9 5 18 Congress 45 41 39 34 39 - 30 48 4 1 2 CPI - - 1 5 5 - 4 2 4 8 3 CPI(M) ------1 1 1 JD 32 31 23 JMP(JP) ------5 - - 1» INC(U)------4 - - - - JNP 8 1 - - - Lok Dal (B) 52 - 1 -- 7 « Ind.& Others 7 11 12 12 6 - 1 1 2 6 0

* JMM; ** San\ajwadi;l. Samata 6

Table 12.16: iW ty Position in the Bihar Assembly (1969-1995)

Party 1969 1972 1977 1980 1985 1990 1995

Congress 118 168 57 169 196 71 29 S w atantra 3 1 - - - - - LKD ---- 46 -- CPI 25 35 21 23 12 23 32** JP -- 214 13 13 3 - CPM 3 - 4 6 1 6 - BJS/BJP 34 25 - 21 16 39 40 PSP 18 ------JMM ---- 11 19 - SP 52 33 ----- Ind. & Others 65 25 26 25 31 41 52 128 Elections in India: 1952-96 Cong. (O) 30 14 JHP 1 21 . . . - JNPSC - 42 - Total 318 318 324 324 324 323* 316***

*Eleclion to Gopalganj constituency was countermanded; ** CPI and CPM combined *** Poll process held up in 7 cases Table 12.17: Percentage of Votes: Polled in four Elections (1984 to 1991)

Year Congress BJP }D

Seats Won % Seats Won % Seats Won %

1984 48 51.8 0 6.9 1 13.7 1989 4 28.1 9 12.9 3 37.7 1991 1 24.2 5 15.0 31 34.1

Table 12.18: Foil Violence in Bihar in Lok Sabha and Assembly Elections

Year Killings Booth Capturing Lok Sabha Assembly Lok Sabha Assembly 1952-62 Nil Nil Nil Nil 1967 Nil Nil 20 Nil 1977 10 Nil 41 Nil 1980 16 Nil 123 Nil 1984 24 Nil 162 Nil 1985 - 63 - 285 1989 40 - 283 - 1990 - 87 - 1,231 1991 56 - 1,175 -

Analysis and Overview Bihar is one of the most populous as well as the most backward States of India. Bihar remained a stronghold of the Congress till 1990 except for a brief post-Emergency (1977 to 1979) period. Since 1990, it has been ruled by the Janata Dal headed by Laloo Prasad Yadav. Last Assembly election were held in March 1995 in which Laloo Prasad Yadav won and again becjime the Chief Minister. His is one of the rare cases of the Chief M insters of Bihar to have completed one full term and again take the reigns of administration. Keeping in view of the violence which had been the traditional feature of the elections in the State, the Chief Election Commissioner asserted, "Election in Bihar in 1995 will be different from those held earlier and I will prove it." On account of some violence the second phase scheduled for M arch 15 was deferred for a week. The rescheduling of polls was seen as an alternative superior to indefinite postponement of the polls on the grounds of worsening law and order situation. In term of the Bihar Assembly had expired on March 15, 1995. The Budget had to be passed before March 31. The last phase of the elections Statewise 1996 Election Data 129 ended on March 28. Bihar was brougjit under President's rule with immediate effect late night on 28th March. Proclamation regarding President's rule was issued under Article 356. Laloo Prasad continued to be the caretaker Chief M inister. Caretaker Chief Minister Laloo Prasad Yadav described the Centre's decision to invoke Article 356 as "a conspiracy of frustrated political forces." The Janata Dal won the elections and Laloo Prasad Yadav was invited to form the new government on April 4, 1995. Yadav had won from two constituencies of Danapur and Raghupur. The Bihar Assembly elections clearly showed that battle lines were draw n with the Janata Dal having overwhelming support of backward, minorities and dalits and that the BJP which eroded the political base and vote bank of the Congress thus making the oldest party irrelevant for fte time being. The newly formed Samata Party was severely mauled. 18 constituencies declared sensitive by the EC in Bihar were: Bagaha, Gopalganj, Sheohar, Purnea, Motihari, Siwan, Arrah, Barh, Jahanabad, Aurangabad, Khagari, Nalanda, Gaya, Munger, Chatra, Giridih, Palamau, and Hazaribagh. Ninety-five companies of para-military forces were posted on M ay 2 for the polling of 20 seats. 145 companies of paramilitary forces were posted on M ay 7 for the polling of 34 seats. These were apart from Bihar Police. 13,558 anti-social and bad elements were arrested and about 890 arms recovered.

D E L H I: Fact Sheet

Table 12.19: Party Position in the 1996 Lok Sabha Elections

Party Seats Won Gains/Losses as Compared with 1991

BJP 5 No change Congress 2 No change Total______7______7______

Table 12.20: Partywise Members in Eleven Lok Sabhas from Delhi

Party 1952 1957 1962 1967 1971 1977 1980 1984 1989 1991 1996

BJP - -- 6 -- . 4 5 5 Congress 3 5 5 1 7 - 6 7 2 2 2 JD ------1 - 1 - - BLD ----- 7 ---- - KMPP 1 130 Elections in India: 1952-96 Table 12.21: Constituencywise Party Position in 1996 Elections in Delhi

Constituent BJP Congress Janata Dal Congress (T)

New Delhi Jagmohan Rajesh Khanna Shoaib Iqbal M.S. Bisht 1,39,945 81,630 17,905 5.027 South Delhi Sushma Swaraj R.S.Mann Manoj Prabhakar 2,94,570 1,80,564 5,780 17,690 Outer Delhi K.L. Shanna Sajjan Kumar M Yadav Chetan Singh 7,01,262 4,68,129 69.006 10,077 East Delhi B.L.Sharma Deep C. Bandhu Kesari Singh Jitender Kumar 5,38,655 3,86,156 48,455 38,401 Delhi Sadar Vijay Goel — S.P. Mahender 1,40,282 1,38,679 — 2,722 Chandni Chowk J.K. Jain JP Aggarwal V.P. Chaudhry Haroon Yusuf 70,390 92,634 23,225 10,447 Karol Bagh Dass Meira Kuma'r — B.R. Tamta 1,09,446 1,51,361 — 5,211

Table 12.22: Number of Voters and Votes Polled Constituencywise

SOUTH DELHI NEW DELHI Electorate 11,20,000 Electorate 5,05,445 Votes polled 5.12,000 Votes polled 2,57,573 Valid votes 5,06,000 Valid votes 2,53,927

CHANDNICHOWK EAST DELHI Electorate 3,78,970 Electorate 23,00470 Votes polled 2,08,434 Votes polled 11,22,631 Valid votes 2,06,223 Valid votes 11,05,410

KAROL BAGH DELHI SADAR Electorate 5,45,590 Electorate 5,00,633 Votes polled 2,92,097 Votes polled 3,01,583 Valid votes 2,88,100 Valid votes 2,97,392

OUTER DELHI Electorate 28,20,403 Votes polled 13,57,605 Valid votes 13,35,299

Table 12.23; Estimated Voters Turn Out in Delhi Parlimentary Constituencies (1991 and 1996)

Constituency Voters Turn Out in Percentage 1991 1996

1. Delhi Sadar 53.6 58 2. Outer Delhi 49.0 49.0 3. South Delhi 46.00 49.1 4. New Delhi 47.32 52.0 5. Karol Bagh 50.1 51.0 6 . East Delhi 48.0 52.0 7. Chandni Chowk 56.6 50.0 Statewise 1996 Election Data 131 Chandni Chowk was the only Constituency in Delhi where the turn out percentage declined in 1996 an conpared with 1991.

Table 12.24: Voters Turn out in Delhi Lok Sabha Elections 1971 to 1996 Year Veters turn out (Percentage) 1971 75.8 1977 71.3 1980 64.9 1984 64,5 1989 54.3 1991 48.5 1996 51.7

BJP's Manifesto for Delhi (Supplementary to the Party's National Manifesto)

• Full statehood for Delhi. • Making the New Delhi, Delhi Municipal Council (NDMC) an elected body. • Creating of a separate Municipal Corporation for the Trans- Yamvina area. • Constituting a separate Housing Board for Delhi. • Conversion of leasehold properties to freehold and permitting an additional floor on residential properties. • Provision of higher outlay for Delhi. • Identifying and deporting foreign illegal infiltrators in Delhi. • Initiation of punishment proceedings against remaining culprits of the 1984 riots. • Holding MCD elections. • Subsidised foodgrains for economically weaker sections. • Ownership rights to people living in resettlement colonies. • Exempting self-occupied houses in the villages of Delhi from payment of property tax. • Constitution of separate housing board and a rational housing policy. • Converting leasehold property into freehold by charging a lump sum 10 times the amount of lease. • Permission to build another storey in houses and increase covered area by 25 per cent. • Implementation of the Fifth Pay Commission. • Enhancing the income-tax exemption limit to Rs. 60,000. • Linking the salaries of the workers with the price index. • Grant of bonus to all employees. • Development of metro railway, high speed tram project, and ring railway. • Grant of pension to the poor disabled persons. • Financial assistance to the poor widows. • Opening new medical colleges, engineering colleges and management institutes. 132 Elections in India: 1952-96 Analysis and Overview Delhi is generally regarded as the stronghold of the BJP now. The position was so different in 1952 when the first elections were held for the State Legislative Assembly. The Jana Sangh contested 28 seats but could win only 2 against 39 bagged by the Congress. In terms of votes, the Congress had secured 2,71,977 against 1,14,525 secured by the BJP. The Legislative Assembly and the Council of Ministers ceased to exist with effect from November 1, 1965. In September 1966, the Interim Metropolitan Council came into existence followed by an elected Metropolitan Council that worked between 1967-72. The Jana Sangh gained control and had 33 seats in the M etropolitan Council that consisted of 56 elected and five nominated members. In the next elections, the Congress came into power. During the Janata wave of 1977 the Janata Party was able to secure 46 seats in the Metropolitan Council elections. It may be recalled that the JS did not figure as an individual identity although it had majority of members. In the fourth M etropolitan Council constituted in 1983, the BJP was reduced to a position in the Opposition. The position in the preceding elections has varied in Delhi. The Congress and the BJS/BJP has shared the government alternatively. In 1952 it was Congress headed by Chowdhury Brahm Prakash, then Gurumukh Nihal Singh took over from him. In 1967, there was anti-Congress wave and Vijay Kumar M alhotra of the BJP became the Chief Executive Councillor (CEC) — head of the Metropolitan Council. He was followed by Radha Raman. In the post-Emergency elections the Congress was defeated in the elections and Kedar Nath Sahni held the chair. But in the next elections, it was again Jag Pravesh of the Congress, who became the CEC. The Constitution (Sixty-ninth Amendment) Act 1991 designated the Union Territory of Delhi as the National Capital Territory of Delhi and provided for it a Legislative Assembly and a Council of Ministers.

Table 12.25: Party Position in Delhi Assembly (1993)

Party Seats Contested Seats Won

Congress 70 14 BJP 70 49 Jahata Dal 69 4 CPI (M) 5 - CPI 11 - Independents and Others 1,072 3 Total 1,297 70

The Delhi voters are known for changes their preferences frequently. True to their reputation, they dismounted cine star Rajesh Khanna, Sajjan Kumar and Jagdish Tytler. The choice this time went to the 5-time Governor of different States and Union Territories, Jagmohan the BJP stalwart K.L. Sharma and the Youth Leader Vijay Goel of the BJP. The results show an Statexvise Election Data 133 appreciation of the work done by the BJP government in Delhi. The BJP losers have been controversial right from the nomination stage and this seems to have caused dearly. G O A : Fact Sheet Table 12.26: Party Position in the 1996 Lok Sabha Elections — Goa

Party Seats won Gains/Losses as compared with 1991

Congress - -2 UGDP - -1 MG? 1 +1 Total 2 -

Table 12.27: Party Position in the Lok Sabha Elections (1980 to 1996)

Party 1980 1984 1989 1991 1.996

Congress . 2 1 2 BJP - - . INC(U) 1 -- MAG 1 - 1 - 1 UGDP - - 1 Total 2 2 2 2

Table 12.28: Party Position in the Goa Assembly since 1967

Party 1967 1972 1977 1980 1984 1989 1994

Congress . 1 10 20 18 20 18 MGP 16 18 15 7 8 18 12 UGP 12 10 -- 3 (UGDP) BJP ---- 4 Janata Party - - 3 - - Ind. & Other? 2 1 2 3 4 2 3 Total 30 30 30 30 40 40 40

Table 12.29: Partywise Members in Eleven Lok Sabhas from Goa

Party 1952 1957 1962 1967 1971 1977 1980 1984 1989 1991 1996

BJP Congress Not applicable - 1 1 2 1 2 - UGS 1 1 -- INCU --- MAG -- 1 \ . . . . MGP --- 1 UGDP --- 1 Independent & Others 1 - - - 1 3 4 Elections in India: 1952-96 Analysis and Overview First election in Goa was held in 1963 and since then eight elections have been held so far. The House had 30 seats earlier but the strength was raised to 40 after Goa became a State. In 1989, elections to the State Assembly were held for the first time. The Congress Party secured 20 seats. The other Party in the fray was the M aharashtrawadi Gomantak Party (MGP) which came close to the Congress w ith 18 seats. Last elections to the State Assembly were held in 1994. The MGP formed in 1963 w on elections in 1967, 1972 and 1977. It fought for the merger of Goa with M aharashtra in the initial years. It came into being as a reaction to the Congress which had put up almost all Brahmins in the first elections. In the 1994 elections MGP entered into alliance with the BJP and the Shiv Sena. Congress was the ruling party when elections were held. The triple alliance of the MGP-BJP and Shiv Sena trailed behind the Congress. In the 1996 elections the Congress Party was totally eliminated from the seat by PUGD and MGP which shared one seat each. GUJARAT: Fad Sheet

Table 12.30: No. of Independents and Partywise Lok Sabha Members in Eleven Lok Sabhas from Gujarat

Party 1952 1957 1962 1967 1971 1977 1980 1984 1989 1991 1996

BJP 1 12 20 16 Congress 19 17 16 11 11 10 25 24 3 5 10 JD (G) 1 - JNP 1 1 --- SWA -- 4 10 2 JD ------11 -- Ind & O thers 2 5 1 3 BLD ----- 16 ----- NC (O) ---- 11 -----

Table 12.31; Percentage of Votes Polled by Parties Party 1977 1980 1984 1989 1991 Congress 46.9 54.8 53.2 37.0 29.0 BJP -- 17.0 30.4 50.4 P/ j n p /Bld 49.5 36.9 18.2 27.7 3.4 JNPS/LKD - 2.9 2.3 0.0 - I«ft Front - 0.2 0.2 -- JD(C) - --- 13.1 Others 1.7 0.8 2.0 1.3 Independents 3.6 3.5 8.3 2.9 2.8 Total 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.0 % o f votes polled 59.2 55.4 57.9 54.6 44.0 Staiewise Election Data 135 Table 12.32: Parlywise Performance in the Assembly (1990 and 1995)

Party 1990 1995 Seats % of votes Seats % of votes

Janata Party/Dal 70 29.53 2.14 BJP 67 26.69 121 43.03 Congress 33 30.85 45 33.35 Independents, Others and Rebels 12 12.93 16 21.48 Total 182 100.00 182 100 JM)

Table 12.33: Votes Polled by Major Political Parties (1995)

Party Votes Polled Percentage of Ko/es

BJP 66,24,711 43.03 Janata Dal 3,28,864 2.14 Congress 51,34,181 33.35 Samajwadi Party 850 0.01 BSP 1,97,617 1.28 Cong. Rebels 3,17,191 20.85 BJP Rebels 71,221 0.46 JD Rebels 42,839 0.28

Notes : 1. Out of 157 Cong, rebels, 16 were elected 2. The JD, BJP and other rebels drew ii blank in terms of seats won. Analaysis and Overview As a result of the reorganisation of erstwhile Bombay State, the State of Gujarat was formed on May 9, 1960. It has five major regions — Kutch, Saurashtra, South Gujarat, North Gujarat and Central Gujarat. Gujarat is a leading industrialised state of the country. It ranks first in the production of tobacco, cotton and groundnut. All these have a good market and provide a foundation for industries like textiles, oil and soap. It has more than 1,200 large and medium and 1,40,000 small industrial units, covering a wide range of industries — textiles, chemicals, petrochemicals, dyes, fertilizer, cement and sugar. Gujarat remained a Congress stronghold for more than three decades after independence. The 1989 Lok Sabha elections w as the turning point for the BJP in Gujarat. The BJP and the Janata Dal joined together to defeat the Congress. In the State Assembly elections of February 1990, BJP fought against both the Congress and the BJD and managed to poll 26.7 per cent of the votes to win 67 seats out of 182 seats. Big leap, however, came in the 1991 Lok Sabha elections. In 1995 Assembly elections, BJP won 121 seats and formed the mirustry. Last elections to the Gujarat Assembly were held in February 1995. For the first time, BJP Government was installed in March 1995. Bharatiya Janata Party leader Keshubhai Patel was sworn in as the 14th Chief Minister of 136 Elections in India: 1952-96

Gujarat. Earlier BJP had shared power with various non-Congress combinations. From March 1990 to November 7,1990, BJP had a nine-month rendezvous with Janata Dal Chief Minister Chimanbhai Patel who later switched over loyalty to the Congress and formed the ministry w ith the help of JD(G), a break-up group of the Janata Dal. The 1995 elections were a two-party affair — Congress vs BJP. Till as late as 1985, the BJP was not a major force in Gujarat politics. Although the State had a place for conservative non-Congress politics, represented first by the Swantara Party and then by the Congress (O) and the Jana Sangh, they could never cross the 10 per cent mark in terms of votes or seats. The piggy-back ride the JS got during the Jqnata regime (1977-80) gave it the legitimacy and strength to emerge as a force of some consequence under the new label of the BJP. Its votes reached 14 and 15 per cent respectively in the 1980 and 1985 Assembly elections. The 1989 Lok Sabha elections was the turning point for the BJP in Gujarat. The BJP and the Janata Dal came together to defeat the Congress. As the junior partner of the alliance the BJP secured over 30 per cent of the votes and led in 76 Assembly segments. A few months later, in the Assembly elections of February 1990, it fought against both — the Congress and the Janata Dal and managed to poll 26.7 per cent of the votes to w in 67 seats. Then came the big leap in the 1991 Lok Sabha poll, held after the Janata Dal-BJP government had split and Chimanbhai Patel had converted the Janata Dal into Janata Dal (Gujarat) to form an alliance with the Congress. The BJP had to wait for four years to get a chance to convert the national victory of 1991 into a real legislative majority in 1995 Assembly elections. The BJP gained considerably in the 1995 Assembly elections, not only in terms of seats but also in the percentage of votes polled. For the first time the BJP contested all the 182 seats and romped home with 121 seats. The Congress gained 12 seats more for a marginal improvement of 2.48 per cent it had in 1995 elections. Congress got 33.35 per cent against 30.85 per cent in 1990. With this nominal gain the Congress got a total of 45 seats against 33 in the last elections. The performance of the Congress rebels was quite impressive. The rebels contesting as independents got 16 with 2.06 per cent votes. In all there were 157 Congress rebels. The Janata Dal drew blank in the 1995 Assembly elections in Gujarat. The Assembly elections indicated that the BJP in Gujarat was no longer an exclusively urban affair, it has gained acceptability among farmers, tribals and labourers. The wide support among the farmers is testified by the fact that it bagged 34 of the 58 seats in Saurashtra, 11 of the 14 in Mehsana, 6 of the 8 seats in Sabarkantha and 5 of the 9 in Banaskantha regions dom inated by farmers. Among the Tribals it got 16 of the 26 reserved seats. The Gujarat results reflect the unresolved inner contradiction w ithin the BJP. The Party lost 4 seats notwithstanding the fact that it was the ruling party in the State. The BJP had all along claimed that it was a party with a difference. For them Gujarat was a model of political achievement where the Chief Minister had a clean image and the party functioned without any Statewise Election Data 137 political compulsion as it enjoyed an absolute majority. The damage was done by the Vaghela group which led to a crack in the rank getting the nicknames 'Hazurias, (loyalists) and the 'Khajurias' (the group that had flown to Khajurias) to bring pressure on the High Command for the removal of the then Chief Minister Keshu Bhai Patel. This incident had an all India repercussions on the image of the party. HARYANA: Fact Sheet Table 12.34: Partywise Members in Eleven Lok Sabhas from Haryana

Party______1952 1957 1962 1967 1971 1977 1980 1984 1989 1991 1996

BJP Not applicable 4 Congress 7 7 - 5 10 4 9 2 BLD - - 10 ...... HVP ...... 1 - JD ...... 6 - - JNP/LKD ... 4 . . . . Independents and Others 22-1---1

Table 12J5: Percentage of Votes Polled by Parties (1977-1991)

Party 1977 1980 1984 1989 1991

Congress 18.0 32.6 54.9 46.2 37.2 BJP -- 7.5 8.3 10.2 JD/JNP/BLD 70.3 28.1 1.4 38.9 12.5 Left Front 0.6 - 0.9 0.2 . JNPS/LKD- 33.5 19.1 0.1 0.1 HVP --- 5.3 Others 4.8 0.4 10.5 2.6 29.2 Independents 6.3 5.4 5.7 3.7 5.5 Total 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 % of votes polled 73.3 64.8 66.8 64.4 65.8

Table 1236: Party Performance in Assembly Elections (1982 to 1991)

PartM 1982 1987 1991

Congress 36 (37.6%) 5 (29.2%) 51 (33.7%) BJP 6 (7.7%) 18 (10.1%) 2 (9.4%) Janata Dal 31 (23.9%) 60 (38.6%) 3 (4.6%) Independents and Others 17 7 6 JP 60 16 HVP 12 Total 90 90 90 Lok Dal seats and votes in 1982, 1987, and 1991 included in Janata Dal figures in the parenthesis indicate percentage of votes polled. 138 Elections in India: 1952-96 Analysis and Overview Carved out from United Punjab on November 1,1966, Haryana is noted for the politics of 'Aya Ram, Gaya Ram'. Its politics has remained dominated by the trio 'Lais' — Bansi Lai, Devi Lai and Bhajan Lai. A very unusual political event took place in Haryana in 1980 v^^hen Bhajan Lai w ho w as the Chief Minister during the Janata tenure, defected from this party and joined the Congress w ith almost all his ministerial colleagues and party legislatures. Haryana is loosely divided into four regions for political purposes. First, there is the Jat-dominated area or the 'Jat land' which has more Assembly seats. It includes Rohtak, Sonepat, Bhiwani, Hissar and rural areas of Kamal and districts. It is traditionally anti-Congress but in the 1991 elections. Congress did remarkably well here. The advanced areas along the Grand Trur\k Road from Ambala to 1-aridabad (including Kamal) and along the Delhi-Jaipur highway are the second electoral region. The Banias, Brahmins, , and Sil^s and people displaced from Punjab form the majority here. In 1991 the BJP secured more than 15 per cent votes in the Ambala and districts. This region is traditionally pro-Congress. The other two are distinctly smaller regions of and in southern Haryana. Around 62 per cent of the population in Mewat comprises of Muslim voters. The three major parties contending for power in Haryana in the 1996 elections were the Congress with the Chief Minister Bhajan Lai dominating it, the Haryana Vikas Party (HVP), headed by the former Chief Minister Bansi Lai and the third force under Devi Lai, former Deputy Prime Minister and Chief Minister and his son Om Prakash Chautala, former Chief Minister. interestingly in 1989 JD w ith 38.9 per cent votes — about 7 per cent less than the Congress (46.2 per cent) got 6 whereas^ the Congress got only 4 seats. In 1984 JD drew a, blank although it obtained 19.1 per cent votes as against Congress' score of 55 per cent votes. In the 1996 elections, Haryana Vikas Party led by Bansi Lai an alliance with the BJP gave a crushing defeat to the ruling Congress in the State. In the Lok Sabha elections also the Congress Party lost. 7 seats, 4 to the BJP cind 3 to the HVP . It is of interest to note that for the first time the BJP marked its presence in the Parliament representing the Haryana electorate. A three-member Haryana Vikas Party-Bharatiya Janata Party government headed by Bansi Lai, the HVP supremo, took over the reins of power in Haryana. Immediately after the swearing-in ceremony the new Cabinet signed orders to impose total prohibition in the State from July 1, 1996. Born on August 26, 1927, at Golagarh village in , Bansi Lai graduated from Punjab University and obtained a law degree. He started his career as an advocate but soon plunged into politics. He was elected to the Rajya Sabha in 1960. He has been a member of the Lok Sabha for three terms and has served as Union Defence Minister, Union Railway Minister and Union Transport Minister during a chequered career. He served as Haryana Chief Minister from 1968 to 1975 and again from June 1986 to June 1987. He is credited with having brought about rapid development in the State during his previous tenures. Statewise Election Data 139

HIMACHAL PRADESH: Fact Sheet

Table 12.37: Partywise Members in Eleven Lok Sabhas from Himachal Pradesh Party 1952 1957 1962 1967 1971 1977 1980 1984 1989 1991 1996

BJP 3 2 Congress 3 4 4 6 4 4 4 1 2 4 ELD -- 4 --

Table 12.38 :Percentage of Votes Polled by Different Parties (1977 to 1991) Party 1977 1980 1984 1989 1991

Congress 38.6 54.3 67.8 42.0 46.2 BJP -- 23.3 45.3 42.8 JD/JNP/BLD 571 37.9 3.6 7.2 7.0 Left Front 2.2 3.4 0.9 1.8 0.7 Others - 0.3 1.0 3.1 1.9 Independents 2.2 4.1 3.4 0.6 1.4 Total 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 Percentage of total votes polled 59.6 58.7 61.5 63.9 57.4

Table 12.39: Latest Party Position in the State Assembly (1993)

Year No. of Congress BjS/BJP CPI CP1(M)JD Independents and Others Seats

1952 36 24 _ _ - 3 (PSP) 9 1967 60 34 7 2 - 17 1972 68 53 5 - 1 9 1977 68 9 -- 53 6 1982 68 31 29 -- 8 1985 68 58 7 -- 2 1990 68 8 44 1 11 1 1993 68 52 8 - 1 7

* In 1990 elections were held in 65 constituencies. Analysis and Overview Himachal Pradesh became a aill-fledged State on January 25,1971. Earlier v\rith the reorganisation of Punjab on November 1,1996 some areas belonging to it were included in Himachal Pradesh. Last State elections in Himachal Pradesh were held in November 1993 in which the Congress won an absolute majority by winning 52 seats out of 68 and wrested control from the BJP. Since 1952 upto 1977, the Congress was in power in Himachal Pradesh. The party got its first jolt in Himachal Pradesh in the post-Emergency period. In the 1977 Assembly elections it got 9 seats as against 53 in 1972. The Janata wave was the main cause of its rout 140 Elections in India: 1952-96 in 1977. Five years later it gained an edge over its emerging rival BJP. Again, in 1985, it trounced BJP and got 58 seats as connpared with the 7 of the BJP. In 1990 election it could win just 8 seats as against BJP's 51 seats. In the 1993 Assembly elections, the Congress captured power and won 52 seats as compared with 8 of the BJP. The 1993 contest was primarily between th e C o n g re ss a n d th e BJP. The BJP in Himachal Pradesh made its presence felt in 1982 when it was just short of 3 seats as compared to the Congress. The BJP made its presence felt in 1990 where it captured 44 seats and formed its Government under Shanta Kumar as the Chief M inister Along with the other BJP governments in the States of Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and U.P., BJP government in Himachal Pradesh was also dismissed by the President of India in the wake of post-December 6,1992 events in Ayodhya. In the 1993 Assembly elections, Himachal Pradesh was lost by BJP in the face of some harsh decisions taken by the Shanta Kumar Government. In the 1996 Lok Sabha Elections, the Congress Party consolidated its hold in the state by winning all the four seats. The BJP was swept off from the political scene.

