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1990 NGA Annual Meeting
BARLOW & JONES P.O. BOX 160612 MOBILE, ALABAMA 36616 (205) 476-0685 ~ 1 2 ACHIEVING EDUCATIONAL EXCELLENCE 3 AND ENVIRONMENTAL QUALITY 4 5 National Governors' Association 6 82nd Annual Meeting Mobile, Alabama 7 July 29-31, 1990 8 9 10 11 12 ~ 13 ..- 14 15 16 PROCEEDINGS of the Opening Plenary Session of the 17 National Governors' Association 82nd Annual Meeting, 18 held at the Mobile Civic Center, Mobile, Alabama, 19 on the 29th day of July, 1990, commencing at 20 approximately 12:45 o'clock, p.m. 21 22 23 ".~' BARLOW & JONES P.O. BOX 160612 MOBILE. ALABAMA 36616 (205) 476-0685 1 I N D E X 2 3 Announcements Governor Branstad 4 Page 4 5 6 Welcoming Remarks Governor Hunt 7 Page 6 8 9 Opening Remarks Governor Branstad 10 Page 7 11 12 Overview of the Report of the Task Force on Solid Waste Management 13 Governor Casey Governor Martinez Page 11 Page 15 14 15 Integrated Waste Management: 16 Meeting the Challenge Mr. William D. Ruckelshaus 17 Page 18 18 Questions and Discussion 19 Page 35 20 21 22 23 2 BARLOW & JONES P.O. BOX 160612 MOBILE, ALABAMA 36616 (205) 476-0685 1 I N D E X (cont'd) 2 Global Environmental Challenges 3 and the Role of the World Bank Mr. Barber B. Conable, Jr. 4 Page 52 5 Questions and Discussion 6 Page 67 7 8 Recognition of NGA Distinguished Service Award Winners 9 Governor Branstad Page 76 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 3 BARLOW & JONES P.O. -
President Roosevelt and the Supreme Court Bill of 1937
President Roosevelt and the Supreme Court bill of 1937 Item Type text; Thesis-Reproduction (electronic) Authors Hoffman, Ralph Nicholas, 1930- Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 26/09/2021 09:02:55 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/319079 PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT AND THE SUPREME COURT BILL OF 1937 by Ralph Nicholas Hoffman, Jr. A Thesis submitted to the faculty of the Department of History and Political Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in the Graduate College, University of Arizona 1954 This thesis has been submitted in partial fulfillment of requirements for an advanced degree at the University of Arizona and is deposited in the Library to be made avail able to borrowers under rules of the Library. Brief quotations from this thesis are allowable without spec ial permission, provided that accurate acknowledgment of source is made. Requests for permission for extended quotation from or reproduction of this manuscript in whole or in part may be granted by the head of the major department or the dean of the Graduate College when in their judgment the proposed use of the material is in the interests of scholarship. In all other in stances, however, permission must be obtained from the author. SIGNED: TABLE.' OF.GOWTENTS Chapter / . Page Ic PHEYIOUS CHALLENGES TO THE JODlClMXo , V . -
POLL RESULTS: Congressional Bipartisanship Nationwide and in Battleground States
POLL RESULTS: Congressional Bipartisanship Nationwide and in Battleground States 1 Voters think Congress is dysfunctional and reject the suggestion that it is effective. Please indicate whether you think this word or phrase describes the United States Congress, or not. Nationwide Battleground Nationwide Independents Battleground Independents Dysfunctional 60 60 61 64 Broken 56 58 58 60 Ineffective 54 54 55 56 Gridlocked 50 48 52 50 Partisan 42 37 40 33 0 Bipartisan 7 8 7 8 Has America's best 3 2 3 interests at heart 3 Functioning 2 2 2 3 Effective 2 2 2 3 2 Political frustrations center around politicians’ inability to collaborate in a productive way. Which of these problems frustrates you the most? Nationwide Battleground Nationwide Independents Battleground Independents Politicians can’t work together to get things done anymore. 