JANMMU & KASHMIR: A Fact Sheet

Table 12.40: Partywise Members — Jammu & Kashmir

Party 1951 1957 1962 1967 1971 1977 1980 1984 1989 1991 1996

BJP Not applicable . -- - . 1 Congress 5 5 3 1 3 2 4 National Conference 1 2 3 3 3 *• JD - - 1 -- 1 Independents & Others - 1 1 1 - 1 - Total 6 6 6 6 6 6 6

* Did not contest; Elections not held iin 1989.

Table 12.41: Percentage of Votes Polled by Political Parties and Independents in 1996 Lok Sabha Polls

Party Seats Won Votes Polled Percentage of votes polled

Congress 4 5,70,880 26.16 BJP 1 4,07,560 18.68 JD 1 3,65,874 16.77 Independents and Others - 6,31,954 38.90 Total 6 19,76,188 100.00 Statmise Election Data 141

Table 1Z.42: 1996 Results of Six Parliamentaiy Constituencies in J & K

ANANTNAG CONSTITUENCY Total No. of candidates : 30 Total Votes 1,65^71 LADAKH CONSTITUENCY Votes Polled 3,83,861 Total votes : 1,27,729 Valid Votes 3,57,858 Votes polled : 1,06,347 Invalid Votes 26,003 Invalid votes ; 1,570 JD 1,17,221 Valid Votes : 1,04,777 Congress-I 59,137 Congress-I ; 54,592 BJP 39,960 Independent 44,457 PP 15,445 BJP : 5,728 Awami Conference 29,070 Total No. of candidates 3 PPF 19,510 Awami League 12,590 SRINAGAR CONSTITUENCY Cong (Tiwari) 5,865 Total votes 7,85,293 Total No. of candidates 16 Votes polled 3,21,928 Valid votes 2,97,891 BARAMULA CONSTITUENCY Invalid votes 24,037 Total Votes 7,04,601 Congress-I 55,503 Votes Polled 3,28,688 JD 53,904 Valid Votes 3,05,740 PP 36,303 Invalid Votes 22,948 BJP 35,911 Congress-I 1,10,331 Total No. of candidates 11 JD 25,554 ANC 24,628 UDHAMPUR CONSTITUENCY PP 21,038 Total votes 8,53,460 BJP 12,261 Votes polled 4,59,456 Total No. of candidates 10 Invalid votes 16,963 Valid votes 4,41,852 JAMMU CONSTITUENCY BJP 1,66,206 Total votes 12,06,499 Congress-I 96,151 Votes polled 5,81,307 JD 81,123 Invalid votes 14,009 BSP 32,011 Valid votes 5,67,298 PP 23,611 Congress-I 1,95,166 Cong (Tewari) 9,269 BJP 1,47,494 Total No. of candidates 40 BSP 91,480 Janata Dal 88,072 (PP : Panthers Party, PPF : People's PP 3,275 Patriotic Front, ANC : Aman Nawaz Cong (Tewari) 2,145 Conference)

Analysis and Overview The State of J & K acceded to India on October 27, 1947. With the- adoption of the Indian Constitution, J & K came under the territorial and Constitutional jurisdiction of India and became an integral part of the Indian Union on January 26, 1950. Under Article 370 of the Indian Constitution it enjoys certain privileges not available to other Indian States. Precisely this Article occupies an important place in the election manifestoes. The BJP from the very beginning is for its abolition. The State of J & K has been in turmoil on accoimt of Pakistan’s aggressive position on this issue. 142 Elections in India: 1952-96

J & K has 6 seats in the Lok Sabha— 2 for Jammu region, 3 for Kashmir region and 1 for Ladakh region. In the 1984 Lok Sabha elections, the Congress and the National Conference shared the seats equally i.e. 3 seats each. Earlier in 1989, the Congress won 2 seats, Janata Dal 1 and the National Conference 3 se a ts. In the 1951 Assembly elections the National Conference won all the 75 seats (73 as imopposed). This is unique in the history of elections. The stand of the National Conference has remained inconsistent. The National Conference has been headed by and after his death Praja Parishad has some strongholds in the Jammu region. It has always pleaded for 'One Constitution, One Symbol.' The Jammu Praja Parishad may be said to be the extended wing of the erstwhile Bharatiya Jana Sangh (now renamed as Bharatiya Janata Party). In May 1965, the Jammu & Kashmir Constitution was amended and the denomination of 'Prime Minister, and, Sadar-i-Riyast' were changed to Chief Minister and Governor respectively. In the 1977 Assembly elections. National Conference w on 39 seats out of 42 in the Valley, 7 seats out of 32 in the Jammu region and both the seats from Ladakh. The Congress Party was practically wiped out in the Valley. After the passing away of Sheikh Abdullah, his son Dr. Farooq AbdullaJi was sworn in as Chief Minister in September 1982. After the 1983 Assembly elections. Dr. became the Chief Minister of the State. In April 1984 Jagmohan assumed the charge of the post of Governor. Militancy had grown rapidly in the Valley and it was felt that Dr. Abdullah was not taking adequate steps to check militancy. The Ministry headed by Dr. Abdullah was dismissed. G.M. Shah became the Chief Minister. Governor's rule in March 1986 was followed by the President's rule in September 1986. In the 1987 Assembly elections, coalition parties i.e. the Congress and the National Coriference swept the polls. In February 19, 1990, Dr. Abdullah's Ministry was dismissed on account of its failure to provide law and order in the State. Governor's rule was imposed. With the formation of the Janata Ministry one Central Cabinet Minister was designated as M inister of J & K, in addition to his other normal duties. In 1990-91 about 3 lakh Kashmiri Pandits were forced to leave Kashmir on account of militancy. The BJP organised the 'Ekta Yatra' from Kanyakumari to Kashmir which ended at Srinagar on January 1992 and the BJP President Murli Manohar Joshi hoisted the National Flag at Lai Chowk, Srinagar. Lok Sabha elections in 1991 could not be held in J & K because of increased militancy. Likewise no elections to State Assembly could be held since 1987. The conflict-torn State of Jammu and Kashmir has been without an elected Government tor over five years. On June 1, 1995, the Rajya Sabha unanimously approved a resolution extending the President's rule in Jammu & Kashmir for six months from July 18, 1995. The Government assured the House also that "restoration of political process and restoration of peace in the Valley through the installation of a representative and democratically elected Government as opposed to the gun culture which the mercenary elements want, is on the top of the Government agenda." The fresh spell of Statewise Election Data 143

extension was for six months to conduct and complete the election process without any obstruction or pressure." The destruction of Charar-e-Sharief by Pakistani militants has caused a situation in which emotions are being whipped up in the Valley by Pakistani agents. The shrine was destroyed in a pre-dawn blaze on May 11, 1995—the 10th of the Arabic month of Zilhijja (on the occasion of Eid-Ul-Azha)— following a fierce gun-battle between holed-up militants emd the security forces. The three-member Election Commission on November 10, 1995 unanimously rejected the Government's recommendations to hold elections in Jammu and Kashmir in mid-December 1995. It was of the view that conditions in the State were not conducive for holding elections. The decision to hold elections in Jammu and Kashmir was communicated on November 4, 1995. The issue of elections assumed a legal battle when the decision of the EC not to hold elections was challenged in the SC. The SC directed the and the EC to settle the matter mutually. Ultimately the dates were fixed. In 1991, Lok Sabha elections were not held on account of disturbed conditions in the state. Voters Verdict: 1996 Elections The 1996 Lok Sabha elections in the state were held in three phases. Jammu and Ladakh went to polls on May 7, Baramula and Anantnag on May 23 and Srinagar and Udhampur on May 31, 1996. The Jammu and Kashmir Government made elaborate security arrangements for holding free, fair and peaceful elections. In all 183 nominations were filed for the six Lok Sabha States. The candidates included 8 women and 113 independents. In the 1989 Parliamentary elections 90 candidates including 2 women had filed their nominations. The National Conference did not participate in the elections. The All Party Hurriyat Conference (APHC) gave a boycott call, a 19 day strike call was given by pro- Pakistan militants which began on May 13, 1996 i.e. after the first phase of elections. For the Baramula, Anantnag and Srinagar seats, about 98,000 migrant voters living in Jammu and Delhi were given special facilities to cast their votes through post. The registered migrants were spread over three constituencies - Srinagar 70 per cent, Anantnag 18 per cent and Baramula 12 p e r cen t. Six migrants were in the field for the three seats. The BJP contested all the three seats in the valley and primarily depended on the migrants. The average turnout of voters in 2 constituencies of Baramulla and Anantnag on May 23 was about 40 per cent. According to the state Chief Electoral Officer, the minimum percentage of votes polled at any assembly segment was 20 per cent while the maximum was 65 per cent. Barring a few explosions in Sopore in Baramulla, polling was, by and large, peaceful. Demonstrations were held at Machhpora outside Pulwana town in Anantnag constituency. The three major national parties the BJP, Congress and JD were in th e fray, along with three militant groups. Heavy security arrangements were made. Nearly 53,000 additional paramilitary troops had been called in 144 Elections in India: 1952-96 from outside the state to reinforce the Army and security forces already deployed in the valley. The third phase of polling on May 30, 1996 for two Parliamentary constituencies of Srinagar and Udhampur involved 7.85 lakh and 8.62 lakh voters respectively. The number of contestants was 11 for Srinagar seat and 40 for Udham pur seat. The militants tried to disturb the situation by firing rockets. The All Party Kashmir Hurriyat Conference gave the 72 hour bandh call in protest against the Parliamentary elections in the valley. In spite of all this about 38 per cent polling was recorded in Srinagar constituency and over 50 per cent in Udhampur constituency. On the whole polling was reported to be peaceful. All attempts of the militants to subvert Parliamentary elections in Jammu and Kashmir could not deter the voters from casting their votes. The successful conduct of elections in J & K has totally exposed the Pak propaganda that people of the state would reject the poll call. It also paved the way for Assembly polls. KARNATAKA; Fact Sheet

Table 12.43: Partywise Members in Eleven Lok Sabhas — Karnataka

Party 1952 1957 1962 1967 1971 1977 1980 1984 1989 1991 1996 BJP -- 4 6 Congress 24 23 25 18 27 26 27 24 27 23 5 JNP - - 1 1 4 1 - SJP ---- JD -- 1 16 LSS - 1 - - -- 1 BLD - -- 2 -- -(KCP) SWA 5 SSP -- 1 ---- ASDF - 1 PSP - 1 2 ---- Independents & Othersi 1 1 ---

Table 12.44; Party Position in the State Assembly (1989 and 1994)

1989 1994 Party Seats Won % of Votes Seats Won % of Votes

Congress 178 43.75 35 27.39 Janata Dal 24 27.29 116 33.56 Janata Party 2 11.33 -- BJP 4 4.15 40 17.04 Rajya Ryota Sangha 2 3.73 10 7.07 (KCP) (KCP) Muslim Leagiue 1 0.44 -- AIADMK 1 0.18 1 - Statewise Election Data 145 Independents & Othersl2 9 21 14.94 BSP 9.13 1 ToUl 224 100.00 224 100.00

"■Includes various small paries and independents. Analysis and Overview Karnataka had for long been a stronghold for the Congress. Smt. Indira Gandhi w on from Chikmagalur in 1980. Earlier in 1977 she was defeated in U.P. Two most important caste lobbies in Karnataka have been the Lingayats and the Vokkaligas Last Assembly elections were held here in November 1994 and JD won the battle of ballot. Earlier in 1989, Congress had won with a convincing margin. The 62-year old Gowdara Gowda (tallest of the Gowdas) as the Vokkaliga strongman Deva Gowda) as affectionately called became the first Chief Minister from the community that had dominated the political scence in the Old Mysore State since the reorganisation of Karnataka in 1956. Leaders of the Janata Dal— Ram Krishna Hegde, his foe-tumed friend Deva Gowda and party President S.R. Bommai presented a united front. Anti-Congress wave apart, the Janata Dal encashed on slogans like cheap rice at Rs. 3.60 a kg. Since the resignation of Ram Krishna Hegde in 1988, the State has seen five Chief Ministers, S.R. Bommai of the JD who succeeded Hedge barely lasted nine months before the JD surrendered reigns to the Congress after poor showing in the 1989 polls. Then followed for short periods , S. Bangarappa and . In 1994 elections. Congress lost power primarily because of inner bickerings BJP a force in 1994. The Janata Dal or its predecessor Janata Party has never won majority of the Lok Sabha seats in Karnataka. The Congress carried the day in 1967, 1977,1989, and 1991 Lok Sabha elections. In the 1994 Assembly elections, the Janata Dal secured a majority in the 224- member Legislative Assembly when it won 15 seats. Deva Gowda became the Chief Minister of the Janata Dal Government. The victory of the Janata Dal in the Assembly elections was primarily ascribed to the unity of the leaders like Deva Gowda, and S.R. Bommai. The BJP emerged as the largest Opposition group in the Assembly by securing 40 seats as compared to the Congress's 36. The issue of the Idgah Maidan in Hubli had favoured the BJP. In the taluk and zilla panchayat elections of March 1995, the Janata Dal consolidated its position by securing over 60 per cent of the seats by capturing all but one of the zilla panchayats. The Congress emerged the runner up, pushing the BJP to the third position. In the civic bodies, including the four corporations of Mysore, Hubli-Dharwad, Gulbarga and Belgaum of the 3,697 wards where elections were held, the Janata Dal won 1,299, the Congress 783, the BJP 404 and Karnataka Congress Party 65 and Independents 1,136. It is assumed that a large number of the independents were Janata Dal or Congress rebels. 146 Elections in India: 1952-96

In the 1996 Lok Sabha elections, the Janata Dal won a spectacular victory. From nil in 1991, its tally rose to 15. This clearly reflected that the voters were fully satisfied with the performance of the Janata Dal Government which was formed in 1994. Besides, all the three prominent leaders, i.e. Deva Gowda, R.K. Hegde and S.R. Bommai presented a uruted front. The BJP raised its strength to 6 as against 4 in the 1991 elections, although it had high hopes. H.D. Deva Gowda's prestige with this victory went so high that he was unanimously chosen the leader of the NF-Left Front. His name was proposed by the Third Front for the post of the Prime Minister. At the first instance he missed the bus as BJP as the largest single party was invited to form the Central Government but on 1st June 1996 he became 11th . K E R A L A : Fact Sheel

Table 12.45: Partywise Members in Eleven Lok Sabhas from Kerala

Party 1952 1957 1962 1967 1971 1977 1980 1984 1989 1991 1996 BJP ------Congress 6 6 6 1 6 10 5 13 14 13 7 CPI - 9 6 3 3 4 3 --- 2 CPI(M) --- 9 2 0 5 1 2 3 5 JD/JP 1 - 1 - 2 1 - 1 - - 1 (RSP) (RSP) (RSP) (RSP) IMUL . 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 KCM 1 1 - 3 3 2 2 0 0 0 - (PSP (PSP) (SSP) Kerala Cong. Joseph 2 0 0 1 CS (Cong. Socialist) 1 1 1 1 (RSP) Independents 4 2 3 1 1 2 3 0 1 1 1

Table 12.46: Party wisePercentage of Voles Polled (1977 to 1991)

1977 1980 1984 1989 1991 Seats % Seats % Seats % Seats % Seats %

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

Congress 10 29.1 5 24.7 13 33.3 14 41.7 13 38.8 BJP - - -- 6 1.8 0 4.5 0 4.6 JD/JP 0 7.2 0 6.9 1 2.1 0 1.9 0 4.5 CPI 4 10.4 3 8.0 9 7.4 0 6.2 0 8.1 CPI(M) 0 20.3 5 22.3 1 22.3 2 22.9 3 20.7 lUML 2 6.0 2 5.4 2 S.3 2 5.2 2 5.0 KC 2 5.6 2 7.5 0 2.4 0 0.5 0 2.2 Kerala Statexvise Election Data 147

I 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

Congress --- 2 5.5 0 0.0 0 0.0 (Joseph) CS .. 1 1 4.4 1 2.5 0 2.8 (Congress Socialist) Others 1 12.7 2 13.0 0 3.8 1 5.2 1 5.5 Independents & Others 1 8.7 1 12.2 0 11.7 0 9.3 0 7.8 ToUl 20 100 20 100 20 100 20 100 20 100

Note: Figures in the brackets indicate percentage of votes obtained

Table 12.47: Voters Turn Out (1977-1996)

Year Voters Turn Out %

1977 63.2 1980 57.2 1984 66.7 1989 67.5 1991______548______

Table 12.48 : Party Position in the Kerala Assembly (1987-1991)

Party 1987 1991

Congress 53 65 CPI(M) 38 29 CPI 16 12 lUML 15 19 Kerala Congress (M) 0 10 Independents & Others 38 15 Total 140 140

Analysis and Overview The 1996 Assembly elections was the 11th since the first Assembly elections in 1957. It is of great importance to note that Travancore which became a part of Kerala State after its formation in 1956, was the first region of India to have elections on the basis of Universal adult franchise in 1948. In 1954, the Praja Socialist Party (PSP) came to power with the support of the Congress in the State of Travancore-Cochin—the first and the only time the Socialists came to power in any state of India. In 1957—the first Assembly elections in the State of Kerala, history was created when the United Communist Party of India (CPI) came in power. In the 1962 elections, CPI was displaced by the Congress-PSP coalition. Political alliances have led to the emergence of two combines—the Uruted Democratic Front (UDF) led by the Congress and the Left Democratic Front (LDF) led by the CPI (M). This process started at the time of 1977 elections 148 Elections in India: 1952-96

in which the UDF was voted into power. The ruling front included the Congress, the Muslim League, the RSP, the Kerala Congres, the PSP and the National Democratic Party (NDP). The NDP in the 1996 elections parted ways with the NDP accusing Chief Minister A.K. Antony of neglecting and even insulting the Nair community. The LDF consisted of the CPI(M) the Janata Party/old, one faction of the Muslim League, one faction of the Kerala Congress, the Congress Radicals, the Kerala Socialist Party and the Revolutionary Socialist Party. The BJP for the first time contested Lok Sabha elections in 1984, put up its candidates on 5 seats and polled only 1.72 per cent votes. The UDF scored an impressive victory in the elections, winning 17 of the 20 Lok Sabha seats. The LDF got just three seats, though it polled 41.86 per cent votes. In the 1989 Lok Sabha electior\s, the UDF again won 17 seats. The same story was repeated in the 1991 Lok Sabha elections. In the 1991 Assembly elections, the UDF won 89 of the 140 seats, carving out a percentage of 48.17 per cent of the votes. The losing LDF managed to get 50 seats and 45.95 per cent of the votes. Thus w ith only a little more than 2 per cent votes, the Congress got 39 more seats. In the 1996 elections, the UDF led by the Congress banked upon the 'clean image' of its Chief Minister A.K. Antony. In the Assembly polls, the Congress contested 93 of the 140 seats, followed by IMUL 23, Kerala Congress (Mani) 10, Kerala Congress (Jacob) 4, Kerala Congress (Pillai) 2 and CPI(M) 3. The UDF also tied up with the breakway Marxist leader K.R. Gowriamma's party leaving 5 seats for her. As for LDF, the CPI(M) contested 76 seats, CPI 24, Janata Dal 13, Congress-S 11, RSP 6 and Kerala Congress (Joseph) 10. For the Lok Sabha polls, the UDF division was as follows; Congress 17, lUML 2, and Kerala Congress (Mani) 1. The LDF's composition was: CPI(M) 11, CPI 4, Janata Dal 2 and 1 each for Congress S, RSP and Kerala Congress G oseph). Kerala Chief M inister A.K. Antony usually term ed as 'clean' became the Chief Minister of the State about a year ago. Antony's trump card before the elections was a partial liquor ban his Government imposed in the State from April 1, 1996. If the UDF wins, Antony promised, no type of liquor except toddy and beer would be allowed to be sold in the State. The polling turn out in the elections held on March 27 to the 140 Assembly and 20 Lok Sabha seats in Kerala was 70.80 per cent. This was the lowest since the 1957 elections, which saw a turn out of 66.62 per cent. Though the total number of voters increased by over 10 lakh as compared to 1991, the polling percentage fell by 2.70 per cent. Of the 20,633,067 voters, 14,608,084 cast their votes. In the 1996 Lok Sabha and Assembly elections. Congress suffered heavy reverses. The 'clean' image of A.K. Antony proved to be no help in the face of severe infighting among several groups in the Congress. K. I^rim akaran, former Chief Minister and Cabinet Minister along witti his son lost elections. The Left-Front came out victorious. The Kerala Ministry headed by A.K. Antony was voted out of power. Statewise Election Data 149

CONGRESS HUES 1. Indian N ational Congress (I) 5. Kerala Congress (Pillai) in Kerala 2. Indian National Congress (T) 6. Kerala Congress (Joseph) in Kerala 3. Kerala Congress (Mani) in Kerala 7. Tamil, Maanila Congress in Tamil Nadu 4. Kerala Congress (Jacob) in Kerala 8. Congress-S in Kerala

MADHYA PRADESH : Fact Sheet

Table 12.49: Partywise Members in Eleven Lok Sabhas — Madhya Pradesh

Party 1952 1957 1962 1967 1971 1977 1980 1984 1989 1991 1996- BJP - 3 10 11 .. - 27 12 17 Congress 27 35 24 24 21 1 35 40 8 27 8 P /B L D 37 4 0 4 0 - BSP Did n o t exist till 1982 1 2 JP - 1' 1' - 4 ----- RPK 3* 1 SSP 1 1* 1 Cong (T) D id not exist till 1996 elections 1 MPVP Did not exist till 1996 2 O thers 2 ' 4 2 4 1 1 - 1 - -

Table 1230: Percentage of Votes Polled by Parties Party 1977 1980 1984 1989 1991

Congress 32.5 47.1 57.3 36.9 45.1 BJP * 29.9 38.8 41. P 57.9 31.2 2.7 8.1 4.2 Left Front 0.5 0.7 0.9 0.6 0.4 BSP »** 4.2 3.5 O thers 1.3 7.4 0.0 1.7 1.5 Independents 7.8 5.8 8.1 9.5 3.4 LKD » 7.8 1.1 0.2 0.0 rotal 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 % o f total votes polled 54.9 51.8 57.5 55.2 44.5

* Not existed

Table 1231: Party Success Rate in Madhya Pradesh — 1996

Party No. of Contestants Seats Won

BJP 39 27 Congress 40 8 BSP 28 2 MPVC 3 2 Cong T 33 1 150 Elections in India: 1952-96

Table 12^2: Party Position in the M.P. Assembly (1952-90)

Party 1952 1957 1962 1967 1972 1977 1980 1985 1990

Congress 194 232 142 167 220 84 246 250 56 BJS/BJP - 10 41 78 48 - 60 58 219 P - - - - - 220 2 5 28 RRP 3 5 10 - - 1 - - - Socialist Party 2 - 14 10 7 . . . . PSP 8 12 33 9 ...... Independents & Ottiers 25 29 48 32 21 5 12 7 17 Total 232 288 288 296 296 320 320 320 320 % o f votes cast 46.1 36.9 44.5 53.3 55.3 52.7 48.9 49.8 55.2

Analysis and Overview Madhya Pradesh has been the stronghold of the Congress except for the year 1977 and 1990. The Congress tally had plunged down to 56 seats in 1990 while the high point was the 1985 score of 250 in a 320-member Assembly. The Janata wave in 1977 had troiinced the party and restricted its total to a 84. The party however recovered in 1980 only to plunge as low as 56 legislatures in the face of the Hindutva wave of 1990. The BJP has been increasing its share of votes and seats. With just 10 seats in 1957 it won as many as 219 in 1990. The BJP Government formed in 1990 was dismissed by the Centre in the wake of demolition at Ayodhya in Decem ber 1992. In fte 1993 A ssem b ly elections it could w in o n ly 116 seats. The 1996 Lok Sabha elections led to a near rout of the Congress which was the ruling party in the State. The Hawala scam cast its shadow over the State as some of the Congress stalwarts from this State had been named in infam ous ']iin Diar/. Madhav Rao Scindia floated the MPVC and along with Arjun Singh of the breakaway Congress inflicted severe damage to the electoral prospects of the Congress Party. The BJP which had lost the Assembly elections earlier fought with vigour and unity and thereby regained some of the lost groimd. Incidentally Arjun Singh himself lost the election but having caused a serious set back to the Congress. M PVC gained 2 seats which could otherwise have gone to the Congress. In the 1996 elections the BJP and the Congress put up candidates eying the O BC's which form about 48 per cent of the State's voters. The Congress (I) had put up 7 OBC candidates and the BJP 8. The BSP put up 14 OBC candidates out of 18. Statewise 1996 Election Data 151

MAHARASHTRA : Fact Sheet

Table 12.53: Parlywise Members in Eleven Lok Sabhas — Maharashtra

Party 1952 1957 1962 1967 1971 1977 1980 1984 1989 1991 1996

BJS/BJP 2 . 0 0 0 11 5 18 Congress 36 2] 41 37 42 20 39 43 28 38 15 CPI 4 2 0 0 0 0 1 0 - CPI(M) -- 0 0 3 0 0 0 1 - JD/JND/BLD- - - 1 19 8 1 5 0 - YCS 1 5 2 1 2 4 15 (SSP) (SSP) (RPI) (S.S) PWP 1 4 2 5 0 1 0 0 - PSP 1 1 1 1 ---- (INCU) Ind.& Others 3 8 2 1 1 1 3 - 4 -

Table 12.54: Percentage of Votes Polled by Parties (1977 to 1991)

Party 1977 1980 1984 1989 1991

Congress 47.0 53.3 51.4 45.4 48.4 BJP/SS 0.7 10.1 25.0 29.6 JD/JNP/BLD 31.4 20.4 7.3 10.9 10.5 Left Front 4.2 1.5 2.4 3.2 2.3 BSP 0.6 0.5 JNPs/LKD 1.4 0.4 0.0 0.0 PND 6.1 2.5 2.1 2.3 1.3 Others 5.2 15.1 13.0 4.3 3.2 Independents 6.1 5.0 13.3 8.3 4.2 ToUl 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 % o f Votes 54.9 51.8 57.5 55.2 44.5 Did not exist

Table 12.55; Party Position in Maharashtra in the State Assembly (1985-1995)

Party 1985 1990 1995

Congress 162 141 81 BJP 16 42 65 CPI 2 2 - CPI(M) 2 3 2 Janata Party 20 - - PWP 13 8 6 Indian Congress Socialist 54 1 _ RPI -- - RPI (Khobragade (Group) . 1 Independents & Others 19 14 47 152 Elections in India: 1952-96

Janata Dal . 24 11 Shiv Sena - 52 73 BSP -- _ SP - - 3 Total 288 288 288

Table 12.56: Comparative Data on1 Electorate and Contestants (1978-1990)

Item 1978 1980 1984 1990

No. of Assembly seats 288 288 288 288 Total Electorate 3,10,15,076 3,37,52,925 3,77,70,530 4,85,23,942 Total contests 1,819 1,537 2,230 3,764 Average Number of contestants per seat 6.32 5.34 7.74 13 No. of polling stations 38,548 40,420 44,615 55,088 Average number of votes per polling station 805 835 846 881 Total votes polled 2,03,67,221 1,74,97,720 2,21,06,748 2,96,93,865 Percentage of valid votes polled 65.66 51.84 58.52 61.19

Table 12.57: Performance Partywise — 1985 Elections

Party Seats Seats % Sucess Valid %Valid Contested Won w.r.t Seats Votes Votes Contested Polled Polled Indian National Congress 288 162 56.25 95,57,227 43.23 Bharatiya Janata Party 67 16 23.88 1,590,351 7.19 Communist Party of India 30 2 6.67 1,99,918 0.90 CPI (Marxists) 15 2 13.33 1,77,492 0.80 Janata Party 61 20 32.78 16,10,333 7.28 Peasant's and Workers Party 29 13 44.83 10,24,559 4.63 Indian Congress (Socialists) 126 54 42.86 37,90,846 17.15

Republican Party of India 51 - 1,87,672 0.85

RPI (Khobragade) 17' - 1,31,167 0.60 ’Independents and Others 1546 19 1.23 38,37,183 17.35

Table 12.58: Performance Party wise - 1990 Elections

Party Seats Seats %sucess Valid %valid contested won w.r.t.seats votes voles contested polled polled

Indian National Congress 274 141 51.08 1,13,34,781 38.17 Bharatiya Janata Party 104 42 40.38 31,80,482 10.71 Communist Party of India 17 2 11.76 2,32,520 0.78 Statewise 1996 Election Data 153 CPI (Marxists) 12 3 25.00 2,44,993 0.83 Janata Dal 214 24 11.21 38,03,098 12.81 Janata Party 10 - - 3,772 0.01 Shiv Sena 183 52 28.41 47,31,481 15.93 Peasant's and Workers Party 40 8 20.00 7,19,807 2.42 Bahujan Samaj Party 122 - - 1,26,126 0.42 Indian Congress (Socialists) 73 1 1.36 2,91,861 0.98 Republican Party of India 13 - - 1,46,638 0.49 RPI (Khobragade) 19 1 - 1,68,204 0.57 ♦Independents and Others 2,681 14 0.52 47,10,102 15.86

Analysis and Overview M aharashtra came into being on May 1,1960 with the reorganisation of Bombay State into M aharashtra and Gujarat. M aharashtra is a leading State in agriculture and industry. With a population of 9.2 per cent of the country M aharashtra covers (7,89,37,187) about 23 per cent of the industrial output. However, about 70 per cent of die population depends upon agriculture for its livelihood. M aharashtra is divided into four major regions of western M aharashtra Vidarbha, M arathwada and Konkan. M aharashtra had been a stronghold of the Congress. Ever since the first general elections held in 1952 Congress remained the largest single party w ith a brief exception. In 1978 (Post-Emergency) it was displaced from its position of eminence by the Janata Party. In the polls held in 1990 it managed to have a majority through defections and split in Shiv Sena. Last Assembly elections were held in M aharashtra in 1995 after which the Shiv Sena-BJP combine formed its ministry. The BJP-Shiv Sena alliance won a near majority in the 288-member Assembly w ith 29.8 per cent votes—about 1 per cent less than the Congress— the outgoing ruling party. The Shiv Sena won 73 of 170 seats it contested against 52 held by it in the 1990 Assembly election. Its popular vote, however, registered a slight decline from 15.93 to 15.55 per cent. The BJP contested 117 seats to win 65 with 13.73 per cent votes—an improvement of about 3 per cent in its popular votes. The party had captured 42 seats in the 1990 elections. The Congress got 60 seats less than what it had managed to win five years ago, 81 seats in 1995 as against 141 in 1990. The party polled 30.37 per cent votes as against 38.17 per cent in the previous elections. Thus a decline of 7.8 per cent cost it 60 seats. The Janata Dal fared badly. Its strength came down from 34 in the outgoing Assembly to 11 in the new one. It polled a mere 5.73 votes against 11.21 per cent secured by it in 1990. On March 14,1995, Manohar Joshi of the Shiv Sena and Gopinath M unde of the BJP were sworn as the Chief Minister and the Deputy Chief Minister of M aharashtra. The Congress debacle may be assigned to three main reasons: series of allegations levelled by Deputy Municipal Commissioner G.R. Khaimar against 154 Elections in India: 1952-96

the Chief Minister Sharad Pawar, dissatisfaction among Muslims for the alleged use of TADA against them and infighting among the Congressmen. The 1996 Lok Sabha has demonstrated clearly that the people feel satisfied with the performance of the BJP-Shiv Sena Government. Infighting cost Congress dearly. The three main groups in the Congress, Sharad Pawar group, Vasant Dada followers and S.B. Chavan block, each worked at the cross purpose of the other.

M ANIPUR : Fact Sheet

Table 12.59: Party Position in the Lok Sabha (1980 to 1996)

Party 1980 1984 1989 1991 1996

Congress 1 2 2 1 2 BJP - -- -- CPI 1 -- -- ID - - - 1 - Independents & Others - - - 1 - ToUl 2 2 2 2 2

Table 12.60: Party Position in Manipur Assembly (1984 to 1995)

Party 1984 1990 1995

Congress 30 26 21 BJP - - - CPI 1 3 CPI (M) -- 2 Janata Party 4 - - Congress (S) - 6 1 Manipur People's Party (MPP) 3 11 18 Independents & Others 22 1 4 Janata Dal - 11 7 Samata Party -- 2 Kaki National Assembly (KNA) - 2 - Federal Party of Manipur - - 2 Countermanded -- 1 National People's Party - - 2 Total 60 60 60

Table 12.61 :Party Position in the Manipur Assembly - 1994

Party Seats Seats % Sucess Valid % Valid Contested Won w.r.t.Seats Votes Votes Contested Polled Polled

Indian National Congress 59 30 50.85 2,53,795 29.39 Bharatiya Janata Party 13 - 0 5,626 00.65 Communist Party of India 18 1 5.55 37,171 4.30 Siatewise 1996 Election Data 155

CPI (Marxists) 1 - 0 669 0.08 Janata Party 21 4 19.05 52,415 6.07 Congress (S) 19 - 0 28,142 3.26 K[anipur Peoples' Party 34 3 8.82 91,026 10.54 ‘Independents and Others 198 22 11.05 3,94,676 45.70

Table 12.62; Seats Won by Political Parties, 1990

Party Seats Seats % Sucess Valid XValid Contested Won w.r.t.Seats Votes Votes Contested Polled Polled

Lidian National Congress 60 26 43.33 3,50,975 32.86 Janata Dal 52 11 21.15 2,06,833 19.36 Bharatiya Janata Party 16 0 28,185 2.64 C!ommunist Party of India 14 21.43 40,529 3.79 C:P1 (Marxists) 1 0 607 0.0005 Congress (S) 37 6 16.22 1,37,556 12.88 f/lanipur Peoples' Party 46 11 23.91 2,18,875 20.494 ^4anipu^ Hill Peoples' Council 9 0 8,700 0.008 'Independents and Others 53 5.66 75,684 7.086 iVnalysis and Overview The Maharaja of Manipur signed a merger agreement with India by which the State was integrated with the Dominion of India on October 15, 1949. M anipur was made a 'C ' State administered by a Chief Commissioner. Under the States Reorganisation Act, 1956, it became a Union Territory and in 1972, it was m ade a full-fledged State with a Legislative Assembly having (50 members. Last Assembly elections were held in Manipur in February 1995. On February 25, 1995, a three-member Congress Ministry headed by Chief Minister Rishang Keishing assumed office in Manipur. The Governor invited Shri Keishing to form the Ministry as the Congress with 21 members was the single largest party in the 60-member Assembly. In the past three elections also, i.e. in 1980,1984 and 1990, no party had been able to get even a simple majority. The Congress won 13, 30 and 26 seats in 1980, 1984 and 1990 respectively. The outgoing Assembly in 1990 had witnessed the installation and fall of ministries headed respectively by Ranbir Singh, Dorendra Singh and Rishang Keishing. The first was a coalition led by Manipur People's Party; the second Congress led combination and the last was virtually a group of defectors. The legislators shifted their loyalty so often. Ethnic clashes between Nagas and the Kuki Tribals backed by their respective underground outfits had intensified in November and December 1993. A few months before the February 1995 elections, the M anipur Assembly Speaker H. Borobabu disqualified 23 pro-Keishing MLA's and thus reduced the Chief M inister's support for disorderly behaviour in the House. They 156 Elections in India: 1952-96 were subsequently expelled by a resolution passed by the House. The Guwahati High Court stayed the Order and the Supreme Court rejected the Special Leave Petition filed by the Speaker. The Congress again was in power with just 21 seats in a 60-member House in 1995. The six-party United Legislature Front won 32 seats. The Front comprised the Manipur People's Party (MPP), the Janata Dal, the Congress (S), the Samata Party, the Communist Party of India and the National People's Party (NPP). Of the 32 seats, the MPP bagged 18; the Janata Dal 7; the CPI 1; the Samata Party, the NPP 2 each and the Congress (S) got 1 seat. Reishang Keishing was elected leader of the Congress Legislature Party while former Chief Minister R.K. Ranbir Singh of the M anipur People's Party was elected as the ULF leader. The ULF leader staked his claim to form the Ministry as he claimed the support of 32 MLAs. However, when asked to substcintiate, the ULF could produce a list of 27 MLAs—MPP 18; JD 7 and CPI 2. The Congress Ministry headed by Rishang Keishing was formed on February 25, 1995. The 1996 Lok Sabha elections brought about no change in the party p o sitio n .

M IZORAM : Fact Sheet

Table 12.63: Party Position in the Lok Sabha (1980-1996)

Party 1980 1984 1989 1991 1996 Gain/Losses

Congress . 1 1 1 1 BJP ----- CPI ----- CPI (M) ----- Janata ----- PPC 1 ---- Others ----- Total 1 1 1 1

Table 12.64: Party Position in the Assembly Elections (1993)

Party Seats Won Gains / Losses

Congress, 16 7 Mizo JD 8 +8 MNF 14 -3 Others 2 +2

ToUl 40 -

Note; Alliance of Congress with Mizo JD. Statmise 1996 Election Data 157 Table 12.65: Party Position in the Assembly Elections (1972 to 1989)

Party 1972 1978 1979 1984 1987 1989

Congress 6 - 5 20 12 23 MNF - - - - 26 17 People's Conference - 22 18 8 2 - Janata - - 2 ... Independents including Mizo Union 24 8 5 2 - - ToUl 30 30 30 30 40 40

After the Mizo joined MNF, contested the Assembly seats in 1987. Earlier it was a banned party. Analysis and Overview Mizoram became the 24th State of the Indian Union in February 1987. Till 1972 it was one of the districts of Assam w hen it became a Union Territory. Elections to the 40 member Mizoram Assembly, the third after the Mizo Accord was signed and Mizoram became a full-fledged State were held on November 1993. In the first elections held on February 16, 1987, after the Mizo Accord was signed (June 30, 1986,) the Mizo National Front (MNF), trounced the Congress winning 26 seats followed by the Congress with 12 seats and the People's Conference (PC) of Brig. Thenpunga Sailo with 2 seats. The Government formed by Laldenga however, could not last its term. A split in the MNF led to the dissolution of the Assembly and imposition of the President's rule. In the second elections held on January 21, 1989, the Congress won 23 seats and in alliance with MNF formed the Government. In the 1993 elections. Congress formed an alliance with Mizo(JD). The Congress contested 28 seats, M(JD) 25 seats and MNF 38 seats and the BJP 8 (for the first time). There were 22 independents. Former Chief Minister Lalthanhawala was elected Congress-M(GD) leader for the second time. The MNF did well in the urban areas and the Congress M(GD) in the rural areas. The BJP could not make any impact.

N A G A L A N D : Fact Sheet

Table 12.66: Partywise Members in Eleven Lok Sabhas from Nagaland

Party 7952 1957 1962 1967 1972 1977 1980 1984 1989 1991 1996

UFNI _ .. 1 __ . Congress ----- 1 1 1 1 1 NPCI 1 - UDFl ---- 1 -- - - - Independents & Others ----- 1 -- - - 158 Elections in India: 1952-96 Analysis and Overview After independence Nagaland basically a Tribal land was made a Centrally administered area in 1957, administered by the Governor of Assam. It was l^ow n as Naga Hills Tuensang Area. This failed to quell popular aspirations and unrest began. In 1961, this was renamed as Nagaland and given the status of State of the Indian Union which was formally inaugurated on December 1,1963. Nagaland has one Parliamentary Seat and 60 Assembly seats. Congress in the ruling party in the State with 34 members in the A ssem bly. In the 1996 Lok Sabha elections, the Congress Party retained its solitary seat. ORISSA : Fact Sheet

Table:12.67: Partywise Members in Eleven Lok Sabhas from Orissa

Party 1952 1957 1962 1967 1972 1977 1980 1984 1989 1991 1996

BJP ...... - Congress 11 7 14 6 15 4 20 20 3 13 16 CPI 1 1 - - 1 --- 1 1 - CPI (M) - - - 1- - 1 1 JD . . . 8‘ 3' ... 16 6 4 JNP(S) 5* 7* 4* . - . 1 - --- JNP - 2- 1- 4 1 -- 1 --- BLD \** - 1” 1* 15 .---. Ind & Others 2 3 - 1 - 1 - - - - - 1”*

» SWA; +GP; -PSP; ” Samata

Table:12.68 Party Position in the Assembly (1985 to 1995)

Party 1985 1990 1995

Congress 117 10 80 Janata Party 19 - - BJP 1 2 9 CPI 1 5 1 CPI (M) 0 1 - Congress (Socialist) 0 -- Jharkhand Party 0 -- SUCI -. Independents & Others 7 6 5 Election Countermanded 2 Janata Dal 123 46 JMM - 4 JPP - 1 Total 147 147 147 Statewise 1996 Election Data 159 Table 12.69: Comparative Statement — Seats, Electorate, Contestants etc.

1977 1980 1985* 1990

Total Seats 147 147 147 147 Nximber of electorate 1,26,66,225 1,38,06,268 1,52,13,028 1,97,97,598 Total contestants 604 736 793 913 Average No.of contestants 4.10 5.00 5.47 6.21 per seat Number of polling stations 14,174 16,977 19,926 24,047 Average electorate per 894 813 763 823 polling station Total valid votes polled 51,40,589 62,95,330 77,21,534 1,09,60,827 % of valid votes polled 40.58 45.60 50.76 55.36

The figures are for 145 constituencies as elections to Kakatpur (54) and Keonjhar (144) constituencies was countermanded.

Table 12.70: Partywise Performance in Assembly Elections (1985)

Party Seats Seats % Success Valid % Valid Contested Won w.r.t. Seat Votes Voted Contested Polled Polled

Indian National Congress 145 117 80.68 39,51,873 51.19 Janata Party 138 19 13.76 23,40,492 30.31 Bharatiya Janata Party 67 1 1.49 2,03,580 2.63 Communist Party of India 26 1 3.84 2,54,458 3.29 CPI (Marxists) 10 0 89,225 1.15 Indian Congress (Socialist) 1 0 - 263 0.00 Jharkhand Party 11 0 - 21,847 0.28 ’Independents and Others 395 7 1.77 8,57,796 11.15 Total 793 145* - 77,19,534 100

* Total seats are 147 but elections to Kakatpur (54) and Keonjhar (144) constitu- encies was countermanded.

Table 12.71: Partywise Performance in Assembly Elections in 1990

Party Seats Seats % Success Vdid % Valid Contested Won w.r.t. Seat Votes Voted Contested Polled Polled

Janata Dal 139 123 88.48 58,84,479 53.69 Congress 145 10 6.90 32,64,300 29.78 BJP 62 2 3.23 3,92,128 3.58 CPI 9 5 55.56 3,26,364 2.98 CPI (M) 3 1 33.33 91,767 0.84 JP 61 - 0.00 95,628 0.87 Others 494 6 1.21 9,85,251 8.26 ToUl 913 147 1,09,60,827 160 Elections in India: 1952-96 Analysis and Overview Last Assembly Elections were held in Orissa in 1995. These elections came as a shot in the arm for the Congress which had been severely battered in Andhra, Bihar, Gujarat, Karnataka and Sikkim in the 1994 and 1995 Assembly elections. The Janata Dal under Biju Patnaik, Chief Minister received the severest possible blow. The Congress Government was formed with J.B. Patnaik as Chief Minister. J.B. Patnaik has earlier been the Chief Minister of the State for 10 years in the 1980s. In the 1995 elections, the Left Parties distanced themselves from the Janata Dal. The third forces, comprising the Samajwadi Party and others only divided the Janata Dal's traditional vote banks. The Congress Party displayed a rare show of unity. The highlights of the Congress manifesto were sops like reduction in the educational qualifications for the post of constables, formation of development boards for western and Tribal regions, mid-day meals for prim ary school children, free food in the 20 starvation prone blocks, Rs. 1,000 to every poor woman to enable her to set up a business, employment to 2 million people and a stipend to OBC school children. The Deputy Leader of the Janata Dal in the Lok Sabha was of the view that the Janata Dal lost because of anti-establishment factor and because of over-complacency. Since the first Parliamentary elections in 1952, the Congress in Orissa secured the highest num ber of seats and votes i.e. 20 seats out of 21 and 57.5 per cent votes in 1984 and the lowest number of seats and votes i.e. 3 seats and 33.3 per cent votes. In 1989 Janata Dal, along with the Communist Parties w on 18 seats and secured nearly 55 per cent of the total votes. In the 1991 Lok Sabha Elections, the Janata Dal's slw e of seats declined from 18 to 8. In the 1996 Lok Sabha elections, like the previous ones, the fight in Orissa was essentially between the Congress and the Janata Dal. There were electoral adjustment between the Janata Dal and the Communist parties. The leadership factor and the fight between the two Patnaiks was also important. The Congress tried to highlight the corruption charges against the former Chief M inister Biju Patnaik Besides the two major parties the BJP was very keen to place itself on the electoral map of the State. It has never won any Parliamentary seat in Orissa. In the 1991 Lok Sabha elections it had obtained nearly 10 per cent of the total votes. In the last Assembly elections BJP had obtained 8 per cent of the votes and won 9 Assembly seats. In the 1995 State Assembly elections, Orissa replaced the Janata Dal and returned the Congress to power. In the 1996 Lok Sabha polls, as the Congress plummeted in State after State, Orissa managed to stem the tide and opted for 16 Congress candidates out of the 21 constituencies. This picture also does not conform to the pattern that marks Congress results at the national level. Even the bitterest critics of the Congress in Orissa, both within and without, concede that it is a major achievement. Also, it is not only one feather but a plume of them for Chief Minister J.B. Patnaik, who not only spearheaded the campaign, but managed Statewise 1996 Election Data 161 to get Narasimha Rao, considered a 'rank outsider' elected with a massive majority in Berhampur. The Congress had bagged 13 out of 21 Parliamentary seats in 1991 from Orissa. The third front parties were placed second with eight seats. The Congress had polled 44 per cent votes, while the Janata Dal was placed second with 35 per cent of the total votes polled. In 1996 the Congress and the BJP were the only national parties which improved their vote-share in the State. The BJP was the major gainer, increasing its vote percentage from orJy rune per cent in 1991 to over 13 per cent in 1996 polls. The party, however, was at a too small percentage to win a Parliamentary seat. The Congress bagged 16 seats this year, while the third front parties won only four seats, losing three to the Congress and one to the Samata Party. The most alarming things for the Janata Dal in Orissa are some unbelievably flat statistics. The ditterence of votes between the Congress and the Janata Dal sharply doubled from less than ten lakh in 1991 to over 20 lakh votes this year. In 1991, the Congress had bagged 9845358 more votes than the Janata Dal. This figures shot up to 204421 votes this year. In central Orissa the Janata Dal had polled 37 per cent votes in 1991. TTiis declined to 22 per cent in 1996. In central Orissa spreading over ten Parliamentary seats, the BJP moved up to capture the second position in Mayurbhanj, Deogarh and Keonjhar constituencies, relegating the Janata Dal in the first two and the Congress in the last, to the third position. The BJP improved its vote-share from 12 to 19 per cent in Mayurbhanj, 14 to 30 per cent in Keonjhar. In Keonjhar, the BJP ate into the support-base of the Janata Dal by a staggering over 11 per cent votes, the latter losing about 19 per cent of its votes.

P U N JA B : Fact Sheet

Table 12.72: Party Position in the 1996 Lok Sabha Elections

Party Seats Won Gains/Losses as Compared with 1991

Congress 2 10 SAD (Badal) 8 +8 BSP 3 Independents & Others - +2 ToUl 48 162 Elections in India: 1952-96 Table 12.73: Partywise Members in Eleven Lok Sabhas — Punjab

Party 1952 1957 1962 1967 1972 1977 1980 1984 1989 1992 1996

BJS/BJP 3 Congress 16 21 14 10 12 12 CPI 1 2 CPI (M) P /B L D V* SAD 2 3 BSP 1*»» Independents & Others ADFS

*Note: Elections were held in Punjab in 1992 and not in 1991. Almost all Akali Groups boycotted elections; *ADTS; ***SP

Table 12.74: Partywise Percentage of Voles Polled (1992)

Party Seats % of Votes

Congress 12 49.2 BSP 1 19.3 BJP 0 17.0 JD 0 2.2 SAD 0 1.9 Independents & Others 0 10.4 Total 13 100.00

Table 12.75: Partywise Position in State Assembly Elections (1952 to 1992)

Party 1952 1957 1962 1967 1969 1972 1977 1980 1985 1992

Seats 126 154 154 104 104 104 117 117 117 117 BJP - 9 8 9 8 - - 1 6 6 Congress 96 120 91 48 38 66 17 63 32 86 CPI 4 6 9 5 4 10 7 9 1 4 CPI (M) --- 3 2 1 8 5 - 1 JP ------25 - 1 - SAD 13 - 19 - 43 24 58 37 73 3* Others 4 6 11 30 5 ----- Independents 9 13 6 9 4 3 2 2 4 8” BSP

* Akali Dal (Kabul) ** Janata Dal 1, Independents and Others 7 »»♦ BSP contested for the first time Note: SAD boycotted elections Statewise 1996 Election Data 163 Table 12.76: Seals Contested and Won in Assembly Elections (1992)

Party Number of Seats Number of Seats Contested Won

1. Congress 117 86 2. BSP 106 7 3. BJP 67 6 4. CPI 20 4 5. CPI (M) 17 1 6. S. Akali Dal (Kabul Group) 61 3 7. Janata Dal 37 1 8 . Independents & Others 169 7 Total 594 117

Table 12.77: Total Electorates (1952-92) Votes and Turn Out in Assembly Elections (Lakhs)

Year Electorates Votes Polled Invalid Votes Turn Out(%) 1952 67.2 49.9 NA 55.3 1957 92.1 71.8 1.7 55.0 1962 107.5 67.9 2.4 65.4 1967 63.1 42.9 2.0 71.1 1971 69.5 40.8 0.9 59.9 1977 81.6 56.1 1.1 70.1 1980 97.4 59.7 1.3 62.7 1984 107.0 69.3 3.0 67.6 1989 129.5 79.4 2.7 62.7 1992 131.7 28.4 1.26 21.6

Table 12.78:Rural Urban Turn Out in Assembly Elections 1985 and 1992 1985 1992 1. Number of Constituencies (12) 57.7% 38.3% 2. Semi-urban (11) 67.8% 26.5% 3. Semi-rural (24) 68.4% 25.3% 4. Rural (70) 68.8% 15.1%

Table 12.79: Chief Ministers of Punjab, 1947 to 1992

1947 August Gopi Chand Bhargava Congress 1949 April Congress 1949 October Gopi Chand Bhargava Congress 1951 June Presidents's Rule 1952 April Bhim Sen Sachar Congress 1956 January S. Pratap Singh Kairon Congress 1964 June Gopi Chand Bhargava Congress 1964 July Ram Kishan Congress 1966 July President's Rule 1966 November Giani Gurmukh Singh Congress 1967 March Justice Gumam Singh Akali Dal 164 Elections in India: 1952-96

1967 November S. Lachman Singh Gill Akali Dal 1968 August President's Rule 1969 February B. G um am Singh Akali Dal 1970 March S. Frakash Singh Badal A kali Dal 1972 March Giani C ongress 1977 June S. Prakash Singh Badal Akali Dal 1980 February President's Rule 1980 July S. Darbara Singh C ongress 1983 October President's Rule 1985 September Surjit Singh Bamala Akali Dal 1987 M ay President's Rule 1992 February Beant Singh C ongress 1995 Sept Congress

Analysis and Overview After the reorganisation of Punjab in 1966, the United Front-Akali's Bharatiya Jan Sangh and Conununiste Parties, formed the government with Justice (Retired) Gum am Singh (Akali Dal) as the Chief Minister, in March 1967. He v^as succeeded by Lachman Singh Gill (Akali Dal) in November 1967. President's Rule was imposed in August 1968 and which continued up to February 17, 1969. In the 1969 Assembly elections, Akali party under the leadership of Sant Fateh Singh won the majority of seats. The ministry was formed by Shri Gum am Singh with the cooperation of other parties excluding the Congress. In March 1970, Parkash Singh Badal of the Akali Dal became the Chief M inister. In the 1972 Assembly elections, the Congress party won an absolute majority and its ministry was installed under Giani ZaiJ Singh. In June 1977 elections, Akali party won and Prakash Singh Badal became the Chief Minister. In , President's Rule was imposed which lasted for about 4 months. In the 1980 July elections. Congress won and Darbara Singh of the Congress assumed the charge of the Chief Minister. In the 1985 elections which took place after the assassination of Smt. Indira Gandhi, Prime Minister, Akalis were victorious with 73 seats out of 117 to their credit. In September 1985, Surjit Singh Bamala (Akali Dal) became the Chief Minister. However the Akali Ministry could not stay long. The Union Govemment first dismissed the Akali Goverrunent and later dissolved the Assembly. On May 11, 1985, President's Rule was imposed. This gave Punjab the longest spell of the Central Government's mle. Incidentally this was the third occasion that the Akali M inistry was dismissed by the Centre. After a long spell of about six years of President's Rule, the State of Punjab went to the polls on February 19,1992 imder unprecedented security cover. It may be recalled that the President's rule was imposed in Punjab on May 11,1985. After much misgivings, the election process was set in motion around midnight of January 24 with the issuance of notification by the Statewise 1996 Election Data 165

President for the 13 Lok Sabha seats. The Governor of Punjab also issued a similar notification for 117 Assembly seats. W hile those Akalis boycotting the poll stressed the need for "perm anent solution first, poll and Government afterwards", those for the poll and the CPI and CPI (M) leaders sought transfer of Union Territory of Chandigarh, joint capital of Punjab and Haryana, to Pimjab under the Rajiv-Longowal Accord before the elections. The Centre, however, finally felt that all such disputes should be taken up with the new elected Government in Punjab. The Prime Minister made it clear that installation of a popular Government in the State was their first priority. Lok Sabha Elections in the State were held in November 1989 when the United Akali Dal headed by Simranjit Singh Mann won six seats. The Congress won two seats while the Janata Dal and the Bahujan Samaj Party shared one seat each. The Congress swept the polls in 1992 elections. In this context it is very necessary to remember that almost all Akali groups boycotted the elections The voter turn out w as just 21.58 per cent—all time lowest. In 70 Assembly constituencies it was as low as 15.1 per cent. In Ferozepur district it was 13.1 per cent and in Sangrur 13 per cent. The result of the Congress victory was a thus foregone conclusion. The Lok Sabha polls ending 1992 were boycotted by almost all Akali groups. The Congress won 12 out of 13 seats. In 1996, the Akali Dal (Badal Group) participated with full vigor incorporating with it several Akali splinter groups. The terrorism was put in the control but Akalis were still unhappy w ith the Centre's indifference with the Punjab problem. The Congress Chief Miruster Beant Singh was no longer alive. The Akalis joined hands w ith the BSP and gave a severe thrashing to the Congress Party.

RAJASTHAN: Fact Sheet

Table 12.80: Partywise Members in Eleven Lok Sabhas — Rajasthan

Party 1952 1957 1962 1967 1972 1977 1980 1984 1989 1991 1996

BJP 1 1 3 4 .. _ 13 12 12 Congress 9 19 14 10 14 1 18 25 - 13 12 CPI CPI (M) ------1 - JD ----- 24 -- 11 0 SWA 1 - 3 8 3 - 4* --- JPS ------2 --- INCO 3” ----- 1 --- Independents & Others 6 2 3 2 2 1 »»»

► JP; »*RRD; JP Congress (T). 166 Elections in India: 1952-96 Table 12.81:: Peicentage of Votes Polled by Parties (1977-1991)

Party 1977 1980 1984 1989 1990 Congress 29.5 42.6 52.7 37.0 43.2 BJP As above 23.7 29.6 40.9 JD/JNP/BLD 65.2 31.7 3.9 25.7 6.2 Left Parties 0.9 0.8 0.5 2.2 0.8 O thers 0.4 18.2 12.4 2.0 5.2 Independents 4.0 6.9 6.8 3.5 3.7 Total 100 100 100 100 100

% o f Total votes polled 56.9 54.7 57.0 56.5 47.2

Table 12.82: Party Position in the Assembly Elections (1993)

Party Seats Won Gain/Losses on Compared with 1990

Congress 76 +26 BJP 95 +10 P / J P 6 -49 CPI -CPI (M) 1 N o Change Independents & Others 21 +12 Total 199

Note : Total seats : 200 Election held : 199

Table 12.83: Party Position in the Assembly^Elections (1990)

Party Seats Contested Seats Won % c f Votes Polled Congress 200 50 33.26 JD 120 55 21.39 BJP 128 85 25.47 Lok D al (B) 38 - 0.17 CPI 41 . 0.82 CPI (M) 10 1 1.07 Janata Party 44 - 0.53 Independents and Oti\ers 2198 9 17.29 Total 2788 200 100.00

Table 12.84: Comparativt Performance of the Congress and the BJP in the Assembly Eltctions (1952 to 1990) Party 1952 1957 1962 1967 1972 1977 1980 1985 1990 Congress 82 119 88 89 145 41 133 113 50 BJP 8 6 15 22 8 32 39 85 Statewise 1996 Election Data 167

Table 12.85: Percentage of Votes in Assembly Elections (1977 to 1990) Party 1977 1980 1985 1990 Congress 3L5 43^0 46^6 33.26 BJP - 18.6 21.2 25.47 JNP/JD 50.4 7.3 17.8 21.39 Independents and O thers 18.1 31.1 14.4 19.00 Total______100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00

Analysis and Overview TThe Congress Party in Rajasthan has dem onstrated its supremacy in all the Lok Sabha elections except in 1977 and 1979 v^here there was a Janata wave. In 1977 it could win just 1 seat out of 25 while in 1989-90 it drew blank. In the 1984 elections it swept the polls by bagging all the 25 seats in the Lok Sabha from Rajasthan. In Rajasthan small swings in voting percentages have greatly influenced the number of seats, with a little more than half the votes (52.7percent) in 1984 it won all the 25 seats and with 37 percent votes in 1989, it could not win even a single seat. It is interesting to note that the BJP in 1989, w ith less votes i.e. 29.6 percent as against Congress's 37 percent votes won 13 seats. As regards Assembly elections between the years 1952 and 1977, the Congress could always secure or manage a majority to form the government in the State. The post-Emergency Janata wave took its toll of the fortimes in Rajasthan too as in other parts of northern India. The Janata Party secured 151 seats in the Assembly while the Congress only 41 seats. The Congress Party recovered the lost ground in 1980 and even retained the lead in the 1985 elections. But the 1990 elections again put the Congress out of power. The BJP with the help of the Janata Dal formed the goverrunent that was dismissed by the Centre on December 15,1992. In the 1993 elections, the BJP emerged as the largest single party with 95 seats in a house of 200 members. Election were held to 199 seats. The BJP was only 6 short of an absolute majority. There were 21 independents, besides 6 Janata Dal members. The BJP elected the former Chief Minister Bhairon Singh Shekhawat as its party leader—a great strategist who managed to win over a few MLA's and formed the BJP Ministry for the second term. The political scene in Rajasthan has little or no surprises. The Congress(T) bagged one seat at the cost of the Congress. The voters were hardly influenced by the performance of the State goverrunent with the result that the status quo was nuintained. 168 Elections in India: 1952-96

SIKKIM : Fad Sheet Table 12.86: Party Position in Lok Sabha (1980 to 1996)

Party 1980 1984 1989 1991 1996

Congress -- - . . SDF -- - - 1 SJP 1 - --- SSP - - 1 1 • Independents & Others - 1 --- ToUl 1 1 1 1 1

Table 12.87: Party Position in Sikkim Assembly (1989 and 1994)

Party Seats % of Votes Seats % of Voles Won Polled Won Polled

SSP 32 70.41 10 34.86 Congress - 18.05 2 13.63 RSP - 8.59 - 1.53 DPC (Denzong People's Chogpa) - 0.22 SDF 19 42.91 Independents and Others - 2.73 1 6.76 BJP --- 0.14 CPI --- 0.17 Total 32 100.00 32 100.00

Analysis and Overview Sikkim, a hill State in the eastern Himalayas became India’s 22nd State in 1975. Earlier it was ruled by a monarch. Last elections to the State Assembly were held in 1994. The principal contending parties were Congress, Sikkim Sangram Parishad (SSP), Sikkim Democratic Front (SDF), Rising Sun Party (RSP) and the Sikkim United Liberation Front (SUDF). Natiorwl political parties other than the Congress have little significance in S ikkim . Sikkim Sangram Parishad (SSP) led by Shri Nar Bahadur Bhandari dominated the Sikkim politics for about 14 years. The spell was broken in 1994 when 44 year old constable turned politicijin Pawan Kumar Chamling came into power. The Sikkim Democratic Front (SDF) though only one year old managed to get 19 out of the 32 Assembly seats. The SDF campaigned for the implementation of the Mandal Commission recommendation to include the backward Nepalese of Mongoloid origin in the list of other Backward Classes (OBCs). It may be recalled that Nepalese of Mongloid origin constitute a bulk of population in the southern district of Sikkim. Chamling's victory dealt a severe blow to the Congress in Sikkim. In the 1996 elections, the lone seat was won by SDF replacing SSP. Statewise Election Data 169

TAMIL NADU : Fact Sheet

Table 12.88; Partywise Lok Members in Eleven Lok Sabhas — Tamil Nadu

1957 1962 1967 1971 1977 1980 1984 1989 1991 1996

BJP ...... Congress 31 31 3 9 14 20 25 27 28 - CPI 2 2 4 3 - - 1 - 2 CPI(M) - 4 ...... FBLI .1.1-..-.. AIADMK - 18 2 12 11 11 DMK 7 25 23 1 16 2 - - 17 INC (O) - - 1 3 ...... TML 20 Independents and O thers 8 71-1----

In the 1996 Assembly elections, AIADMK lost to the DMK and its allies. Kanmaiudhi again became the Chief Minister. Congress drew a blank. After the Assembly electioris in 1991, Km Jayalalitha of the AIADMK (All India Dravida M imnetra Kazhakam) was sworn in as the Chief M inister on June 24, 1991. She headed a goverrunent voted to power with Congress (I) alliance. AIADMK got 163 seats and the Congress (I) 61 of the 234 total votes. During the last five years relations between their two parties underwent several changes. In March 1996 on the eve of elections the Central leadership of the Congress (I) entered into an electoral alliance w ith the AIADMK. This action of the high command led to a near revolt in the Tamil Nadu Congress. Several prominent leaders including Shri G K Moopanar, P ChidambaraiA (Union Minister) and Anmachalam (Union Minister) left the part in protest. Shri Moopanar formed a new party called Tamil Nadu Makkal Congress (TNMC) and joined hands with the Dravida Mimnetra Kazhagam (DMK). On March 31, 1996, Shri M Kanmanidhi,DMK President armounced the formation of the new alliance at a joint conference with Shri Moopanar. The alliance consisted of DMK, CPI, T T ^C , All India Forward Block (AIFB) and the Indian National League (INL). Noted film actor Shri Rajnikant and Political commentator Shri Cho Ramaswamy blessed the alliance. The third line up in the state comprised the Marumalarchi Dravida Murmetra Kazhagam (MDMK) CPI(M) and the Janata Dal. Tamil Nadu was one of the 6 states where simultaneous were held in two and Assembly elections were held in two Phases on April 27 and May 20. While 749 candidates were in the fray for the 39 Lok Sabha seats in the state 5,017 contestants vied for the 234 Assembly seats. Among the parliamentary constituencies Madras South had the largest number of candidates (39) and Nagapattanam (SC) the smallest (6). A record 1,033 170 Elections in India: 1952-96 contestants were in the fray in M odakurichi Assembly constituency in Periyar district one of the three constituencies in the country where the EC postponed poling citing administrative and other difficulties in village of the large number of candidates. National parties like the Congress (I) Congress (T), the CPI (M), the Janata Dal and the Samajwadi Party were in the field in alliance with one or other with the various regional parties. The Congress entered into an alliance with the ruling AIADMK, resulting split in the Congress itself. A senior leader G K Moopancir formed the Tamil Maanila Congress (TMC) which formed Ministers like Chidambaram and Arvind Netam who resigned from the Council of Ministers. TMC entered into alliance with DMK. The Janata Dal formed an alliance with V Gopalaswamy's Marumalarchi Dravida M imnetra Kazhagam (MDMK), The CPI also sited with MDMK. Then there was also the Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK). The BJP went alone. For the first time in the history of Tamil Nadu, the Indian National Congress (INC) goes unrepresented in the Assembly. INC, which fielded 66 candidates in the just concluded Assembly elections in the State, failed to win even a single seat. It is also for the first time that not a single INC candidate managed to win to represent the party in the Lok Sabha from Tamil Nadu. The INC which contested the 1996 polls in alliance with AIADMK in the State had contested from 30 of the 39 Lok Sabha constituencies. The DMK-TMC-CPI combine swept the polls bagging all the 39 Lok Sabha, and conceding a very few of the 233 Assembly seats. AIADMK bagged just four seats out of 163 it contested in the Assembly elections. Incidentally, the AIADMK-INC combine defeated DMK in the last two elections in 1989 and 1991 totally, leaving it unrepresented in the ninth and tenth Lok Sabha. The complete rout of the Congress in Tamil Nadu had serious repercussions on it at the national level. A loss of 39 votes (28 Congress and 11 AIADMK) was one of the important reasons for the fall of the Congress Ministry at the Centre. Political Parties in Tamil Nadu Apart from the main political parties, minor political parties contesting elections from Tamil Nadu included the following. AMI (Ambedkar Makkal lyakkam or Ambedkar People's Movement), GMK (Grama Munnetra Kazhagam or Village Progressive Party), MELCHA (Marx-Engels Leninist Commvine Health Association), MPP (Mahabharat People's Party), TDI (Tamilar Desiya lyakkam or Tamilian Nationalist Movement), TK (Tamilar Kazhagam or Tamilian Party), TMK (Thayaga Marumalarchi Kazhagam or M otherland Renaissance Party), TMM (Tharasu Makkal M anram or Tharasu People's Forum), and UMNMSK (Ulaga Makkal Nala Mahizhchi Sinthanaiyalar Kazhagam or World People's Welfare Happiness Intellectuals P arty ). Statexvise Election Data 171

UTTAR PRADESH : Fact Sheet

Table 12.89: Fartywise Members in Eleven Lok Sabhas — Uttar Pradesh

Party 1952 1957 1962 1967 1971 1977 19801 1984 1989 1991 1996

BJP 81 2 7 12 4 8 52 52 Congress 70 62 47 73 51 83 15 5 5 CPI 1 2 5 4 1 - 2 1 - CPl(M) - 1 - - 1 - - JD - 3 -- - 54 22 2 (SWA) JP/JD(S) 4* 2* 2* 4 16 (PSP) (PSP) (PSP) (SP) Lok Dal - - 1 1 29 2 - - - (DDP) JNP 2 - 1 8 1 3 - (SP) (SP) (SSP) (INCO) BSP - 3 1 - - 2 1 6 (RPI) (RPI) ABHM 1 - 1 -- 1 -- BLD -- 85 ----- Independent O thers & 1 8 4 8 2 1 - 2 - 4

Sam ata 1, Cong (T) 2, Independent 1.

Table 12.90: Party Position in UP State Assembly (1989 to 1995)

Party 1989 1991 1993 1995

Congress 94 46 28 29 BJP 57 221 177 176 Janata Dal 208 91 28 4 BSP/SP 13 30 (SJP) 176 127 (SP) CPI 6 4 4 1 (CPI 3, CPI (M) 1) CPI (M) 2 1 - Janata Party ® 1 - - Lok Dal (B) 2 - - HMB 1 - - 10 (BSPR) BSP -- - 59 Independents & Others 41 21 9 17 Vacant 11 3 2 Total 425 425 425 425

* Before the Imposition of the President's Rule in UP. Analysis and Overview Except for a brief period, the Congress Party was comfortably placed in the Assembly till 1977. In 1977, the Janata Party replaced the Congress as the 172 Elections in India: 1952-96 majority party. Ram Naresh Yadav of the Janata became the Chief Minister. The Janata Government did not complete its full term and the Congress Party came into power in the middle of the year 1980. In the Assembly elections to Uttar Pradesh, the Congress Party was badly defeated and Mulayam Singh Yadav— a non-Congressman became the Chief Minister whose term lasted between December 1989 to Jtme 1991. In the Assembly elections of 1991, the BJP formed the Government headed by Kalyan Singh. He resigned in the wake of demolition of the Babri Masjid structure on December 6,1992, having a term of just less than 2 years. In 1993 Assembly elections in UP were held thereafter. M ulayam Singji Yadav of the Samajwadi Party was supported by the BSP which also became a partner in the Government again became the Chief Minister. The BJP found a respectable place for the first time in U.P. Assembly in 1967 when it captured 98 seats. Its strength slumped to half the number in 1969. There was marginal improvement in 1974 (61 seats) when it decided to merge w ith the Jaruita. W hen revived in 1989, it could get only 11 seats. In 1985 its tally improved to 16. In the 1989 elections its score was 57. Since 1977, generally there used to be a wave and a polarisation of votes on a particular issue throughout the State. In 1977 there was a storm in favour of the Janata Party whereas in 1980 there was a wave in favour of the Congress. By wiiming 29 seats the Janata Party reached the second position. In 1984 with the assassination of Smt. Indira Gandhi, the Congress revived a sympathy wave and won 83 of the 85 Lok Sabha seats with 51 per cent v o tes. In the 1989 elections when Bofors was the main issue and all the Opposition parties united to defeat the Congress, there was a wave in favour of V.P Singh. In fact, it was a repeat of 1980. Just as in 1977 the voters voted for the Janata Party, in 1980 they voted for the Congress. In 1984 the voters for the Congress, in 1989 they voted against the Congress. In 1989 the vote percentage of the Congress declined to 31.8 per cent from 51 per cent in 1984. And the Janata Dal captured 54 seats with 35.9 per cent votes. The Janata Party got only one per cent votes, whereas the BJP increased its vote percentage to 7.6 and won 8 Lok Sabha seats. In 1989 with the temple movement gaining momentum the politics of UP took an amazing turn. The BJP increased its mass base by leaps and bounds. The Ayodhya movement had played a major role in deciding BJP's electoral fortunes. On the other hand Mulayam Singh Yadav also started cashing on casteist (Yadavas) and communalist (dalit-Muslim) feelings to outplay V.P. singh. In this game of casteism he succeeded to some extent. In 1991 the entire UP again turned saffron. By increasing its vote percentage from 7.6 to 32.8 per cent the BJP captured 51 Lok Sabha seats and emerged as the biggest party in the State. The Congress tally was reduced to only 5 seats with 18.2 per cent votes. While the Janata Dal won 22 seats w ith 21.6 per cent votes and Janata Party 4 seats with 10 per cent votes. The BJP got absolute majority in the State Assembly also. But in December 1992 the Central Government dismissed the BJP government holding them responsible for the demolition of the disputed structure at Ayodhya. Statewise Election Data 173

In the Assembly polls of 1993, all non-BJP parties united to defeat the BJP, but despite this 'unity' BJP remained the single largest party by winning 176 seats with 33.36 per cent votes. The SP-BSP alliance had won only 168 seats but it formed a government which was headed by Mulayam Singh Yadav which lasted for one and a half year. Then due to differences w ith the SP, the BSP Secretary General Smt. Mayawati formed a new government which remained in power for 135 days. The BSP, the junior partner in the coalition Goverriment in Uttar Pradesh, in a swift move on Jime 1,1995, had pulled out of the M ulayam Singh Yadav Ministry in Uttar Pradesh plunging the 18 month-old minority Government into a major crisis and staked its claim to form an "alternative Government immediately with the support of opposition parties, including the BJP." The UP Assembly was dissolved on October 27,1995. The 1996 elections demonstrated the sliding influence of the JD and the Left Parties in Uttar Pradesh. The JD already weakened by successive splits, was given a severe blow by Mulayam Singh Yadav, whose Government the JD had supported unconditionally. Four MLA's were left in the JD against 27 who won. The CPI met the same fate. Two of the three CPI MLA's were induced to join the SP. Nevertheless, the CPI had to enter into an alliance with the SP. The CPI was given two seats — Ghazipur and Banda, its traditional strongholds. The Ghazipur seat was won by the CPI even in 1991. But, the party finished third in both constituencies. TTie CPI(M) had been given Varanasi and Kanpur seats, which its candidates, Raj Kishore and Ms. Suhasini Ali, had won in 1989. But, the CPl(M) lost in both constituencies by huge margins. The left movement in Uttar Pradesh has been damaged by the casteist politics, with the rank and file, mostly from Dalit and OBCs, being influenced more by sectarian appeal. The last few elections in Uttar Pradesh hads dem onstrated that the Congress, the JD and Left parties are becoming politically irrelevant in the largest populated State of the country OrUy the SP and the BSP fighting each other issuing rank casteist appeal and inducing Muslims, would face the BJP. The BSP however, vastly improved upon its earlier performance in 1991. The gain of 69 Assembly seats in the 1993 elections in alliance w ith the Samajwadi Party was an exception. After parting of ways with the SP, the BSP has not lost its clout and dem onstrated that it is emerging as a force to reckon w ith and the Dalit votes are solidly behind it, plus a chunk of lower caste Muslims and OBCs. The most significant aspect is the substantial increase in the poll percentage of the BSP, which touched about 18 per cent against nearly 19 of the SP. It is true that the SP contested only 64 seats against 85 by the BSP in U.P. However, the accretion of the BSP vote compared to that of the SP is significant. The BJP vote percentage, which had showed an increase up to 34 per cent in the 1993 Assembly elections, came down to 31 per cent. Although the Congress could manage to win five seats at par with its 1991 tally, the loss of Rae Bareli, M isrikh and Farrukhabad w on by it in 1991, would appear significant, since in all these seats, the Congress finished fourth, losing deposits. Taking for instance the Rae Bareli seat, which Indira 174 Elections in India: 1952-96 Gandhi represented till her assassination and the Congress lost it only in 1977. The Congress candidate, Vikram Kaul, son of Mrs. Sheila Kaul, could secure only 25,457 votes against 163,379 votes polled by the winner BJP candidate, Ashok Singh. The BJP, which touched its 1991 victory in the recent elections, securing 52 seats, however, recorded more gains in the reserved constituaides, winning 13 of the 18 seats in Uttar Pradesh, against 10 in the last election. The BSP, party of dalits, got three seats, while the SP had to be content with two seats. In the 1991 elections, the Janata Dal secured six of the reserved seats and the Congress and the SP one each. But the Janata Dal could not retain any of these. The two seats the JD secured-Pilibhit and Khalilabad — are general constituencies. The Congress lost its lone seat Misrikh, where the Union Minister of State Ram Lai Rahi finished fourth. The SP not only retained its Barabanki seat, but could wrest Bansgaon from the BJP, the only reserved scat lost by the party. The BJP got three seats from the JD and one from the Congress. All three reserved seats secured by the BSP, half its tally of six seats, have been wrested from the JD. Significantly, the BJP could win all reserved seats in Western U.P. in 1991 and retain all these. The BSP netted Akbarpur, Lalganj, and Saidpur all in eastern U.P. while the SP secured the Barabanki and Bansgaon seats. Incidentally, the BSP had fielded its candidates in all the reserved seats, while the SP had candidates in 16 of them leaving two to the JD-Ghatampur and Khurja, both annexed by the BJP. Incidentally, the BSP supremo, Kanshi Ram, although thick in Dalit politics, never contested from any reserved seat.

TRIPURA : Fact Sheet

Table 12.91 Partywise Members in Eleven Lok Sabhas — Tripura

Party 1952 1957 1962 1967 1971 1977 1980 1984 1989 1991 1996

Congress - 1 . 2 - 1 - 2 2 - CPI 2 1 2 ------CPI (M) - - - - 2 - 2 2 - 2 BLD/JD - - 1 - - 1 -- - -

Analysis and Overview Eleven prominent leaders of four Tribal-based parties were in the fray. Among others a keen contest was witnessed between the traditional rivals, the CPI (M) and the Congress. Two members of Tripura's royal family — BJP leader Kumar Jishnu Debbarma and his sister-in-law Maharani Bibhu Kumari Devi — were opposing each other in the Tribal reserved Tripura East seat. Debbarma contesting as the BJP nominee, while the Maharani is contesting on an All India Indira Congress (Tiwari) ticket. She had won the seat (Tripura East) in the 1991 general elections as a Congress candidate with a huge margin defeating her CPI (M) rival, Bajuban Reang. Former State Revenue Minister Bibhu Kumari Devi recently joined the Indira Congress and became its working committee member. Stateunse Election Pata 175 Even though as many as nine aspirants were in the contest for this tribal reserved seat, the contest was mairdy between the CPI (M) nominee and Agriculture Minister Bajuban Reang and former Health Minister Kasi Ram Reang (Cong). For the first time, the Tripura Upajati Juba Samiti (TUJS) and Tripura Tribal National Conference (TTNC) fielded their candidates for both the seats, while the Tribal-based political party Tripura National Volunteers (TNV) had been supporting the Congress. Another Tribal-based regional party - Tripura H ill People's Party (THPP) was supporting the ruling CPI (M). Yet another factor which marked the polls, the estrangement between the Congress and its 14-year-old political partner TUJS. Since the 1983 Assembly polls, the Congress TUJS alliance had emerged as a major challenge to the CPI (M)-led Left Front. The combine had ousted the Left Front in the Assembly polls held in February 1988. While the ruling CPI (M) had a strong base among the Tribals, the Congress, however, was dependent on the TUJS during the past 14 years to get the Tribal votes. Tribals constitute 31 per cent of the total population of the State. Failing to get the TUJS support, the Congress rushed to the TNV camp. The TNV, which fielded two candidates in both the seats, withdrew their nominees in support of the Congress. The TUJS had put up its advisory board chairman Shyama Charan Tripura in the Tripura West Lok Sabha Seat and Gauri Sar\kar Reang, TUJS vice-president and former Deputy Speaker of the Tripura Assembly, in the Tripura East seat (ST). The newly-formed TTNC, formed by the breakaway leaders and workers of the TUJS, also fielded their candidates in both the seats. TTNC's founder president and former chief executive member of the Tripura Tribal Areas Autonomous District Council (TTAADC) Harinath Debbarma contested from the Tripura West Lok Sabha.

WEST BENGAL: Fact Sheet

Table 12.92: PartywiseM embers in Eleven Lok Sabhas — West Bengal

Party 1952 1957 1962 1967 1971 1977 1980 1984 1989 1991 1996

BJS/BJP 2 . 1' . - . .. - - Congress 24 23 22 14 13 3 4 16 4 5 9 CPI 5 6 9 5 3 - 3 3 3 3 3 CPI (M) - 2 - 5 20 17 28 18 27 27 23 RSP -- 1 - 1 3 4 3 4 4 4 FBKI -- 1 2 - 3 3 2 3 3 3 GNLF -- 5^ - 1 -- BSP 1^ 2 - 1 1 15‘ Independents

& Others - 3 2 7 1 1

1. LSS; 2. SSP 3. AMBS; 4. AMBI; 5. ABHM; 6. JP. 176 Elections in India: 1952-96 Table 12.93: Party Position in the Bengal Assembly Elections (1987 and 1991)

Party 1987 1991

CPI (M) 187 188 Congress 40 43 Forward Block 26 29 RSP 18 18 JD 0 1 Independents & Others 23 15 Total 294 294

Table 12.94: Percentage of Votes Polled in Assembly Elections

Party Congress CPI + CPI (M) Seats Won % Seats Won %

1982 49 35.7 181 40.03 1987 40 41.8 198 40.2 1991 43 35.1 195 38.5

Analysis and Overview In the 1991 Elections, the Congress got 36.2 per cent of the votes as against 47.1 per cent for the Left Front. Both the Congress and the Left Front faced an erosion in votes— the swing being minus 5.2 per cent for the Congress and minus 3.68 per cent for the Left Front. In what was a major surprise, the BJP managed to corner 11.7 per cent of the votes. The net result for the total 42 parliamentary seats was 37 for the Left Front and 5 for the Congress. In the simultaneous Assembly elections, the Congress got only 43 of the 294 seats while the CPM by itself had an absolute majority in the State. The 'swing away' votes seems to have deserted the BJP in the Mxmicipal elections in 1993 and 1994 where its share went down to 7.88 per cent. In 1984, CPI and CPM was able to win 26 seats with a bare 0.2 per cent more vote than the Congress which won 16 seats. CPI/CPM 48.4 per cent and Congress 48.2%. In 1989 CPI/CM P secured 37 seats with 50.9 per cent votes and Congress only 4 with 41.4 per cent votes. In 1991, CPI/CPM got 37 seats with 47.1 per cent and Congress 5 with 36.2 per cent votes. In West Bengal a coalition government of 9 parties led by the CPI (M) has looked invincible for much of its 19-year tenure. The West Bengal's Left Front has been the world's longest lasting democratically elected Communist government. The year 1996 is a special one in the political career of Marxist Supremo Jyoti Basu. It is his 50th year in elections and the 1996 elections to the West Bengal Assembly made him a veteran of 13 elections. Basu won his first election to the Legislative Assembly undivided Bengal held on May 14, 1946. He defeated the Congress heavyweight (later a member of Nehru's Cabinet) in the reserved seat for Railwaymen, by a margin of just 7 votes. In the first elections held in India in 1952, Basu contested the Statewise Election Data 177 Baranagore seat in the northern suburb of Calcutta. He beat his nearest candidate of the Congress by a margin of 5,000 votes and became the leader of the undivided CPI's Legislative Party in the West Bengal Assembly. Since 1977, he has been Chief Minister for the longest uninterrupted term. Addressing an election rally in the Satgachia constituency in March 1996, the Marxist leader urged workers of his party and the Front constituents to "go close to the people" laying stress on house-to-house campaign rather than holding mass rallies. "We should know what the people are thinking about us. And people have the right to know what we have done for them during the last 19 years. This interaction is possible only when we go close to them." The Left Front dropped more than 80 sitting MLAs including 6 Ministers indicating that the younger ones should take the place of old ones. The CPI (M), the dominant partner in the Front dropped 58 MLAs including 4 senior Ministers from its list of candidates. The CPI also dropped 2 of its Ministers. In the 1991 elections, the Front had 246 MLAs (the CPI(M) 186) in a House of 246; the Congress 41. The Front won 37 of the 42 Lok Sabha seats from West Bengal. Organisationally the Congress Party was in a shambles in West Bengal on the eve of 1996 elections. The State Youth President Mamta Banerjee and State Unit President Somen Mitra were involved in an ugly feud. The return of Siddhartha Shanker Roy from the USA where he was Indian Ambassador to politics in West Bengal also had its repercussions on the State politics. The contest was largely between the Congress and the Left Front. There was a new 11-party combination with the Socialist Unity Centre in India (SUCI) and a few Naxalites groups. The BJP also tried to make inroads. For the first time the Left Front entered into an electoral alliance with the Janata Dal. The Front offered five Assembly seats and one Lok Sabha seats to the Janata Dal. Among the Left Front constituents, the CPI (M) contested 208 seats. Forward Block 34, the CPI 12, the Samajwadi Party 4, the Revolutionary Communist Party in India 2, and the Democratic Socialist Party 2, Biplabi Bangla Congress 1, the Marxist Forward 2 and the Communist Revolutionary League of India. The GNLF fielded 4 candidates in the Darjeeling, Kurseong and Kalimpong Assembly constituencies in the hills and in Siliguri in the foothills. It boycotted the Darjeeling Lok Sabha elections because the Centre had not clarified the "Status" of Darjeeling and Kalimpong which according to the GNLF are "no-man's and leasehold lands." The Congress did not put up its candidates for the Darjeeling, Kurseong and Kalimpong constituencies. The BJP put up a Muslim candidate against Jyoti Basu. The Left Front received some set back in the Lok Sabha as well as Assembly elections. However Left Front Government was formed in the State for the fifth time. 178 Elections in India: 1952-96 Union Territories; Fact Sheet

Table 12.95: Partywise Position in Union Territories in Lok Sabha Elections

Year No. of Seats Andaman Chandi- Dadra Daman Laksha- Pondi- & Nicobar garh & Nagar & D iu dweep cherry Islands Haodi 1996 Cong. BJP Cong. Cong. Cong. Cong. 1991 Cong. Cong. Cong. BJP Cong. Cong. 1989 Cong. JD Ind. Ind. Cong. Cong. 1984 Cong. Cong. Ind. - Cong. Cong. 1980 Cong. Cong. Cong - Cong. Cong. 1977 Cong. BLD Cong. - Cong. AIADMK 1971 Cong. Cong. Cong. - Cong. Cong. 1967 Cong. BJP Cong. - Cong. Cong. Analysis and Overview Tlie Andaman & Nicobar Islands, a group of 572 islands as Union Territories lie in the Bay of Bengal, 1,255 Km from Calcutta and 1,190 km from Madras. The original inhabitants of the islands lived in the forests by hunting and fishing. The number of electors is 161,731. It sends one representative to the Parliament. Since 1989 it is represented by the Congress Party. The city of Chandigarh and the areas surrounding it were constituted as a Union Territory on November 1, 1996. It serves as the joint capital of both Punjab and Haryana. The Akali Party has been claiming Chandigarh as a part of Punjab. The territory of Dadra and Nagar Haveli was ruled by the Portuguese till its liberation by the people on August 2,1954. The territory was merged with the Indian Uniwi on August 11,1%1 and since tiien is being administered by the Government of India as a Union Territory through the Administrator. It sends one MP with an electorate of 74,956. In 1996 it was represented by Congress. Daman and Diu along with Goa was a Portuguese Colony even after Independence. In 1961, it was made an integral part of India. It was part of the erstwhile Union Territory of Goa, Daman and Diu. After conferring Statehood on Goa on May 30,1987, Daman and Diu were made a separate Union Territory. It has an electorate of 57,286. The Union Territory of Lakshadweep, a group of 10 islands witnessed a familiar electoral replay between the six times winner. Union Minister P.M. Sayeed, a Congress nominee, contesting against his five times rival K.K. Mohammed Koya of Janata Dal in the elections to the lone Lok Sabha seat. Lok Sabha elections were introduced in 1967 in this Muslim domiiwted islands, spread in the Arabian sea, replacing nominations. Sayeed contested in 1967 as an Independent. There has been no looking back for him after that. Since 1977, he has contested on Congress ticket. The territory of Pondicherry comprises the former French establishments of Pondicherry, Karaikal, Mahe, Yanas which lie scattered in . Pondicherry, ^ e capital of the territory was once the original headquarters of the French in India. The number of electors is 591,043. 13

Constituencywise Lok Sabha Election Results 1991 and 1996 180 Elections in India: 1952-96

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Religion and Caste Composition of Constituencies

It is commonly believed that religion and caste play a determining role in the electoral . Caste ccwisiderations are paramount in the selection of candidates for specific constituencies. Political parties, notwithstanding their secular credentials, invariably chose partymen belonging to the minority community for canvassing where the minority community caste forms a sizeable number of the electorate. Caste and religious considerations are not a new phenomenon. Even in the days of Pandit Nehru, nationalist Muslims were preferably put up from constituencies that had a large number of Muslim electors. ITie tradition continues although political commentators have started regarding the 'vote bank' concept more of a myth than reality. Caste is a social reality in India. Each town has pockets associated with special communities or castes. There are localities like Brahinpuri, Thakurdwara, Chamartoli, Sahukara, Teliwara, Kayasthwada and Islamgunj etc. where the majority of population comprises a particular caste or community. These localities have their aldermen and the politidar^s find it conver\ient to canvass through them. It is in this manner ^at caste factors come into play. There is very little official statistics available so far the caste composition of various constituencies within the states are concerned. Some of the available date relating to administrative districts is very obsolete. The boundaries of administrative districts are not always congruent w iA those of electoral constituencies. The Census provides data with respect to population distribution by religion which for broad considerations may be taken into account, for electoral considerations; the presimiption being that the 18 and above population for each group forms near equal percentage among all communities. Keeping in view the importance of castewise distribution of electorate, constituency profiles presented in the following pages have been prepared on the basis of data obtained from a variety of secondary sources. The Census figures provide uptodate data with respect to distribution of population by religion over the different States. Help from newspaper surveys and other election- related literature has been taken to compile constituency- wise information. A number of economic factors keep on operating making significant changes in the caste distribution. The States in the North-East have a very porous border with Bangladesh. Illegal immigration has been responsible for making significant alterations in the religion-wise composition of a number of districts in the North-East. The problem extends even to some constituencies in Ihe national capital. With this backgroxmd, it would be appreciated that the Religious and Caste Composition cf Constituencies 199 data provides at best a broad view of the caste composition of the electoral constituencies. It is important for there are certain issues that are exclusive to certain communities and influence their voting patterns significantly. It would be naive to deny the caste factor. At the same time, it would be extremely unwise to take for granted that the communities vote en bloc irrespective of other electoral considerations. A candidate belonging to a certain community keeps on winning from a constituency where his community has predominant number irrespective of the 'wave' being in favour of or against his party. A certain individual, not necessarily belcffiging to the community with majority presence in the constituency may be acceptable to the electors while someone else of the same or other community may not be acceptable. If the previous results are any guide, it would be unsafe’ to come out with any definite or precise hypothesis on this account. The information is there with all the limitations discussed above and it is for the readers to decide as to what use they would like to make of this information. The Census data for 1991 is being reproduced to supplement the available information v«th respect to religion-wise distribution of population over the different States. Also the available data v«th respect to SC and ST distribution as released by the Registrar General and Census Commissioner for 1991 has bem relied upon where it could be of help in interpolation of statistics. Table 14.1: Main Religious Communities in the Country as a Whole. (1991) Sex ratio Religious (Females per Communities* Persons Males Females 1,000 males)

Hindus 687,646,m 357,258,m 330,393,888 925 Muslims 101,596,057 52,631,365 48,964,692 930 Christians 19,640,284 9,848,930 9,791,354 994 Sikhs 16,259,744 8,610,508 7,649,236 888 Buddhists 6,387,500 3,272,200 3,115,300 952 Jains 3,352,706 1,722,715 1,629,991 946

* Excludes'figures of Jammu & Kashmir.

Table 14.2: Percentage of Main Religions (1991)

Religious % * % Decadal ** Rural % to Urban % to Communities Total Popu- Growth Rate Popu- Total Rural Popu­ Total lation 1981 - 91 lation Population lation Urban Population Hindus 82.00 22.78 522,896,625 83.96 164,750,096 76.35 Muslims 12.12 32.76 65,563,695 10.53 36,032,362 16.70 Christians 2.34 16.89 13,485,261 2.17 6,155,023 2.85 Sikhs 1.94 25.48 12,473,430 2.00 3,786,314 1.75 Buddhists 0.76 35.98 4,127,484 0.66 2,260,016 1.05 Jains 0.40 4.42 997,718 0.16 2,354,988 1.09

* Excludes figures of Jammu & Kashmir ** Excludes figures of Assam and Jammu & Kashmir. 200 Elections in India: 1952-96 Table 14.3: State wise Population of Main Religion

HINDUS MUSUMS CHRISTIANS SIKHS

India/SUite or Total Pop. % Pop. V. Pop. % Pop. % Union Territory Pop.

INDIA 816,169,666 672,599,428 82.41 95,222,853 11.67 18,895.917 2.32 16,243,252 1.99

STATE l..A ndhra Prad. 66,508,008 59,281,950 89.14 5,923,954 8,91 1,216348 1.83 21,910 0.03 2. Arunachal Prad. 364,558 320,212 37.04 11,922 1.38 89,013 10.29 1,205 0.14 3. Assam 2^414,322 15,047,293 67.13 6,373,204 28.43 744367 3.32 16,492 0.07 4. Bihar 86,374,465 71,193,417 82.42 12,787,985 14.81 843,717 0.98 5. Goa 1,169,793 756,621 64.68 61,455 5.25 349,225 29.86 1,087 0.09 6. Gujarat 41,309,582 36,964,228 89.48 3,606,920 8.73 181,753 0.44 33,044 0.08 7. Haryana 16,463,648 14,686,512 89.21 763,775 4.64 15.699 0.10 956336 5.81 8. H iirad\al Prad. 5,170,877 4,958,560 95.90 89,134 1.72 4,435 0.09 52,050 1.01 9. Jammu t Kash. 3,843,451 64.19 8,481 0.14 10. Karnataka 44,977,201 28,432,027 85.45 5,234,023 11.64 859,478 1.91 10,101 0.02 11. Kerala 29,098,518 16,668,587 57.28 6,788,364 23.33 5,621310 19.32 2,224 0.01 12. Madhya Prad. 66,181,170 61,412,898 92.80 3,282,800 4.96 426398 0.65 161,111 0.24 13. Maharashtra 78,937,187 64,033,213 81.12 7,628,755 9.67 885,030 1.12 161.184 0.21 14. Manipur 1,387,149 1,059,470 57.67 133335 7.27 626,669 34.11 1301 0.07 15. Meghalaya 1,774,778 260,306 14.67 61,462 3.46 1,146,092 6438 2,612 0.15 16. Mizoram 689,756 34,788 5.05 4338 0.66 591,342 85.73 299 0.04 17. Nagaland 1,209,546 122,473 10.12 20,642 1.71 1,057,940 87.47 732 0.06 18. Orissa 31,659,736 29,971,257 94.67 577,775 1.83 666,220 2.10 17.296 0.05 19. Punjab 20,281,969 6,989,226 34.46 239,401 1.18 225,163 1.11 12,767,697 62.95 20. Rajasthan 44,005,990 39,201,099 89.08 3325,339 8.01 47,989 0.11 649,174 1.4 21. Sikkim 406,457 277,881 68.37 3349 0.95 13,413 3.30 375 0.09 22. Tamil Nadu 55,858,946 49332,052 88.67 3,052,717 5.47 3,179,410 5.69 5,449 0.01 23. Tripura 2,757,205 2,384,934 86.50 196,495 7.13 46,472 1.68 740 0.03 24. Uttar Prad. 139,112,287 113,712,829 81.74 24.109,648 17.33 199375 0.14 675,775 0.48 25. West Bengal 68,077,965 50,866,624 74.72 16,075,836 23.61 383,477 036 55392 0.08

UNION TERRITORIES 26. Andaman & N. 280,661 189321 673 3 21,3547.61 67,2111350 23.95 0.48 27. Chandigarh 642,015 486,895 75.84 17,477 2.72 5,030 0.78 130,288 20,29 28. Dadra & N. HaveU138,477 132,213 95.48 3,341 2.41 2,092 1 31 20 0.01 29. Danmn t Diu 101386 89,153 87.76 9,048 8.91 2,904 2.86 101 0.10 30. Ddhi 9,420,644 7,882,164 83.67 889,641 9.44 83,152 0.88 455,657 4.84 31. Lakshadweep 51,707 2337 432 48,765 94.31 598 1.16 1 N 32. Pondicherry 807,785 695,981 86.16 52,867 6.54 58362 7.23 29 N

Note*Exdudes Assam and Jammu & Kashmir. @ The 1991 Census could not be conducted in 33 villages of Akrani and Akkalkuwa tehsils of Dhule district of Maharashtra. The population of these villages (i.e. 16,052 persons) has been cbtained from secondary sources and included in the population of Maharashtra and India. Hovirever, their further details are not available. + No Census was conducted in Assam and Jammu & Kashmir in 1981 and 1991 respectively. N Stands for Negligible. Sc Stands for Infinity. Religious and Caste Composition of Constiti4encies 201 Distribution of Population (1991}

BUDDHISTS JAINS OTHERS NO T STATE SL. Pop. % Pop. % Pop. % Pop. % No.

6 323,492 0.77 3,332,061 0.41 3,131,125 0.38 405,486 0.05

22,153 0.03 26,564 0.04 2364 N 12365 0.02 1 111,372 12.88 64 0.01 313,118 36.22 17,652 2.04 2 64,008 0.29 20,645 0.09 138,230 0.62 10,083 0.05 3 3,518 N 23,049 0.03 1,443,258 1.67 1309 N 4 240 0.02 487 .0.04 403 0.04 275 0.02 5 11,615 0.03 491,331 1.19 14,213 0.C3 6,478 0.02 6 2,058 0.01 35,296 0.21 156 N 3316 0.02 7 64,081 1.24 1,200 0.02 211 N 1,200 0.02 8 q 73,012 0.16 326,114 0.73 6,325 0.01 36,121 0.08 10 223 N 3,641 0.01 3,275 0.01 10,694 0.04 11 216,667 0.33 190324 0.74 62,457 0.09 128315 0.19 12 5,040,785 6.39 965,840 1.22 99,768 0.13 106360 0.14 13 711 0.04 1,337 0.07 14,066 0.77 60 N 14 2,934 0.16 445 0.02 298,466 16.82 2,461 0.14 15 54,024 7.83 4 N 1359 0.27 2,902 0.42 16 581 0.05 1,202 0.10 5,870 0.48 106 0.01 17 9,153 0.03 6,302 0.02 397,798 1.26 13,935 0.04 18 24,930 0.12 20,763 0.10 883 0.01 13,906 0.07 19 4467 0.01 562,806 1.28 1,191 N 13,925 ”0.03 20 110,371 27.15 40 0.01 374 0.09 154 0.04 21 2,128 N 66,900 0.12 2,620 0.01 17,670 0.03 22 128,260 4.65 301 0.01 2 N 1 N 23 221,433 0.16 176,259 0.13 8392 0.01 8340 0.01 24 203378 0.30 34,335 0.05 452,403 0.67 6300 0.01 25

322 0.11 17 0.01 256 0.09 630 0.22 26

699 0.11 1331 0.24 40 0.01 55 0.01 27 200 0.15 529 0.38 82 0.06 -- 28 31 0.03 212 0.21 123 0.12 14 0.01 29 13,906 0.15 94,672 0.00 936 0.01 516 0.01 30 1 N -. 2 N 3 0.01 31 39 0.01 470 0.06 14 N 23 N 32 202 Elections in India: 1952-96 Table 14.4: Percentage of Main Religions (1991)

SI. India/State or Total Scheduled Castes Scheduled Tribes No. Union Territory Popu­ Popu­ Percentage Popu­ Percentage lation lation of Total lation of Total COOO) COOO) Population COOO) Population

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

INDIA* 838^84 138,223 16.48 67.758 8.08 STATES 1. Andhra Pradesh 66,508 10,592 15.93 4,200 6.31 2. Arunachal Pradesh 865 4 0.47 550 63.66 3. A ssam 22,714 1,659 7.40 2,874 12.82 4. Bihar 86,374 12,572 14.55 6,617 7.66 5. Goa 1,170 24 2.08 - 0.03 6, Gujarat 41,310 3,060 7.41 6,162 14.92 7. Haryana 16,464 3,251 19.75 -- 8. Himachal Pradesh 5,171 1,310 25.34 218 4.22 9. Karnataka 44,977 7,369 16.38 1,916 4.26 10. Kerala 29,099 2,887 9.92 321 1.10 11. Madhya Pradesh 66,181 9,627 14.55 15,399 23.27 12. Maharashtra 78,937 8,758 11.09 7,318 9.27 13. Manipur 1,837 37 2.02 632 34.41 14. Meghalaya 1,775 9 0.51 1,518 85.53 15. Mizoram 690 1 0.10 654 94.75 16. Nagaland 1,210 -- 1,061 87.70 17. Orissa 31,660 5,129 16.20 7,032 22.21 18. Punjab 20,282 5,743 28.31 - - 19. Rajasthan 44,006 7,608 17.29 5,475 12.44 20. Sikkim 406 24 5.93 91 22.36 21. Tamil Nadu 55,859 10,712 19.18 574 1.03 22. Tripura 2,757 451 16.36 853 30.95 23. Uttar Pradesh 139,112 29,276 21.05 288 0.21 24. West Bengal 68,078 16,081 23.62 3,809 5.59

U N IO N TERRITORIES 1. A ndam an & Nicobar Islands 281 27 9.54 2. Chandigarh 642 106 16.51 - - 3. Dadra & Nagar Haveli 138 3 1.97 109 78.99 4. Daman and Diu 102 4 3.83 12 11.54 5. DelW 9,421 1,795 19.05 -- 6. Lakshadweep 52 - - 48 93.15 7. Pondicherry 808 131 16.25 ••

• Excludes figures of Jammu & Kashmir where 1991 census was not taken. Religious and Caste Composition of Constituencies 203 Table 14.5: Percentage of Castes and Subcastes

Caste % Caste %

Andhra Pradesh Kurubas 10 R eddys 6.5 Other Backward Classes 11 Kam as 3 Total 100 Brahmins 3.5 Other Upper Castes 3 Madhya Piadesh Scheduled Castes 15.9 Brahmins 4 Schedtiled Tribes 6.3 Thakurs 3 Muslims 11.7 Banias 2 Christians 2.0 Kaysthas 1 Otfier Backward Class 48.1 Minorities 5 Total 100.00 Other Backward Classes 48 Scheduled Castes 14 Bihar Scheduled Tribes 23 UPPER CASTES Total 100.00 (a) Brahmins 4 (b) Rajputs 4 Maharashtra (c) Bhimiihars 2 Marathas 13 (d) Kayastiias 1.0 Brahmins 4 Yadavas 11.0 Dalits 13 Adivasis 9 Banias 3 Kurm is 3.0 M uslim s 10 Other Backward Castes 51 Koeris 4.0 Extremely Backward Caste 31.0 Total 100.00 Muslims 15.0 Scheduled Caste 14.5 Uttar Pradesh Scheduled Tribes 7.5 Brahmins 11 Thakurs 9 Total 100.00 Vaish 4 Gujarat Kaysthas 1 ^ Other Backward Castes 27 Patels 18 Brahmins, Banias 14.5 Scheduled Castes 21 M uslim s 18 Rajputs and otiiers Jats and Bhumidhas 4 Harijans 7 Othes 5 Muslims 1.0 Adivasis 15.5 Total 100.00 Odier Backward classes 35.0 Total 100.00

Karnataka Lingayats 18 VoUialigas 16 Brahmins 1 M uslim s 12 Scheduled Castes 16 Scheduled Tribes 4 V oddas 6 Tailgors 6 204 Elections in India: 1952-96

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Parties Profile of Lok Sabha Constituencies (From 1952 to 1996)

The 543 Constituencies are unique in their own way. In some cases the geographical location puts into focus certain problems which are not shared by others. The caste compositions are varied and so are the political loyalties. No wonder each constituency has been reacting in its own characteristic manner at the time of Lok Sabha polls. T he profile p resen ts a d etailed v iew o f h o w th e constituencies h a v e exp ressed their choice for political parties or independents over the years 1952 to 1996. There are constituencies where politick loyalties have remained consistent. Also there are constituencies which are quick to react and shift their loyalties without much difficulties. There has been a gradual decline in the number of constituencies at one time which were the stronghold for the Congress Party. The BJP and the JD have gradually been breaking into the fortresses.

PRIM E M INISTERS' CONSTITUENCIES S.No Prime Minister Party Constituena/ Election Year

1. INC Allahabad (UP) 1952 Phulpur (UP) 1957, 1962 2. INC Sabarkantha (Gujarat) 1962 (Officiating) 3. Lai Bahadur Shastri INC Allahabad (UP) 1962 4. Gulzarilal Nanda INC Sabarkantha (Gujarat) 1962 5. Indira G andhi INC Rai Bareilly (UP) 1967, 1971 6. Moraji Desai JP Surat (Gujarat) 1977 7. Charan Singh JP Baghpat (UP) 1977 8. Indira Gandhi INC Medak (Karnataka) 1980 9. Rajiv Gandhi INC Amethi (UP) 1984 10. V.P. Singh JD Fatehpur (UP) 1989 11. Chandra Shekhar JD Ballia (UP) 1989 12. P.V. Narasimha Rao INC Nandyal (Andhra) 1991 Berhampur (Orissa) 1996 13. Atal Bihari Vajpayee BJP Lucknow, New Delhi 1996 14. H.D. Deve G ow da JD Hassan (Karnataka) 1991» * Did not contest 1996 Lok Sabha Elections 242 Elections in India: 1952-96

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Reactions and Responses

Most newspapers devoted their editorials to election results as they started pouring May 9,1996 onwards. The reasons for Congress debacle were analysed and hopes held out for the newly emerging scenario. The comments were harsh and the future expectations varied. Relevant portions from some of the press reactions are reproduced in the following pages. CPI (M) and the Third Front The CPI (M) had stuck in the past to its decision of not sharing power at the Centre. Unless it is reasonably sure of "independent functioning", the CPI(M) has been wary of joining the coalition government. It has drawn its lessons from the coalition experiment in W est Bengal. The Marxists are clearly aware of the voters' apprehensions on the viability of the coalition governments of disparate constituents as past experience has shown. Their post-poll strategy will be to keep the BJP out of power and encourage the splintered anti-Rao Congress (I) groups to join the NF. But Basu has been emphasising the need for the secular, democratic and national parties to work together on the basis of a minimum conunon programme. Ideological and other differences continue to come in the way of forging a national alternative to the Congress (I) or the BJP. Despite their bitter opposition to Congress (I)'s policies, the Marxists have a soft comer for the "secular" and "progressive" Congressmen and seem to be willing to extend their support to ^ese factions. While the post-election realignments for forming the third front coalition government of the NF-LF combine is difficult to predict, the prospect of an unstable government at the Centre in the event of a hung parliament must be worrying the CPI (M) and its allies in the LF. The realignments seen on earlier occasions in 1977, 1989 or 1991 lacked political cohesion and naturally ended in a fiasco. Despite Basu's optimism, the NF has failed to put up a cohesive front even this time. While the Congress (I) has splintered, the BjOP's image, too, has suffered a dent. The prospects for further realignments in the Congress (I) need to be considered. The emergence of the Moopanar factor in Tamil Nadu politics will naturally influence the course of events at the Centre. As the NF had strained its relations with the DMK beyond repair, the DMK-TMC front's support to the NF-LF coalition at the Centre has been ruled out {, M ay 9, 1996). Indian Politicians Lose Weight An unprecedented number of heavyweigjits of Indian politics lost weigjit and the severest weight loss has taken place in the size of the egos. The RmcMc^ a ^ ■S^tises 267 electCHrate h a s b e e n ex trem ely fair in th is re g a rd a n d h a s n o t s p a re d a n y political party. Just a day before, K. Karunakaran was positioning himself to send a sharp southern stiletto into the back of Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao; he discovered on Thursday morning that a CPI sickle across his neck had done serious damage to his health. Indeed, the whole Cabinet of Rao lies thoroughly demolished after five years of smug power: tfiose Cabinet Ministers w ^o escaped destruction at the hands of their own Prime Minister have now been shown tfieir place by the electorate. , who was the fburtti minister to be sworn in along with Rao and survived five complete years without being tempted by either moral posturing or consumed by corruption charges, has lost in A e party stronghold of Yeotmal in Maharashtra. And that whiplash has tfie extraordinary merit of being non-partisan. Laloo Prasad Yadav in Bihar, whose nose has been permanently tilted upwards for five years, is suddenly feeling the cool shiver of reality down his spine as tiie alliance of safiron and pink undermines the myth of invincibility which he has created around himself. It would be interesting to take a headcount of the number of would-be Prime Ministers who have been punctured. Even the Prime Minister himself has been badly damaged, even thougji he has won both the seats he contested fix)m His margin in Nandyal is less than one-fourth of w hat it was during that euphoric time when he became Prime Minister. And he has not been able to deliver his home State, where tf\e C ongr^s managed only half the seats instead of tfie sweep it was promising. Chandra Babu Naidu can and should claim moral victory in Aiidhra Pradesh; he not only eliminated his bete noire M rs Lakshmi Parvathi but nearly did in the Congress too. Second level leaders are being buried like flies in summer: Sudhakarrao Naik, , , Krishna Kumar, Mrs Jaswant Kaur (wife of the former Punjab Chief Miruster Beant Singh), Jagdish Tytler and so on and so forth. The Ccmgress has the f^ l of a cemetery about it, with not a thought of resurrection in anyone's mind. Never has it suffered such a comprehensive defeat in its history—aiKi if it does not understand why this has happened then the party will remain buried. The Congress is paying the price of its recent history of compromise on fundamental principles like communalism, the absence of any new idea, and a leadership which h ^ lost track of India in its search for some international chimera {The Asian Age, M ay 10, 1996).

The Verdict The Country has voted equivocally, even more disparately than in 1991, m^ddng certain that the next government at the Centre will be based on a coalition of parties. Having lost the most is the Congress (I), and by extension its leader, P.V. Narasimha Rao, who may not be able to repeat 1991, when despite being in a mirxjrity, the party formed the government. That the "minority" status was transformed later into a "m ajorit/' is, of course, an entirely different matter, attributable largely to the manipulative skills of Rao. But this time Rao he has little to work with, given the disastrous showing of his party. In fact, the results have perhaps rendered his future extremely uncertain. 268 Elections in India: 1952-96

On the economic plane, the warning will have to be sounded that the fundamental parameters of Dr. Marunohan Singh's reforms programme — such as giving pride of place to market forces, cutting dow n on regulations and restrictions across-the-board, opening up the domestic economy to foreign competition within reasonable limits, and, generally, making it relatively attractive for foreign capital to participate in the economy—should not be disturbed. Dr. M anmoh^i Singh has said m a number of occasicxis ttiat the reforms need another five years to strike deeper roots in the Indian eccxiomic system. The new government should keep this in mind so that the momentum generated over the past couple of years in particular does not get dissipated, once again reducing the economy to one of drift and stagnation. The hope for the country's poor lies as much in enlarging tiie national cake as in distributing it equitably. The message India's politicians should convey to the world is that even a coalition government can te a purposive one, opening up in the process a totally new dimension as far as the practice of parliamentary democracy in this country is concerned {Business Line, May 10, 1996). Sum of All Our Feais Elections are meant to produce governments with a mandate to rule alcmg certain lines. This election has given no one any mandate, and can yield only a shaky coalition. The loser may be a country that is badly in n e ^ of firm governance. The political system and the maturity of its players are now cn test. Bharatiya Jaiwta Party, as the largest single party, may not find enough allies to help it gain majority support. The Congress as the second largest party has actually got a sharp rebuff, seemingly set as it is to lose half tite seats it held in the outgoing Lok Sabha, and is almost certain to be racked by internal convulsions and a leadership battle. Its moral authority to rule is minimal. The National Front-Left Front combine, with its allies, will also be well short of a majority. Apart from all these, there are scores of parliamentarians \^^o belong to splinter groups or are independents, and who may well hold the fate of tfie new government in their hands. This is the sim\ of all our f^rs. India's experience with coalitions is an unhappy one. Barring the case of the Narasimha Rao government minority governments too have been shortlived. Invariably, such periods of political instability have also yielded major political or social upheavals and/or economic crises. It must b e hoped that today's players will have leamt from past experience, and will work towards forming a government that has a decent chance of achieving something worthwhile. Two other trends are also clear: the Congress is in decline, and the BJF is on the ascendant. This is very evident in the seats won, but also in the share of votes (which is a more reli^le indicator of the underlying political currents). But whoever was hoping for a two-party system to evolve must be disappointed, and the fragmented nature of the new Lok Sabha reflects the nature of Indian politics and the emergence of sub-nationalism, and caste and community consciousness. Dr Marunohan Singh changed the economy. In an implanned way, Narasimha Rao through his electoral failure has taken to its logical Reactions and Responses 269 conclusion a development which had begun some years ago {Business Standard, M ay 10, 1996).

Kerala Turns Left In the political see-saw in Kerala in which the Congress-led United Democratic Front and the CPM-led Left Demoaatic Front alternate in office, the LDF has emerged as a clear winner in the Assembly elections. Alfhougfi the LTDF ta lly in th e L ok S abh a poll is n o t d isa p p o in tin g , th e C o n g ress h a s s i r r e d a setback in the defeat of Union Minister K. Karunakaran and his son, Muralidharan. Karunakaran, however, will retain his membership of the Rajya Sabha but his role in national politics will be restricted on accoimt of his rejection by the Trichur Lok Sabha constituency. Even otherwise, the dismal performance of the Congress in tfie general election has limited the scope of Karunakaran playing a decisive role in the post-poll scenario. Having been defeated at the hustings, he finds himself more handicapped in influencing the developments in the Congress party. This is a setback for him but certainly not for his State. In a way, it is quite sad that the good work A.K. Antony has done to improve the image of the Congress and the UDF has not produced the desired results. Even his critics will concede that he had tried his best to provide a clean and to some extent efficient government for the State during his short innings as Chief Minister. Perhaps the fate of ti\e Congress would have been different had he been brought to Kerala much earlier but there is no point in reflecting on the "ifs" and "buts" of politics. Again, it is a moot question whether the Antony government's prohibition polivy has really helped the UDF in securing votes. The liquor lobby undoubtedly turned against the UDF but there is no evidence that the ordinary people rallied round the ruling coalition on accoimt of the ban on the manufacture and sale of arrack. Another factor that m ust have gone against the Antony regime was the commimal turn which Kerala politics had taken in the wake of some of its controversial decisions. Anyway, a new chapter has begun in the aruials of State politics and it is hoped that the LDF Government will give a good account of itself and resist ^ e temptation to resort to populism (The Hindustan Times, May 10, 1996).

Stability Factor is Key, Whatever the Outcome Even as a clear picture of the post-poll political scenario had to emerge, the trends showed that neither the Congress nor any other party or combination of parties would get an absolute majority. The chances of a viable coalition assxmiing office at the Centre depends on a num ber of imponderables. It jA^ould be unfortunate if the country takes long in presenting a picture of stability. The validity of the Congress party's poll plank of stability and progress has not lost its relevance even if the voter had not grasped its importance in a full measure. The question of stability comes uppermost in regard to pursuit of tiie historic economic reforms launched by the Congress Government headed by P.V. Narasimha Rao when it assumed office in 1991. The programme of economic liberalisation and reform was carefully piloted, tagging on to it social welfare schemes including major steps to tadde poverty and unemployment (National Herald, May 10, 1996). 270 Elections in India: 1952-96 Deliver, or Get Out The starved, illiterate and tolerant Indian voter has once again proved that nobody can take him for granted. He is capable of silently suffering the democratically-elected rulers for five years. But when it comes to his rigjit to vote, he uses it like a sledge-hammer to punish those who betray his trust and abuse political power. The political maturity shown by tiie voters w ho cast their votes in Assembly elections in Tamil Nadu, Haryana, Kerala, W est Bengal and Pondicherry confoms that the biggest democratic experiment in the world has not gone away, and, despite grave limitations, democracy has taken firm roots in the Indian soil. The available results and trends show that voters have carefully assessed the performance of ruling parties or fronts in their resp»ective States before taking a decision as to which party to vote for. The election results underline the truth that there is no substitute to good politics and good governance. Populist slogans, electicai rhetoric, emotive issues and the image of a particular political leader or a party do play a role in influencing voters, at least temporarily but, ultimately, it is the record of governance that matters. The outcome of tiie Assembly polls is a clear indication that if those elected to rule want to retain their powei, they have to deliver the goods and put in a good performance. Also, a strange feature of the just- concluded general elections is that while ttie voters have expressed themselves unequivocally in Assembly elections, they seem to have pronounced a rather confusing verdict in the case of the Lok Sabha {The Pioneer, May 10, 1996). The Issue Is . . . As the results of the general elections come in ever so slowly—^there is nothing slow or insignificant about the impact on the established parties. The picture is not uniform. Hie BJP, projected to achieve spectacular gains in the various opinion polls, has reason to pause and ponder where its rabid communalism has led it, the Janata Dai-Left Front combine is doing better th ^ any one expected and tiie Congress Party appears set to achieve a new low on performance. The large number of small groups are doing very well and must be looking carefully at opportunities as they xmfold. The rout of the AIADMK in Tjimil Nadu with Miss Jayalalitha's own seat in question is quite clearly a verdict against her corrupt and hig^-handed administration. Narasimha ^ o blundered in getting into an alliance with her but it is worth recall that Oiidambaram, for instance, had no qualms about bowing low and long to her in public the last time, begging for support. The discovery of her corruption and hi^-^iandedness is apparently of recent vintage. Spare a thought for Shankaranand, benevolarvt Chairman of the discredited Joint Parliamentary Committee on Bofors who helped that company's representatives lie on 22 occasions and the man whom the CBI wanted to prosecute under the Indian Penal Code and the Prevention of Corruption Act for his infamous role in channelling investment of surplus funds of the Oil Industry in violation of all norms. His answer, given publicly was that tiie question of innocence or guilt must be determined by reference to his constituents. That exercise is, not complete and he has lost his seat by a huge margin. According to the logic, or lack of it, advanced by the former Minister, Reactions and Responses 271 he is now ripe to be sent to jail where he belongs. {The Statesman, May 10, 1996). Give BJP A Chance The ball is finally, and firmly, in the President's court. With no party winning anything like a workable majority, he has to decide whom he should ask to form the next government. Two considerations will guide him. One is stability, tiie oti\er is precedent. These two considerations may not necessarily point in the same dir^cffi. But tiie rigjit thing for him to do would be to first call upon the single largest party to form tfie government, which it is now clear will be tiie BJP. But even with its electoral allies, the BJP will be short by between 60 and 70 seats. So if it wants to meet the other requirement, that is, satisfy the President that it can provide -a stable government, it will have to gamer support from elsev^^ere. Whether it will be able to do so b^re forming the government is not certain (^erwards, of course, as Narasimha Rao showed anything is possible in Indian politics). Hence the apparent dilemma. The ob^ous, and tested way, of resolving this is for the President to ask the BJP to prove its majority on tfie floor of the House as quickly as possible, preferably in 10 days. Only if it fails to do so, should he c il on tiie National Front-Left firont (NF-LF) arxl its allies to take a shot at forming the government. . . . In sum, tha«fore, tfie BJP is entirely likely to prefer nationalism to liberalism as its calling card. But at a turning point in Indian politics, the country must hope tfiat it will be a more dvil nationalism than has occasionally been displayed, so tragically, in tiie past {Btisiness Standard, May 11, 1996). A Negative Verdict The three-phased nationwide general election has thrown up a severely fractured verdict, with nor\e of the three major formations—^the Congress (I), the BJP and the National Front-Left-Front combine—anywhere near the striking distaiKe of an absolute majority. Unlike in 1991 when the Congress(I), tiiough in a minority, could work up a functional majority support without much difficulty, this time the numbers game involved in the exercise of government formation promises to be a tricky and mindboggling business. What is the meaning of tiie splintered vote? First and foremost, it means a clear, firm and near-total rejection of the P.V Narasimha Rao-Ied Congress(I)'s claim for a renewed mandate. Between 1991 and now. States and regions considered to be its bastions have turned away from it, the South providing the latest example. The party's debacle in the Lok Sabha poll is so pervasive that its Governments in ttw few States where it is still in power—Madhya Pradesh and Purqab for instance-may well become shaky. Whatever might have been Narasimha Rao's successes as tiie head of government, his calculated and crafty ways which destroyed the part/s inner organisational core and the palpably cynical disregard he showed for the sentiments of the party cadres- as in Tamil Nadu over the alliance question—have left the Congress(I) in total disarray adding to its fravails at the hustings. The plight of the Bharatiya Janata Party which has long been priding itself as a cadre-based and disciplined alternative, a "party with a difference," is not very different either. In the 272 Elections in India: 1952-96 running battle between tiie VHP/RSS group and the other elements in the BJP in Gujarat, the rebel leader, Shankarsinh Wagjiela, has fallen victim to sabotage by the pro-Keshubhai Patel faction. As for the issues, "economic reforms" is the one area where the Narasimha Rao Government has done remarkably well for \^Wch it could legitimately take credit. If the slogan "stability for prosperity" failed to carry much conviction, the "reforms" message failed to click by and large. For one, all the propaganda hype th ro u ^ the electronic media not withstanding, the ordinary voters at the lower nmgs of the economic ladder are in no mood wait for the five years the Congress(I) sought for ensuring that the benefits of the liberalisation jand globalisation policies to accrue. For anotfier, the fact that all national parties including tiie Left parties appropriated "economic reforms" as their platform neutralised it as a campaign issue. The phenomenon of "corruption in h i^ places" burst on to the centrestage in close proximity to the elections, thanks to the series of scandals. (The Hindu, May 11, 1996)

Reqtiiem for Rao History often is a pitiless critic but it will definitely be less unkind to Narasimha Rao than the Indian electorate has been to him just now. Narasimha Rac, who resigned as Prime Minister on Friday in the wake of the most severe drubbing the Congress has ever received at the hustings, is the first person outside the Nehru-Gandhi family to complete a full term as the head of the Union Government. When he assumed office as Prime Miiuster back in June 1991 f ^ gave him a reign of more than six months. Over the past five years he remained solid in office even as his critics and detractors never stopped writing him off. Always giving the impressions of indecisiveness and immobility, Narasimha Rao was the prime mover of independent India's most momentous economic reform progranune as also the unleasher of a multitude of forces which would change tiie very character of the Indian polity. Barring the last half year of his rule, Rao's tenure was marked by a discernible shift fi-om the politics of confrontaticMi into the politics of consensus. Narasimha Rao contribute to lowering the decibel level of political debate and virtually banished the language of violence that characterised the regimes of Rajiv Gandhi a n d V .P S i n ^ . P eace in P unjab a n d A ssam o w ed m u c h to th e R ao g o v ern m e n t's unobtrusive but helpful policy. While he could not restore democracy in the Congress he allowed a large amount of ministerial autonomy in the running of his government. The plethora of scams and scandals and the unchecked corruption of his ministers did not prove a damper on the vibrancy of the finandal sector and the strength of the economy. In brief, Narasimha Rao was as good a Prime Minister as any India had had in the past. However, the debit side too is telling. Like his predecessors, Rao too allowed the Congress party to decay at the roots by not reviving the democratic institutions. Instead of strengthening the party he seemingly strove to destroy even the surviving vestiges of an organisational structure. His communication both with his ministerial colleagues and pcirtymen remained minimal while it was nearly zero with the media, the rank and file of the party and the people at large. As he became more and more stable in power, he acquired authoritarian Reactions and Responses 273 tendencies and basked in the glory of unchallenged authority preferring sycophants rather than frank opinion givers. Rao's greatest disservice to the Congress party came in two phases. In the first, he steadfastly shielded the identified corrupt and criminals in the party disregarding all evidence and advice to the contrary. In the second, he sta rt^ jettisoning not only the tainted partymen but also tf»se who were perceived as potential rivals to him. In brief, he was the most disastrous Congress President this country has ever had. In providing a stable government he destablised his own party. He made indecision an essential input of decision-making. Instead of rooting out corruption, he went out of his way to show that every segment of the polity was corrupt. If his arrival in 1991 was a blessing for the country, his departure on Friday could prove to be even a greater blessing. {The Hindustan Times, May 11, 1996)

So Near, So Far The 1991 general elections was said to have resulted in the winner coming second. This year's exercise has certainly corrected that aberration, although it could still result in the runner-up sitting on the Treasury benches. Not that these quirks of the political system should detract from the Bharatiya Janata Party's improved performance in the election. The clear emergence of the BJP as the single largest party nationally is not merely significant, it is the most momentous political development of recent times. Regardless of the fact that tiie party has polled only 25 per cent of the popular vote and that its strength is disproportionately concentrated in the north and west, the BJP has broken the mould of Indian politics. Apart from the beleaguered Congress, it has become India's other national party with a distinctive identity. After three elections which have seen the BJP climbing from third to first position, it is clear that the party has both acquired definite social bases and created a pan-Indian Hindu vote bank of its own. Tlie description of the BJP as a Brahmin-Bania, upper-caste party now seems like a caricature. While the party has not done as well as it expected in Karnataka and Orissa its increased vote shows that it is no longer confined to the Aryavarta. The Congress is still more all-India in character, but the BJP is steadily closing the gap. Indeed, the projection of Atal Bihari Vajpayee as the party's candidate for Prime Minister help«l tiie BJP to secure the support of even those who entertain misgivings over its Hindutva philosophy. The party leadership must r ow address itself to evolving a bal^dng act which keeps floating voters happy without, at the same time, antagonising its core support base. It will obviously not do for the party to capitulate to sectional pressure groups such as the , the Swadeshi Jagran Manch or, for that matter, even the RSS. A mass political party has its own imperatives which are distinct from tightl-knit, cadre-based groups. If the BJP can draw the rigjit lessons from the recent elections, its future is assured. Otherwise, there is always the danger of retreat and regression.

The Verdict of 1996 : A Coalition of Hope and Anxiety It is a complex verdict, it is a fractured verdict, perhaps even an impatient verdict. But it would be highly erroneous to describe the result of the Eleventfi 274 Elections in India: 1952-96

Lok Sabha election as confused. The electorate has been decisive on several counts. First, it has comprehensively rejected the Congress party. Second, the verdict signals an end to the concept of one dominant, centrist national party flanked by Left and Right-wing formations. Third, wherever State Assembly elections have been held, the electorate has given resounding mandates to ensure stable governments. However, the sum total of all this does not add up to comparable stability at the Centre. The electorate has rejected the appeal of stability for its own sake and posed the question: Stability for what? An experimenting electorate appears unfazed by ^ e prospect of political instability. Some may even be tempted to argue that the Indian voter has consciously opted for instability with the aim of unleashing a churning process in the polity which migjit throw up new and unforeseen forces of change. An element of impatience discernible in this reaction. The dispossessed and the downtrodden have discovered the power of the vote and concluded that their sectior\al interests are best protected when there is political uncertainty. The social coalition which the Congress represented is dead, or at least brain dead. And no new consensual arrangements is in sight. The BJP has m ade an attempt to replace the Congress as a unitarian, national force, but in the absence of endorsement from the South «md the East, it cannot make a credible claim to that status. Despite ti\e support apparently offered by regional groupings, ti\e NF-LF, too, can hardly claim national stature. The difficulties of governance, therefore, cire dauntingly stupendous. It is a challenge before India's political class to put individual components of this jig-saw puzzle in place to make a composite picture. Long years ago, Mao Zedong had remarked, "Straw sandals have no shape; they shape themselves in the making." The verdict of the 1996 elections fits into the analogy. A mature democracy can be trusted to give shape to the electorate's verdict, provided the political class does not abdicate its role and get mired in fractious self-aggrandisement (The Pioneer, M a y 11, 1996).

FOREIGN MEDIA ON INDIAN ELECTIONS

US Media Finds Indian Polls 'remarkable experiment' The United States, Russia, Israel, and other countries are all scheduled to go to tiie polls this year. However, their electoral exercises paled before the "world's greatest democratic exercises" as India went to the polls for the eleventh time since independence. This is how the American media characterised the immense scale and scope of the Indian elections as it analysed in detail — the strikingly calm and subdued electoral campaign and the very unpredictability of its outcome. Analysts scrutinised the absence of a "powerful, charismatic, dynastic" leader and the decline of the Congress and the emergence of regional parties; the phenomenon of corruption as a non-issue and voter anxieties over unemployment and inflation; the low-key campaign devoid of policy debates; the 110 million strong Muslim minority and their insecurities; the emergence of the BJP and its probable attitudes towards nuclear weaponry and foreign investment should it assume power; the potentially fractious nature of coalition governments; the 23 "wise men" of the Supreme Court and of course, a domineering election commissioner named T.N. Seshan. Reactions and Responses 275

Seasoned Washingtonians remark that coverage of an Indian event on this scale has been unprecedented in the American netys media. In the past week, major American television networks, Public Radio stations as well as leading dailies and journals have provided extensive coverage of the far-reaching changes unfolding on India's political landscape. Experienced newsmen were sent to New DeUii to anchor special election coverage which have been fairly prominent during prime time newscasts. For a country that has perennially been accorded peripheral coverage here in the U.S. media — notably in comparison with China-this week's news treatment of the Indian elections has b ^ quite impressive. ABC, NBC, CBS have run a steady stream of news stories. National Public Radio dispatched a special team for on-the-spot coverage. The Wall Street Journal, the U.S. edition o f th e Financial Times, th e Christian Science Monitor, T he New York Times, The Washington Post, The Washington Times, The Los Angeles Times, Baltimore Sun, a n d the various news magazines and journals have all had regular India datelined stories. Where dailies did not send their own correspondents, the agencies Associated Press and Reuters competently filled the breach. The diet of stories covered the entire spectrum of issues, politicians and of course, Phoolan Devi. Analysts and editorial writers also pondered this vast and staggering exercise gone about with commendable sang froid by the Indian voter. The N ew York Times commentator William Safire's piece about a "glorious week for the world's largest democracy" which cruised the Internet triggered off an avalanche of letters praising the commentator. T he U.S News and World Report's correspondent concluded: "India's record of coalitions at the Centre is an unhappy one; none has lasted more than two years. The life of the next government is also likely to be brutish and short- ....Independent India approaches its 50th birthday, 590 million voters are telling politicians; 'It's time you learned". A leader-writer in the Wall Street Journal wrote: "China and India, the two neighbouring mega-States, are trying to different patiis to political stability China is evolving on the control-freak model. India is sticking with democracy". The editoritil went on "All this diversity and uncertainty has the pundits issuing grim warnings about an era of unstable coalition governments and acrimonious intramural disputes during which India will fall even further behind in the world economic growth states. May be. But the first thing we notice about all these regional and ethnic forces is that they're on the campaign trail, not the warpath. And they seem to be taking India in the direction it should have gone long ago; toward decentralisation". There were also the usual alarms about the prospect of a BJP government assuming control in Delhi. A London-based columnist, Gwyne Dyer wrote in the ri^t-w ing Washington Times: "W hat's extraordinary is how calm everybody is. India is in the midst of an election that could wreck the country's economic miracle, threaten its unity and even drag the sub-continent back to war after a qutirter century of peace. Yet everybody acts as though it was just a normal election". And the nub of this sacrifying tfiesis? "India could go the w ay of the former or .Yugoslavia (quoting former Prime Minister Rao) and it could 276 Elections in India: 1952-96 happen, if the nationalists and Hindu chauvinists of the BJP attack the 120- million strong Muslim minority at home and perhaps blunder into war with Pakistan in the process". The columnist writes in wonderment: "It's a very impressive exercise in democracy, but it is also a puzzle. Don't these people understand that if the BJP comes to f)ower, their old India is gone, and their new one will be an intolerant nationalist state locked into permanent confrontation with Muslim nei^ibours abroad and Muslim citizens at home?” ( The Times of India N em Service, M ay 10, 1996). UK Media Concerned Over Rise of BJP British media's assessment of the post-poll scenario in India is marked by an appreciation of the democratic exercise and concern for emerging chaotic polity, instability and religious fanaticism. In an editorial on "India's perilous drift". The Daily Telegraph highlights the dangers of confusion and divisions but finds that India, in contrast to China, "remains a beacon for Asians who value indi adual freedom". BJP's electoral performance has not dimiiushed commentators' reservations about the party's "religious fanaticism" that can prove dangerously "divisive in a multi-religious country like India." "The BJP still represents a threat to racial tolerance and social harmony", says The Guardian. "Indian politics may now revolve around the containment of the Hindu chauvinism represented by the BJP, whether by involving them in exigencies of coalition government of keeping them in opposition." The BJP leader, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, has not attracted any stigma of extremism that taints his party. Vajpayee, generally described as moderate, is seen almost as a misfit in his party. The Independent calls him the "only moderate" in the BJP, whose government, according to The Times w o u ld d estro y India's "delicate ii:temal balance". BJP's commitment to turn India into a nuclear-weapons State has attracted hostile comments. Its attitude towards the minorities comes in for a harsh attack. BJP's stance on economic liberalisation seems to lack credibility in the eyes of commentators here despite Vajpayee reiterating that his party is pro­ liberalisation. The Guardian sees Congress' defeat as a terminal blow to the party's assumption of a natural ri^ t to rule. The Times too opts for a Left coalition rather than Hindu militants with their nuclear bomb. Its editorial sees some hope for Congress in the future since the people who were determined to punish the Congress did not find a alternative to it." The Times says "India is in for a period of confused government, but with luck it will escape tiie trap of Hindu militancy" (The Times of India News Service, M ay 11, 1996). 1 7

Qironology of Main Events 1996 Elections

16.1.1996; BJP President L.K. Advani quits Lok Sabha and announces his decision not to contest till cleared in the multi-crore Hawala case filed by the CBI against him and six other political leaders including Cabinet Ministers V.C. Shukla, M adhav Rao Scindia and Balram Jakhar. 17.1.1996; Cabinet Ministers V.C. Shukla, Madhav Rao Scindia and Balram Jakhar resign. 22.1.96 : Janata Dal Parliamentary Party Leader Sharad Jadav resign from Lok Sabha in the wake of Hawala case although he was not chargesheeted. Environment Minister Rajesh Pilot admits accepting money donation from the Jains for fighting elections in 1991 and wants to quit the Government. 23.1.1996: Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha Atal Bihari Vajpayee alleges that P.V. Narasirnha Rao has accepted about Rs.3.5 Crore from S.K. Jain, Prime accused in the Hawala case. 24.1.1996: Leader of the Opposition Bihar State Assembly Yashwant Sinha resigns his membership of the Bihar Assembly in the wake of Hawala case. Money is needed in politics, says former Prime Minister V.P. Singh. Rajesh Pilot asks the Prime Minister to reveal all names. 271.1996: The Congress Parliamentary Party (CPP) executive passes a resolution in support of P.V. Narasirnha Rao dismissing the allegation that he had received payments from Hawala Kingpin S.K. Jain. 29.1.1996: S.K. Bommai, Janata Dal President, resigns following charges of involvement in the Hawala case. The National Executive of the Janata Dal elects Laloo Prasad Yadav as the party's President. 30.1.1996: The Supreme Court directs the CBI to expedite Hawala probe. 2.2.1996: Election Commission announces election schedule for 60 Rajya Sabha seats. 4.2.1996; L.K. Advani announces at a public rally in New Delhi that he would renounce politics if found guilty in the Jain Hawala case. He also announces tliat the party election manifesto will envisage a political 'trishul' (trident) comprising the issues of security, self-reliance and public probity. 5.2.1996: CPI(M) General Secretary H.S. Surjeet meets Janata Dal President and Bihar Chief Minister Laloo Prasad Yadav and asserts that there are no problems between the National Front and Left Front. 278 Elections in India: 1952-96

6.2.1996; Laloo Prasad Yadav states that there was no question of offering the post of National Front Chairman to BSP Leader Kanshi Ram. 7.2.1996: A Delhi Court issue non-bailable warrar':s against former Union Minister Kalpanath Rai and BJP Member of Parliament Brij Bhushan Sharari Singh for allegedly harbouring six associates of underworld don, Dawood Ibrahim. L.K. Advani declares his assets and states tliat the Hawala case against him is political. 8.2.1996: Senior Samata Party leader Chandrajit Yadav resigns from the Lok Sabha. BJP suspends Lok Sabha member Brij Bhushan Sharan Singh who was chargesheeted by the CBI for harbouring some associates of underworld don Dawood Ibrahim. Kalpanath Rai denies any link with Ibrahim. 12.2.1996: Kalpanath Rai sent to judicial custody. Brij Bhushan Sharan Singh surrenders in the court of Additional Chief Judicial Magistrate, Gonda (U.P.) 19 candidates elected unopposed to Rajya Sabha with party position as Congress-10, Janata Dal-4, BJP-3, CPI-1 and Independent-1. 15.2.1996: JD to support the Telugu Desam faction led by N.T. Rama Rao's widow Lakshmi Parvati in Andhra Pradesh. 19.2.1996: Textile Minister Kamal Nath resigns from the Cabinet following mention of his name in Hawala payment. Results of 57 Rajya Sabha seats declared witli the Party position as; Congress 26, BJP 8, JD 8, CPM 5, AlADMK 5, TDP (Naidu) 4, Shiv-Sena 2, TDP (Lakshmi) 1, Forward Block 1, CPI 1, otliers 2. Union Home Minister S.B. Chavan and Power Minister N.P.K. Salve elected from Maharashtra. 20.2.1996: Union Food Minister Buta Singh and Minister of State for Agriculture Arvind Netam resigns in the wake of the Hawala scandal. Tlie Madhya Pradesh High Court sets aside the election of Vidya Charan Shukla from the Raipur Lok Sabha constituency in 1991, on the grounds of improper rejection of nomination of a rival candidate. 21.2.1996: Minister of State for Urban Development R.K. Dhawan quits his posts after his name linked with Hawala case. 22.2.1996; Dellii Chief Minister Madan Lai Khurana resigns soon after the CBI sought sanction to cliargesheet him in the multi-crore Hawala scandal. 14 more eminent politicians who had allegedly received money are chargesheeted and no evidence found against 23 chargesheeted persons include former Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Kailash Joshi, former Ministers L.P. Sahi, Ashok Kumar Sen, C.K. Jaffar Sharief, K. Natwar Singh and . Others are president of Congress (T), N.D. Tiwari, Senior Janata leaders , Ranjit Singji and B.D. Dhakne. 23.2.1996; The Delhi Higji Court issues show cause notice to the CBI and the Home Ministry on Suraj Mandal MPs pay off issue. 24.2.1996; BJP Member of Parliament Shailendra Mahato alleges tiiat he was paid Rs. 40 lakh after he and three other JMM Members of Parliament voted against the motion of no-confidence in Narasimha Rao Government in July 1993. V.N. Gadgil, AICC spokesmen refutes the allegation. Chronology of Main Events 279

29.2.1996; Non-bailable warrants against 9 politicians. L.K. Advani granted antidpatory bail by the Delhi High Court after the issue of non-bailable warrants by the designated CBI court of Additional Sessions Judge V.B. Gupta. CBI confirms that senior Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) leader Suraj Mai got Rs. 30 lakh as alleged political pay off. 1.3.1996: A three-judge bench of the Supreme Court comprising Justice J.S. Verma, Justice S.P. Bharucha and Justice S.L. Sen, orders to report the progress of investigatioris in the multi-crore Hawala scandal only to the Court and not to take orders from any other authority. 6 politicians and 2 officials get bails in the Hawala case. 3.3.1996: Two Haryana MLAs Dalai and Chatterpal Singh allege tiiat Haryana Chief Minister Bhajan Lai has a Swiss Bank Account. Bhajan Lai denies the allegations. The Home Ministry, Government of India issues notices to 43 political and religious leaders of J & K. asking them to furnish details of foreign contributions received by them in the wake of the Hawala scam. BJP to laimch stir on March 10 to press for the resignation of P.V. Narasimha Rao and to expose corruption in high places in the Congress Government. 4.3.1996: Orissa State Vigilance Department files second chargesheet against former Chief Minister Biju Patnaik for allegedly obtaining pecuniary benefits amounting to over Rs. 16.50 crore during his tenure as a public servant. The FIR filed on Februaiy 28 accused the former Chief Minister of abusing his official position in granting concession on Bamboo royalty to Ballarpur Industries Ltd., a unit of the Thapar group of industries. Bihar Government constitutes a one-man commission of inquiry by a retired judge of the High Court Justice S. Ali Ahmad to go into the excess withdrawn from various treasuries by officials of the Animal Husbandry Department in the State. 6.3.1996: Centre sends poll schedule to Election Commission. Both Houses of Parliament repeatedly adjourned after a determined bid of the Opposition to pr&surise the Government demanding Prime Minister's resignation following the Supreme Court directive to the CBI not to take instruction in the Hawala case from any authority. Kalpanath Rai gets bail in Hawala case. 7.3.1996: Parliament proceedings again stalled over Hawala issue. 8.3.1996: Delhi High Court asks CBI to file a probe report on the allegation that Member of Parliament Suraj Mandal received huge payments of money to vote against the no-confidence motion in 1993. Special Judge of the Hawala case issues summons to former Union Ministers Buta Singh, Kamal Nath, Ashok Sen, L.P. Sahi and Arvind Netan, besides former Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Kailash Joshi. 9.3.1996: Atal Bihari Vajpayee flags off Advani's 35-day 'Surajya' Yatra from Kochi. 280 Elections in India: 1952-96

11.3.1996; Lok Sabha Speaker rejects former Minister Arjun Sir\gh's Privilege Motion against Prime Minister regarding his influencing the four MPs belongings to JMM. The Patna High Court tells CBI to probe Bihar Animal Husbandry scam and suspend all the investigations by the State Police in this regard. 12.3.1996: Opposition not satisfied with PM's reply in the Lok Sabha on the Hawala issue. Tiwari Congress to be registered and recognised as the All India Indira Congress. V.P. Singh announces a three-year intermission from electoral politics once the Lok Sabha polls were over. 14.3.1996: Congress President P.V. Narasimha Rao states that he would take a decision on the alliance issue with AIADMK or DMK in Tamil Nadu. Former Haryana Governor Dhanik Lai Mandal joins Congress. 16.3.1996: Samata Party headed by George Fernandes merges with Samajwadi Janata Party (SJP) headed by former Prime Minister Chandra Shekhar. Former J & K Chief Minister and National Conference Chairman Farooq Abdullah states that his party will have no truck with the Congress party in the elections. 17.3.1996: N. Jayakrishna, the eldest son of Late N.T. Rama Rao joins the Telegu Desam Party (TDP) led by his widow Lakshmi Parvati. Congress President P.V. Narasimha Rao tells the Congress Chief Ministers and PCC Presidents that their recommendations about the party candidates for the Lok Sabha would be accepted by and large. 19.3.1996: The Election Commission recommends four-phase General Elections from April 27 to May 21. Simultaneous Assembly polls in 5 States. J.K. included in Lok Sabha schedule. S.C. upholds Patna High Court Order on foddar scam and rejects Bihar Govemment appeal. President's no to two Ordinances; one seeking to curtail the campaign period for the Lok Sabha elections to 14 days and tlie two to promote reservation for Dalit Christians. 20.3.1996: The Congress decides to seek donations openly from business houses rather than taking them secretly. CBI to file case against JMM MP Suraj Mandal who allegedly received money to vote for the P.V. Narasimha Rao Govemment in July 1993. 21.3.1996: Atal Bihari Vajpayee dismisses Mahto's allegation tlnat he was pressurised to make a statement against the Prime Minister. Akali-BSP poll tie-up finalised in Punjab. Congress President appoints screening committee to select Congress nominees. 22.3.1996: SC clarifies Order on Hindutva: Use of religion to seek votes not permitted. Congress (T) gets 'lady with flowers in hands' symbol from the E.C. TDP faction headed by Mrs. Lakshmi Parvati get the 'lion' symbol CPI(M) manifesto released. 23.31996: JD finalised poll tie-up with MDMK led front in Tamil Nadu and TDP(NTR) led by Lakshmi Parvati. Kalpanath Rai's refused parole, the Judge states that Rai could file his nomination from Jail. Chronology of Main Events 281

24.3.1996: Encounter with militants at Hazratbal. Bill to scuttle J & K. polls to be thwarted, warns Prime Minister. The BSP rules out alliance with JD. Basu pleads for JD-SP alliance. L.K. Advani curtails 'Surajya' Yatra. 25.3.1996: New Schedule for J K. SC to monitor CBI probe of cases against Chandraswamy. JD enters into alliance with Samajwadi Party in Uttar Pradesh. P.V. Narasimha Rao, the then Minister of External Affairs had a limited role in St. Kitts — CBI. 263.1996: Kalpanath Rai quits Congress and accuses Prime Minister as equally involved in harbouring the hitman of Dawood Ibrahim. 27.3.1996: Congress forges poll pact with AIADMK in Tamil Nadu. CBI files first information reports (FIR) against Lok Sabha Members — Suraj Mandal, Shailendra Mahatto, and Simon Maradi. BJP MP Vishwanath Sharma joins Congress. P.V. Nanrasimha Rao's former poll manager Shri Seshasayana to contest against him as TDP (NTR) nominee from Nandyal. Elections to be held in 5 phases — April 27, May 2,7,23 and 30. Nominations open for Lok Sabha and to be closed on April 3. April 6 as the last date for withdrawal. Election Commission releases code for T\^ coverage. 28.3.1996: T.N. Congress Party members unhappy with AIADMK. Former Union Minister Maneka Gandhi joins JD. One hundred opposition members urge the President to curb media misuse. Congress rules out tie with Karnataka Congress Party (KCP) of former Chief Minister Bangarappa. CBI files 8 FIRs in foddar scam in Bihar. 31.3.1996: G.K. M oopanar faction of the Congress ties up with DMK in Tamil Nadu. K. Natwar Singh and Congress leader from Rajasthan Sheesh Ram Ola join Congress (T). JD appoints Ram Singh a former MP from Sultanpur, as working President of UP Janata Dal. Former dacoit Phoolan Devi fielded from Mirzapur (UP) as the Samajwadi Party candidate. 1.4.1996:12 MPs ask Congress President to expel M oopanar who joined hands with DMK. No Congress ticket for Congress Ministers involved in 'Hawala'. BJP offers a ticket to a 'tamasha queen' Mangala Bansode from Pandharpur reserved constituency in south Maharashtra. Shri Bhagwati Prasad Dixit who has contested all the parliamentary elections since and lost his deposits in all the elections except one, files his paper for the Kanpur seat. BJP vice President Arif Beg resigns from BJP. Janata Dal MP from Ram Prasad Kuswalha from Vikramaganj joins the Samata Party. Tamil super star Rajnikant hails the tie-up between the Congress M oopanar faction and the DMK. 2.4.1996: Probe against Chandraswami tardy—SC. Narasimha Rao files nomination from two parliamentary constituencies—Nandyal in Andhra Pradesh and Berhampur in Orissa. Following denial of ticket from Chandni Chowk (Dellii) Arif Ali Beg who resigned from the post of Vice-President BJP, joins Congress and declares that he would not contest. Peeved over the nomination of Shri Satpal Jain, the BJP candidate from the Chandigarh Lok Sabha seat, a party worker Paras Ram attempts to immolate himself at the party office. 282 Elections in India: 1952-96

3.4.1996: Union Commerce Minister P. Chidambaran and Minister of State for Industry M. Arunachalam resign from the Union Council of Ministers and file their nominations for the Lok Sabha from Sivaganga and Tenkkasi constituencies respectively as candidates of the Tanrul Maanila Congress (TMC). Former Union Minister Madhav Rao Scindia files liis nomination, papers from the Gwalior and Scindia announces tlie formation of a new party "Madhya Pradesh Vikas Congress". Former Central Minister and DPCC Chief H.K.L. Bhagat resigns from the party after his 50-year membership and file nomination papers from two constituencies—of East Delhi and Delhi Sadar. An Advocate Shri S. Srinivasan file an affidavit in the SC that 8 relatives or associates of Prime Minister Rao are beneficiaries of LPG quota. SC dismisses lUML's plea seeking a direction to the Election Commission for postponement of the polling date for general elections from April 27 to any date in the month of May in view of Id-ul-Zulia. PM 's son Shri Prabhakar Rao responsible for sugar scam — Shri Kalpanath Rai former Food Minister. 4.4.1996: SC rejects a petition filed by President of the Jammu and Kashmir Panthers Party , seeking rescheduling of the elections ixi the State on account of unduly long campaign period. EC appoints 1,584 Government Officials as poll observers. 5.4.1996; Chandra Shekhar and JD extend support to Madhav Rao Scindia. Political crisis in Madhya Pradesh. BJP delegation led by former Chief Minister Sunder Lai Patwa calls on the Governor to direct tlie State Chief Minister to call tlie Assembly session to prove his majority. EC register 442 unrecognised parties. 6.4.1996: H.K..L. Bhagat, Kamal Natli and Arvind Netam (Congress) withdraw from the contest. Most pardes decide not to oppose Scindia. National Congress (J & K) expels tliree candidates for filing nomination. 8.4.1996: Congress suspends Moopanar and expels Scindia, Cliidambaram and Arunaclialam. Tlie Tamil Maanila Congress (TMC) accuses Congress High Command of double standard. Rajasthan JD Chief Sampat Ram joins C ongress. 9.4.1996: Poll posotponed in two parliamentary constituencies—Nalgonda (Andhra Pradesh) and Belgaum (Karnataka) and Modikuruchi (Tamil Nadu) Assembly seats on account of large number of candidates necessitating ballot paper boxes. Polling date advanced for tlie Lucknow Parliamentary seat from May 7 to May 2 in view of a local festival. 10.4.1996: SP releases its manifesto. Former Union Shipping and Transport Minister Chand Ram cliargesheeted in Hawala case alleging liim receiving Rs. 1.20 lakh from the Jain brothers. EC asks the Central Government to stop the appointment of UTl Executive Director. 12.4.1996: Congress releases its election manifesto and vows a war against corruption. Poll expenses limit won't be hiked—Prime Minister. Chronology cf Main Events 283

13.4.1996: SAD/Badal releases its election manifesto. Vote for stable government—P.V. Narasimha Fiao — Congress present. 14.41996; EC seeks report on , Communication Minister's misuse of stated owned DOT. CBI seek President's approval to question Smt. Sheila Kaul, Governor, Hirrwchal Pradesh and former Union Urban Development Minister regarding out of turn allotments of houses to Government staff. Several officers were also arrested in this connection. 15.41996: JD manifesto released; Two Congress observers refuse to visit Gawalior Sciendia's constituency. Mrs. Sheila Kaul, Gawalior rules out resignation in the wake of housing scam. Former Union Minister Shri Ram Naresh Yadav and Samata Party leader joins Congress. The Samata Party releases its manifesto, BJP alleges pay-offs in Russian jet deal. Congress nominee Taj-Mohi-ud Din in J & K escapes bid on life. 16.4.1996; JD resents Government move on the purchase of Russian jets. EC tells Uttar Pradesh Chief Electoral Officer to make necessary changes in the broadcast script of the UP BJP leader Kalyan Singh. 17.4.1996: Mrs. Sheila Kaul should quitid on account of her involvement in the multi-crore housing scam. President writes to PM on the issue of Mrs. Kaul. Centre proposes Z+ security for J & K candidates. Andlva Pradesh High Court criticises EC for exceeding its jurisdiction by interfering with the export policy of the Union Government. Kalyan Singh decides to boycott poll telecast speech on account of cuts in the speech by the Door Darshan and the EC. 18.4.1996: Involvement Sheila Kaul and Minister of State P.K. Thungon in the multi-crore housing scam suspected. 19.4.1996: No immxinity for Sheila Kaul, Cabinet informs the President. PM 's six kins in LPG agencies out of turn allotment. Rajasthan PCC expels 7 m em b ers. 20.4.1996: Sheila should quit: President tells PM. 21.4.1996: Tlie National GeneralSecretary of the Samajwadi Party Raghu Thakur quits the party. Sheila Kaul quits. EC asks UP Government to transfer two IPS officers charged with being biased. 22.4.1996: Assam Chief Minister Hiteshwar Saikia passes away after a brief illness. B. Barman Minister for HeaLth assumes charge of the post of the Chief Minister of Assam. 24.4.1996: SC asks government to list flats allotted at PM O's behest. Five Congress MLA's expelled in Madhya Pradesh reaffirm support to Scindia. 25.4.1996: President issues Ordinance enabling': over 1.50 lakh Kashmiri migrants to exercise their franchise through postal ballot in the Lok Sabha elections— the first occasion since 1952. 26.4.1996: First pha;se of polling begins. 284 Elections in India: 1952-96

29.4.1996: Indian Government indicates its displeasure on the statement of Pakistan High Commissioner regarding elections in J & K.. 30.4.1996: Vajpayee hints at seeking help from lionest' Congress men to form a government at the Centre. EC tells Bihar Government to disarm private 'sen as'. 1.5.1996: Uttar Pradesh Governor Motilal Vohra and Kerala Governor Shiv Shankar resign after being implicated by the CBI in the Hawala scandal. P. Bhaskar Rao files an affidavit that Harshad Mehta and S.K. Jain pay Rs. 20 crore to buy off JMM MPs to defeat the no-confidence motion against the Government. I.5.1996: Gulab Singh Raghuvanshi Regional Transport Officer of the Madhya Pradesh Government resigns alleging that the State Transport Conunissioner pressurised him to provide 400 vehicles to Congress candidates. Seshan walks out of EC meeting on account of difference of opinion over the rules regulating the counting of votes. Assistant Returning Officer P.C. Mishra reports that more than 10,000 ballot papers were missing from the Kasturba Nagar segment of the New Delhi Parliamentary constituency. Shoot orders in Bihar and parts of Uttar Pradesh. Over 3,00,000 preventive arrests made on the eve of the second phase of elections scheduled on May 2, 1996. Congress expels 2 ex-ministers in Karnataka. 2.5.1996; Violence mars polls in Bihar and other places during the second phase of polling on May 2, 1996. CBI arrests Chandraswamy. Only 6,604 ballot papers missing in New Delhi constituency — Delhi’s Chief Electoral Officer. 8.5.1996: All the three fronts appear to fall short of majority. Repoll ordered in 202 polling booths. Counting suspended in Patna. 10.5.1996: Rao resigns. BJP, NF-LF stakes claim to form the ministry. II.5.1996: Assam, Haryana and Pondicherry CM's resign. 12.5.1996: Vajpayee elected leader of the BJP in Parliament. Bansilal takes over as Chief Minister of Haryana. Rao reelected CPP leader. 14.5.1996: Tliird Front names H. D. Deva Gowda as leader and he emerges as candidate for the Prime Ministerial office. 15.5.1996: President invites Atal Bihari Vajpayee to form the Ministry. 16.5.1996: Atal Biliari Vajpayee sworn in as tlie Prime Minister. 19.5.1196: Prime Minister Vajpayee addresses the nation. 22.5.1996: The President addressess the Parliament. 27.5.1996: Discussion on the vote of confidence in the BJP Government starts in the Parliament. 28.5.1996: After replying to the debate. Prime Minister Vajpayee announces in the Parliament that he is meeting the President to hand over his resignations. Vajpayee resigns. President askes Deve Gowda of the United Front to form the government. 31.5.1996: Deve Gowda resigns as the Chief Minister of Karnataka. J.H. Patel, Deputy Chief Minister Karnataka takes the oath of tiie office of the Karnataka Chronology of Main Events 285

Chief Minister. Regional parties constituting the United Front decide to participate in the formation of the Ministry. CPI (M) reiterates its earlier decision to support the UF Government from o u tside. 1.6.1996: 21- member Ministry headed by HD. Deve Gowda, sworn on. 2.6.1996: CPI decides to share power at the Centre. 12.6.1996: HD. Deve Gowda won the vote of Confidence 1 8

13 Days to 13 Parties Formation of Governments at the Centre

The BJP formed its first Ministry in Independent India on May 16, 1996 with Atal Bihari Vajpayee as the Prime Minister. Immediately after the declaration of results, the BJP Parliamentary Beard unanimously elected Atal Bihari Vajpayee as its leader. A delegation of its top leaders met the Rashtrapati on May 13 and requested him to invite the BJP leader to form the Ministry at the Centre. The BJP-led block commaded a strength of 194 in the 543-member Lok Sabha (of which elections till then were held for 537 seats). Wliile the BJP on its own had a strength of 160 seats, the allied had bagged 34 seats; Shiv Sena (15), Samata Party (8), Akali Dal (8) and HVP (3). At about 2.30 p.m. on May 15, 1996, Atal Bihari Vajpayee returned from tlie Rashtrapati Bhawan with the news that he would be sworn as Prime Minister on 16th at 12 noon. He was required to prove his majority in the House by May 31, 1996. Atal Bihari Vajpayee was sworn in as Prime Minister at the head of a 12- member BJP-led coalition Government. Sworn in along with him were 11 Ministers of the Cabinet rank. One representative of the Shiv Sena was also included in the Ministry. The swearing in ceremony was boycotted by the Third Front. BJP CABINET : 1996

Atal Bihari Vajpayee : Prime Minister Sikandar Bakht - Urban Affairs and Employment Suraj Bhan - Agriculture Ram Jethmalani - Law, Justice, and Company Affairs V. Dhananjay Kumar - Civil Aviation and Tourism Murli Manohar Joshi - Home Affairs Pramod Mahajan - Defence and Parliamentary Affairs Karia Munda - Welfare - Industry Sartaj Singh - Healtli and Family Welfare Jaswant Singh - Finance Sushma Swaraj - Information and Broadcasting 13 Days 13 Parties 287

Atal Bihari Vajpayee: A Profile Atal Bihari Vajpayee bom on (December 2 5 ,1926) lias been imbued w ith a nationalistic spirit from his childhood. He took part in the and was imprisoned. He obtained his M.A. degree in Political Science from DAV College, Kanpur. He began his career as Editor of Hindi Rashtra Dhartm, w eek ly Panchjanya, later daily Veer A r jm a n d Sxvadesh. Founder-member of Bharatiya Jana Sangh he was its President in 1967-77. After incarceration in Emergency (1975-77) he was a co-founder of the Janata Party and served as External Affairs Minister in Janata Government in 1977-79. In 1980, he founded the Bharatiya Janata Party and was its President during 1980-86. He has been a Member of Parliament almost uninterruptedly since 1957. He was Leader of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh and BJP Parliamentary Parties during 1957-77, 1980-84 and 1986-91. He has been shining on the Indian Parliamentary firmament for the last nearly four decades with all the glory and universal acclaim for his speeches in the . W hether in the Lok Sabha or in the I^jya Sabha he has kept his audience including his most virulent critics and even the non-Hindi knowing members spellbound by his forceful and inspiring speeches delivered in crisp pawky prose, with deadly squelches, hilarious one-liners, sparkling witticism and reasoned arguments on national and international issues. His approach is constructive and persuasive always emphasizing what is in the best national interest. His compelling interventions have influenced government decisions on several occasions. His thoughts work as a link between the past, the present and the future. He became Leader of the Opposition in Lok Sabha in 1993. He has served on several parliamentary committees as Chairman or member with distinction, and has also been member of several Indian Parliamentary Delegations going abroad. In 1994, he led the Indian Delegation to the U.N. Conference on Human Rights. He was conferred Tadma Vibhushan' by the President and honoured by the Prime M inister as 'The Best Parliamentarian Award' of 1994. He is a poet and a scholar and has several publications to his credit. His latest book is 'Four Decades in Parliament'.

The 'Confidence Motion' moved on May 27,1996 by Atal Bihari Vajpayee as the Prime Minister generated two days of acrimonious debate in the Lok Sabha which was televised live. Even before it was voted, the Prime Minister announced that he was submitting the resignation of his govemment. The resolution having become infructuous, the Lok Sabha was adjourned sine-die In the next round, Narasimha Rao conveyed his unwillingness to form the govemment. The President's invitation was then extended to H.D. Deve Gowda, leader of the United Front. A twenty-one member Council of Ministers was 288 Elections in India: 1952-96 sworn in on June 1,1996 and expanded on June 28,1996 and for the first time CPI tasted the power at Centre.

UNITED FRONT CABINET: 28.6.1996

H.D. Deve Gowda Prime Minister CABINET MINISTERS Balwant Singh Ramoowalia Welfare Birendra Prasad Baishya Steel and Mines C.M. Ibrahim Civil Aviation with additional charge of Information & Broadcasting Chaturanan Mishra Agriculture, excluding Department of Animal Husbandry and Dairying Devendra Prasad Yadav Food, Civil Supplies, Consumer Affairs and Pubhc Distribution I.K. Gujral External Affairs Indrajit Gupta Home Affairs Janeshwar Mishra Water Resources M. Arunachalam Labour Mulayam Singh Yadav Defence Murasoli Maran Industry P. Chidambaram Finance and Department of Company Affairs Ram Vilas Paswan Railways S.R. Bommai Human Resource Development Srikanta Kumar Jena Parliamentary Affairs and Department of Tourism T.G. Venkatraman Surface Transport Yarran Naidu Rural Areas and Employment MINISTERS OF STATE (INDEPENDENT CHARGE) Beni Parsad Verma Communications Bolla Buh Ramaiah Commerce Dilip Kumar Ray Animal Husbandry and Dairying Capt. Jai Narayan Prasad Nishad Environment and Forests Coal R.L. Jalappa Textiles Ramakant D. Khalap Law, Justice and Company Affairs, excluding Depjirtment of Company Affairs Saleem Iqbal Shervani Health and Family Welfare Shees Ram Ola Chemicals and Fertilisers Yogendra K. Alagh Pleinning and Programme Implementation with additional charge of Science & Teclinology MINISTERS OF STATE S.R. Balasubramanian Personnel, Public Grievances and Pensions; and Parliamentary Affairs Chandradeo Prasad Verma Rural Areas and Employment R. Dhanushkodi Aduthan Human Resource Development (Department of Youth Affairs and Sports) Md. Taslimuddin Home Affairs Muhi Ram Saikia Human Resource Development (Department of Education) Dr. S. Venugopalachari : Power and Non-Conventional Energy Sources Dr. U. Venkateswarlu Urban Affairs and Employment; and Parliamentary Affairs 13 Days to 13 Parties 289

H.D. Deve Gowda — Hardanahalli Dodde Gowda Deve Gowda (Karnataka) the sixth Non-Congress Prime Minister of India and the first one to head a coalition Government supported by 13 parties. A landmark in the history of Parliamentary democracy in India that with 44 members of his own party (JD), in a House of 543, H.D. Deve Gowda became the Prime Minister on June 1, 1996, indeed a rare achievement by Gowda Chief Minister of Karnataka (December 1994 to May 1996), is the architect of the JD victories in 1994 Karnataka Assembly elections, Panchayat and Zilla Parishad elections and lastly Lok Sabha Elections in 1996. He has been Member of the 10th Lok Sabha from Hussan Parliamentary Constituency in Kamataka the only seat won by JP in 1991. President Kamataka Janata Party 1978-81, Vice President Janata Party, in 1991. Member of Kamataka Assembly from 1962 onwards except for a brief period in 1989 and Leader of the Opposition in Kamataka from 1972 to 1977. He won the First Assembly seat in 1962 as an Independoit from Holenarsipur th e 'Karmabhoomi' of his electoral politics for the next quarter. In the 1969 Congress split, he joined the Congress O, headed by Nijalingappa which was in power in Kamataka. He is Diploma holder in Civil Engineering.

Common Minimiun Programme The United Front Government came out with its Common Mirumum Programme on June 5, 1996. The following are the highlights. • The United Front Government plans to refer the Ram Janambhoomi-Babri Masjid dispute to the Supreme Court for fresh arbitration under Article 138 (2) of the Constitution which will make it binding on the government to accept the court's opinion. • Laying stress on "stability and federalism," the document promises to implement Sarkaria Commissionf recommendations through legislations and administrative actions. It will also set up a high-level committee shortly on devolution of financial powers. • UF supports reservations for various under-previleged sections of the public including women, SCs, STs and OBCs. It has promised special programmes for artisans, craftspersons, tradespersons, weavers and fishermen and ownership rights to slum and forest dwellers. • UF will introduce in the Budget session a Lokpal Bill covering the Prime Minister's Office and all MPs. • On Jammu and Kashmir, the document says the state will continue to enjoy special status under Article 370, and the issue of autonomy will be resolved "through consulting the wishes of the people." • On the vexed issue of influx of "foreigners" in Assam, the UF says it will be addressed under the Assam Accord. A political dialogue is promised to resolve issues relating to insurgency in the state. • On foreign relations, the UF promises to abide by non-alignment, establi.sh friendly relations with neighbours, take "further steps" to improve relations with China, continue South- South dialogue and strengthen economic and commercial relations. • The nuclear option is proposed to be retained till the world achieves universal nuclear disarmament. 290 Elections in India: 1952-96

• Other programmes include review of Prasar Biiarati Act for granting autonomy to the official electronic media, a consistent environment policy, specific measures to harness the energies of the young millions by spending six per cent of the nation's gross domestic product - judicial reforms, abolitim of discretionary quotas enjoyed by ministers, transparency in all agreements and electoral reforms. • The Front pledged to bring down the government's fiscal deficit to four per cent of GDP and talked of targeting subsidies only at the poor. It said the government will embark on a path of high economic growth of seven per cent a year for the next 10 years and mix it with social justice. • Front will set up a commission to oversee disinvestment and the proceeds will be utilised in education and health. The government will "carefully examine" withdrawing from these areas, subject to worker's job security or their redeployment. • On sick or potentially sick PSUs, it proposed a menu of policy options including handing over management to professional groups or workers co­ operatives. • In a specific pledge towards globalising the economy the Front said: "The progress towards the goal of bringing India's tariffs in accord with world levels will be measured and calibrated." The document said, an independent tariff commission will be set up within three months for the purpose. • The Front declared that international treaty obligations will be honoured. W ithout naming the World Bank, the Intemational Monetary Fund or the World Trade Organisation (WTO),it said these organisations will play an important role in an increasingly interdependent world and tlie government will assert India's rights in these organisations. • India will continue to be a member of WTO and tlie obligations under the WTO agreement, such as those for amending the Indian Patent Act, will be met while safeguarding the interest of the country's agriculture, leading industrial sectors and genetic resources. • The Foreign Investment Promotion Board (FIPB) will be revamped to make it an "effective and credible instrument" to promote investment. "Transparent rules and regulations will be drawn up to attract foreign investment and for award of contracts." The decision process in awarding such contracts will be made public.

Stimming Up The reach of Indian Press, an urban weapon for moulding public opinion is hardly one third when more than two third of the population lives in villages but communication between rural and urban areas has tremendously mulHplied which has been felt in this biggest election any country had seen. The present political scenario is the outcome of autlioritative administration (Nehru-Gandlii era) in the past. After Rajiv Gandhi, new forces like backward castes and classes have emerged, and new power equations have come into existence. The loss of institutions and emergence of individual centred leadership has caused leadership conflicts in most of tl"ve political parties. India is passing through a transitory phase of political instability. 13 Days to 13 Parties 291

The 13 party coalition Government has to lean on the whims and fancies of the groups within and the Congress party. And to govern tlie country for five years, they will have to make lots of compromises and manage ideological disharmony. This can be possible if our all the 'so-called' leaders have the objective of service to people. And they keep the nation politically stable, socially harmonious and economically vibrant. The day does not seem to be very far when there will be only two political parties (BJP and Non-BJP) in India.

Index

Abdullah, Dr. Farooq 142, 280 Bhagat, H.K.L. 282 Adult franchise 1,10, 27 Bhartiya Jana Sangh 34 Advani, L.K. 277, 279 Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP) 29, 44, 49, AGP 124-26 84,92-93135-36,150,167,173,174, AIDMK 70,169, 270, 280, 281 268, 271, 273, 274, 275, 291 Akali Dal (Badal) 49 Alliances of 71, 72, 153 Akali Dal, Shlromani (SAD) 48, 282 Election Manifesto 44 Alliar\ces of parties 68-72 First Goverrunent at Centre 286 All India Indira Congress 280 Gujarat crisis 62, 136 All Party Kashmir Hurriyat Confer­ Performance in 1996 Election 104, ence 144 112,117 Andaman & Nicobar Islands Supplementary Manifesto for Caste-wise electorate percentage Delhi 131 204 U.S. Media concerned on rise of Election data 178 276 Party profile 242 Bhartiya Lok Dal 29 Andhra Pradesh 60,120-23 Bibhu Kumari Devi 174 Caste-wise percentage of elector­ Bihar ate in L.S. Constituencies 204-6 Caste-wise electorate percentage in Election data 120-123 L.S. Constituencies 208-10 Party profile of L.S. Constituencies Election data 127-29 242-243 Party profile for L.S. Constituen­ Animal Husbandry Scam 280 cies 245-46 Antony, A.K. 148, 269 Bofors deal 19, 36,172 Arjun Singh 280 Bommai, S.R. 145, 277 Arunachalam, M. 282 Booth capturing 33 Arunachal Pradesh Boro Babu, H. 155 Caste-wise electorate percentage Brar, Harcharan Singh 49 207 Buta Singh 278, 279 Election data 124-26 Party profile 242 Cabinet, expansion of 60-61 Azad, Chulam Nabi 267 Candidates number of 28, 29 Fielded 32 Babri Masjid 49, 172 Largest number in one consti­ Backward classes 68 tuency 83 Bahujan Samaj Party 29, 37, 281 Women 32-33 Ballot boxes 86 Caste, role in electoral politics 198 Bansi Lai 48,138, 284 Casteist politics 173 Barman, B. 283 CBl 277, 2§1 Basu, Jyoti 176 Census data, 1991 199 294 Elections in India: 1952-96

Centre for Study of Developing Soci­ CPM 30, 36, 46, 49,105,114,117,176, eties 94 266, 285 Chamling 168 Criminal-politician nexus 59 Chandigarh Caste-wise electronic percentage 211 Dadra and Nagar Haveli 178 Party profile 247 Caste-wise electorate percentage Chand Ram 282 211 Chandra Shekhar 20, 23-24, 37, 282 Party profile of L.S. Constituency Chandraswami 281 247 Charan Singh 23, 35, 36 Dalit Christians 280 Chara-e-Sharief, destruction of 143 Daman and Diu 178 Chavan, S.B. 278 Caste-wise electorate percentage Chidambaram, P. 169, 282 211 Chief Election Commissioner 59 Party profile of L.S. Constituency Election Commissioners and 59 247 Chronology of main events 277-85 Debbarma, Harinath 175 Coalitions, India's experience of 268, Defeats, stabbing incident after 86 275 Defections Code for T.V. Coverage 67 Haryana 138 Communalism 35 Pre-poll 72 Communist Party of India 34,36,105, Delhi 114,117,176, 285 Caste-wise electoral percentage 211 Confidence vote, discussion on 284, Election data 129-33 285, 287 Party profile of L.S. constituencies Congress 14, 22, 27-28, 29, 145, 150, 24 153, 157, 158, 160, 167, 170, 176, Delhi High Court 278 177, 268, 271, 272, 273, 274, 280, Democratic institutions 272 281, 282, 291 Democratic system, achievements of Alliances of 70, 72 24 Election M anifesto 45 Deposits, forfeiture of 31 Fighting 1996 elections 92 Desai, Morarji 22,35, 36 Kerala factions 149 Dhakna, B.D. 278 Performance in 1996 elections 103, Dhawan, Har Mohan 278 111,117 Dhawan, R.K. 278 Uncontested returns 31 Dhillon, G.S. 22 Congress (Tiwari) 45, 167, 280 DMK 169, 280 Donations by business Constituencies houses 280 Caste/religion-wise distribution 198- Doordarshan, Delhi Exit Poll 74 99 Caste-wise electorate percentage 204- Economic liberation 269 40 Economic reforms 272 Double member 12 Election Commission 1,8, 24, 279 Party profile of L.S. 241-65 Code for T.V. Coverage 67 Prime Miruster's 241 Conduct of elections and 8-11, 81 Rationale for demarcation of 83 Counting of votes 284 Reserved 11 Election expenses 66 Contestants to Lok Sabha 5,16,17,18, ]. & K. elections 143 28 Lessons for 81 -82 Corruption 19 Requisitioning services of govern­ Corrupt practices 9 ment servants 10 Index 295

Election Commissioners 59 Region-wise swings 107,116-19 Election expenses, permissible 12-13, Repolling 79, 80 65 Results at a glance 89-92 Elections 8 Security measures 79 Constituency-wise 1991 & 1996 L.S. Stability factor in 92 results 180-197 State-wise election data fact sheets Eleventh 1996 General, 44, 75, 82, 83 120-78 General 14 Tit-bits 83-101 Highlights of first ten general 27- Votes polled 94 33 Voting pattern 102 Kith and kin in 87 Exit poll 94-95 Manifestos 44-51 Press reactions and responses on Fernandes, George 280 results of 266-74 Fodder scam 280 Tit-bits 83 Foreign media on Indian elections 274- Uncontested returns 31 76 Election schedule 76 Forfeiture o f deposits 31-32 Electoral offences 9-10 Forward Bloc 30 Electoral politics, role of religion and caste 198 Gandhi, Indira 17-19, 23, 35, 36, 92 Electorate 3, 27 Gandhi, Menka 281 Caste/religion-wise distribution Oandhi, Rajiv 19, 20, 23, 36, 272, 290 198 Garibi Hatao 92 Caste-wise percentage in constitu­ General Elections encies 204-40 First 14-15 Eleventh General Elections 1996 Second 15 Alliances 93-94 Third 15-16 Analysis 92-94 Fourth 16-17 Assemblies 120 Fifth 17 Conduct of 81 Sixth 18 Contestants 75-76 Seventh 18-19 Election schedule 76 Eighth 19 Electorate 75-76 Ninth 19-20 Exit poll 94-95 Tenth 20 Film star in 87 Eleventh 44, 75-83 Heavy-weights 100 Goa Hindi-speaking states, party posi­ Caste-wise electorate percentage tion in 118 211 Landmarks 96 Election data fact sheet 133-34 Nomirwtions 78 Party profile of L.S. Constituency Oldest and youngest 97 247 Party position 107-8 Gowda, H.D. Deve 145,146,284, 285, Players in 87 287-89 Political parties, performance of Gujarat 102-119 Caste-wise electora te percentage in Polling 78, 79, 80 L.S. Constituencies 212-13 Prominent loosers, 99-100 Crisis in 62 Prominent winners 97-99 Election data fact sheet 134-37 Rao Ministers in 101 Party profile of L.S. Constituencies Regional parties in 102 248 2% Elections in India: 1952-96

Haryana Party-wise members in Lok Sabha Caste-wise electorate percentage in 1 4 0 L.S. Constituencies 214 Votes polled percentage 140 Election data fact sheet 137-39 Janta Dal 23,36,46,49,49,71,106,113, Party profile of L.S. Constituencies 117, 136, 145, 153, 160, 161, 172, Haryana Vikas Party 48,138 281,282, 289 Hawala scam 1, 49, 63-65, 277, 279, Janta Party 18, 29,34, 35,36, 106,145, 281 172 Hegde, K.S. 23 Jayakrishna, N. 280 Hegde, Ram Krishan 145, 146 Jayalalitha 270 Himachal Pradesh Jharkhand Mukti Morcha 29,278,279 Caste-wise electorate percentage in Joshi, Kailash 278, 279 L.S. Constituencies 215 Judiciary 24 Election data 139 Party position in State Assembly Kabir, Humayun 176 139 Kalpanath Rai 278, 280, 281 Party profile of L.S. Constituencies Kalyan Singh 172, 283 249 Kamal Nath 278, 279, 282 Party-wise position in Lok Sabhas Kanshi Ram 278 139 Karnataka Votes polled percentage Caste-wise electorate percentage in Hindi-speaking states, party position L.S. Constituencies 216-17 in 118 Election data fact sheet 144-46 Hinduism 62 Party profile in L.S. Constituencies Hindu militancy 276 250-51 Hindutva Karnataka Congress Party 281 RSS campaign for 68 Karunakaran, K. 148, 267, 269 Supreme Court on 62, 280 Karunanidhi, M. 169 Housing scam 283 Kashmiri migrants 283 Hume, A.O. 34 Kaul, Shiela 283 Kerala Ibrahim, Dawood 278 Caste-wise electorate percentage in Illiteracy 14 L.S. Constituencies 218 Independents 28 Election data fact sheet 146-49 State-wise performance of 115,118 Party profile in L.S. Constituencies Indian National Congress 14, 34, 92 251 Indian Press 290 Turning Left 269 Indian voter 270 Kerala Congress 148 Institutions loss of 290 Khaimar, G.R. 153 Intelligence Bureau 59 Khurana, M.L. 278 Kith and kin in elections 87-88 Jain diary 150 Koya, K.K. Mohammed 178 Jakhar, Bal Ram 277 Krishak Mazdoor Praja Party 35 Jammu & Kashmir Krishnamurthy, G.V.G. 81 Caste-wise electorate percentage in L.S. Constituencies 215 Lakshadweep Election data fact sheet 140-44 Caste-wise electorate percentage Elections in 81, 284 219 Party profile of L.S. Constitutencies Party-profile in L.S. Constituency 249 252 Index 297

Lakshmi Parvati 278, 280 L.S. Constituencies 225 Laldenga 157 Election data fact sheet 154-56 Lalthanhawla 157 Merger agreement 155 Left Democratic Front (LDF-Kerala) Party profile of L.S. Constituencies 147 255 Left Front (W.B.) 176,177 Manipur Peoples Party 156 Lok Dal 29, 36 , Dr. 268 Lok Sabha MARG opinion poll projections 73-74 Compositinn 3, 5 Masani, M.R. 35 Constituency-wise election results Mayawati 61 (1991 and 1996) 180, 97 Meghalaya, party profile of L.S. Con­ Extension of Duration Act 22 stituencies 253 Members, educational background Members 7 Educational background 7 Members, occupational back­ Occupational background 5-6 ground 5-6 Militants, encounter with 281 Party position 14-20 Mizo Accord 157 Pa rty profile of Constituencies 241 - Mizo National Front (MNF) 157 65 Mizoram Speakers of 25 Caste-wise electorate percentage in State-wise distribution of seats 4 L.S. Constituencies 225 State-wise -party position 107-8, Election data fact sheet 156-57 109-110 Statehood for 157 Tenures of 22, 25 Model Code of Conduct 82 Mookherji, Shyama Prasad 34 Madhya Pradesh Moopanar, G.K. 72,169, 266, 281 Caste-wise electorate percentage in Munshi, K.M. 35 L.S. Constitutencies 219-21 Murlidharan 269 Election data fact sheet 149-50 Muslim League 148 Party profile of L.S. Constituencies Muslim Voters 76 252-53 Madhya Pradesh Vikas Congress 150, Nagaland 282 Caste-wise electorate percentage Maharashtra 225 BJP-Shiv Sena alliance 153 Election data fact sheet 157-58 Caste-wise elecorate percentage in Party profile of L.S. Constituencies L.S. Constituencies 222-24 255 Election data fact sheet 151-54 Naidu, Chandra Babu 60, 267 Party profile of L.S. Constituencies Narayan, Jayaprakash 35 253 National Conference 142, 280 Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party National Democratic Party 148 134 National Front-Left Front combine Mahato, Shailendra 278, 280 271, 274, 277, 284 Mandal, Dhanik Lai 280 Natwar Singh 278, 281 Mandal, Suraj 278, 279 Negative verdict 271 Manifestos, election 44-51 Nehru-Gandhi Family 272 Analysis of 49 Netam, Arvind 278, 279 Highlights 44-48 Non-Congress Combinations 36 Import and issues in 50-51 Non-Congress governments 23, 37 Manipur Nuclear Weapons 274 Caste-wise electorate percentage in 298 Elections in India: 1952-96

OBC candidates 150,168 State-wise of main religions 200-1 Ordinances, return of , by President 66 Praja Socialist Party 35,147 Orissa President 7, 22 Caste-wise electorate percentage in Address to Parliament 284 I,.S. Constituencies 226 President's rule in states 53, 54 Election data fact sheet 158-61 Uttar Pradesh 61-62 Party profile of L.S. Constituencies Prime Minister, rating for persons 256 capable to become 74 Private senas, banning of 284 Pandiers Party 282 Proportional representation 30 Parliament 1,10,279 Punjab Patel, J.H. 284 Akali Government 164 Patel, Keshubhai 134, 272 Caste-wise electorate percentage in Patil, Shiv Raj 280 L.S. Constituencies 227 Party position Chief Ministers 163 Comparative data 90-92 Election data fact sheet 161-65 Hindi-speaking states 118 Electotrate 163 Lok Sabha 14-2Q, 21, 89, 90, 107, Party position 162 109 Party profile of L.S. Constituencies Rajasthan Assembly 166 257 Region-wise 116-19 President's rule 164 State Assemblies 54 Voter's turn out 163, 165 Ten elections 26 Votes polled 162 UP Assembly 58,171 Patnaik, Biju 160-279 Rajagopalachari, C 35 Patnaik, J.B. 160 Rajasthan Pawar, Sharad 154 Caste-wise electorate percentage in Phoolan Devi 275, 281 L.S. Constituencies 228-29 Pilot, Rajesh 277 Congress & BJP performance 166 Polarisation 35 Election data fact sheet 165-67 PMO 86, 283 Members in Lok Sabha 165 Political parties Party position in Assembly 166 Alliances of 68-72 Party profile of L.S. Constituencies Food temptations by 84 257-58 Hindi-speaking states 118 Vote percentage 167 Indian 34 Votes polled 166 List of 37-43 Rajya Sabha 7 Multiplicity of 28, 30 Ranbir Singh, R.K. 156 Natiorwl 37, 58 Ranga, N.G. 35 Regional 37-38,119 Ranjit Singh 278 Registered 38-43, 68 Rao N.T. Rama 60 Politician-criminal nexus 59 Rao, Prabhakar 282 Politicians, loss of weight of 266 Rao, P.V. Narasimha 60, 65, 70, 161, Polling stations witi^out voters 86 267,271,272-73,275,277,279,280, Pondicherry 281, 282, 284, 287 Caste-wise electorate percentage Rashtriya Swayam Sewak Sangh (RSS) 227 34,68 Party profile of L.S. Constituency 257 Reddy, N. Sanjiva 22 Population Reddy, S. Jaipal 49 Caste/Sub-caste-wise in percent­ Regions, party position in various 116- age 203 19 Index 299

Raishang Keishing 155,156 Socialist Union Centre 177 Religions Speakers of Lok Sabha 25 Percentage of main 199, 202 St. Kitts 281 Role in electoral politics 198 Stability factor 92, 269, 272 Sta te-wise population of ma in200- State Assemblies 52-27 1 Elections in 52-54, 120-78 Use of, to seek votes 280 Party position 54-57 Religious communities 199 State Legislations 11 Representation of the People Act 33, State-wise Assembly electorate data 66 120-78 Revolutionary Socialist Party (RSP) States, parties ruling in 57 35 Supreme Court 62, 65, 156, 274, 277, Rising Sun Party (Sikkim) 168 280, 282 Roy, Siddhartha Shanker 177 Surjit, Harkishan Singh 49, 277 Swadeshi Jagran Manch 273 Sahi, L.P. 278, 279 Swatantra Party 35 SJP 72, 282 Salve, N.K.P. 278 Tamil Maanila Congress 170, 282 Samajwadi Party (SP) 47,71,173,282, Tamil Nadu 283 Caste-wise electora te percentage in Samata Party 47, 71, 280 L.S. Constituencies 230-32 SamyuKta Socialist Party (SSP) 35 Election data fact sheet 169 Satta Market, States in 85 Moopanar factor 266 SayeeQ, P.M. 178 Party profile of Lok Sabha Constit­ Scans, shadow of 92 uencies 259-60 Scheduled castes and Scheduled Routof AL^DMK 270 Tribes 3,11 Telugu Desam, split in 60, 280 Reserved Constituencies for 11 Thackray, Bal 62 Voters 29 Third Front 93, 266 Scindia, Madhav Rao 150, 277, 282 Thungon, P.K. 283 Sen, A.K. 278, 279 Tinies Poll projections 73 Seshan, T.N. 59, 82,274, 284 Tiwari, N.D. 35, 278 Sharief, C.K. Jaffer 278 Tripura Shekhav^at, Bhairon Singh 167 Caste-wise electora te percentage in Shankaranand, B. 270 L.S. Constituencies 232 Shiv Sena 62,153 Election data fact sheet 174 Shukla, V.C. 277 Party profile of L.S. Constituencies Sikkim 260 Caste-wise electorate percentage in Party-wise Members in Lok Sabha L.S. Constituencies 229 174 Election data fact sheet 168 Tripura Hill Peoples' Party 175 Party profile of L.S. Constituencies Tripura National Volunteers 175 258 Tripura Tribal National Conference Sikkim Democratic Front 168 175 Sikkim Sangram Parishad 168 Tripura Upjati Juba Samiti 175 Sikkim United Liberation Front 168 Singh, Brij Bhushan Saran 278 Uncontested returns 31 S in ^ , V.P. 20, 23, 37,172, 272, 280 Union Cabinet Socialisim 35 Reshuffle 60-61 Socialist movement 35 United Front 288 300 Elections in India: 1952-96

Union Territories Vote of Confidence, discussion on 284, Election data fact sheet 178 285, 287 Party-wise position in L.S. elec­ Voters tions 178 Choice for 28 United Democratic Front (Kerala) 147, Female 86 269 Muslim 76 United Front Number of 2-3, 27, 75-76 Cabinet 288 Old and sick 85 Common Minimum Programme Party preferences, exit poll 95 289 Turn out of 14, 27 United Left Front (Manipur) 156 Votes polled 27 Universal franchise 27 Voting pattern 30,102-119 U.S. Media on Indian elections 274-75 Uttar Pradesh Waghela, Shanker Singh 272 Assembly polls 173 West Bengal Caste-wise electorate percentage in Caste-wise electorate percentage in L.S. Constituencies 238 L.S. Constituencies 232-37 Election data fact sheet 175 Dissolution of Assembly 173 Party position in Assembly elec­ Election data fact sheet 171-74 tions 176 Party position in Assembly 171 Party profile of L.S. Constituencies Party profile of L.S. Constituencies 264-65 260-63 Party-wise members in Lok Sabha Party-wise members in 11th L.S. 175 171 Vote percentage 176 President's rule 61-62 Women Candidates' victory 33 Vajpayee, A tal Bihari 89,273,277,279, Members in ten Lok Sabhas 32 280, 284, 286, 287 Reservation for 32-33 Verdict, negative 271 Voters 86 Press reactions on 1996 elections 2 ^ - 7 4 Yadav, Chandra Jit 278 Violence, language of 272 Yadav, Laloo Prasad 267, 277, 278 Vishwa Hindu Parishad 273 Yadav, Mulayam Singh 61,172 Vohra, N.N. 59 Yadav, Ram Naresh 172 Vote banks concept 198 Yadav, Sharad 277, 278

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