41 37 41 39 Career politicians have been in office too long and don’t 29 30 30 30 understand the needs of regular people. Politicians are politicizing issues that really shouldn’t be 14 13 12 14 politicized. Out political system is broken and doesn’t work for me. 12 15 12 12 3 Candidates who brand themselves as bipartisan will have a better chance of winning in upcoming elections. For which candidate for Congress would you be more likely to vote? A candidate who is willing to compromise to A candidate who will stay true to his/her get things done principles and not make any concessions NationwideNationwide 72 28 Nationwide Nationwide Independents Independents 74 26 BattlegroundBattleground 70 30 Battleground Battleground IndependentsIndependents 73 27 A candidate who will vote for bipartisan A candidate who will resist bipartisan legislation legislation and stick with his/her party NationwideNationwide 83 17 Nationwide IndependentsNationwide Independents 86 14 BattlegroundBattleground 82 18 Battleground BattlegroundIndependents Independents 88 12 4 Across the country, voters agree that they want members of Congress to work together. -
Edward Douglas White: Frame for a Portrait Paul R
Louisiana Law Review Volume 43 | Number 4 Symposium: Maritime Personal Injury March 1983 Edward Douglas White: Frame for a Portrait Paul R. Baier Louisiana State University Law Center Repository Citation Paul R. Baier, Edward Douglas White: Frame for a Portrait, 43 La. L. Rev. (1983) Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.lsu.edu/lalrev/vol43/iss4/8 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Reviews and Journals at LSU Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Louisiana Law Review by an authorized editor of LSU Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. V ( TI DEDICATION OF PORTRAIT EDWARD DOUGLASS WHITE: FRAME FOR A PORTRAIT* Oration at the unveiling of the Rosenthal portrait of E. D. White, before the Louisiana Supreme Court, October 29, 1982. Paul R. Baier** Royal Street fluttered with flags, we are told, when they unveiled the statue of Edward Douglass White, in the heart of old New Orleans, in 1926. Confederate Veterans, still wearing the gray of '61, stood about the scaffolding. Above them rose Mr. Baker's great bronze statue of E. D. White, heroic in size, draped in the national flag. Somewhere in the crowd a band played old Southern airs, soft and sweet in the April sunshine. It was an impressive occasion, reported The Times-Picayune1 notable because so many venerable men and women had gathered to pay tribute to a man whose career brings honor to Louisiana and to the nation. Fifty years separate us from that occasion, sixty from White's death. -
Nurses on Wheels
UNITED SPINAL ASSOCIATION’S Normie Etiquette Galápagos Adventure Body Language life beyond wheels BATTLING BIAS, FINDING THEIR NICHE: Nurses on Wheels newmobility.com APR 2019 $4 DO YOU HAVE A RELIABLE SOLUTION TO YOUR BOWEL PROGRAM? Use CEO-TWO® Laxative Suppositories as part of CEO-TWO works reliably within 30 minutes. These your bowel program. These unique CO2-releasing unique suppositories are even self-lubricating, suppositories allow you to control your bowel making their use as easy and convenient as possible. function and prevent constipation and related problems, such as autonomic dysreflexia. Regain • 3 year shelf life confidence in social and work situations by • Reduces bowel program time to under 30 minutes avoiding embarrassing accidents with CEO-TWO! • Water-soluble formula • Does not cause mucous leakage Many laxatives and suppositories are not reliable • Self-lubricating and are unpredictable. Having secondary bowel • No refrigeration necessary movements when you least expect it with such • Individually wrapped and easy to open products is not at all uncommon. • Unique tapered shape makes retention easier, providing satisfactory results every time ORDERING INFORMATION: Box of 2 suppositories ...............NDC #0283-0808-11 ORDER BY PHONE ORDER ONLINE Box of 6 suppositories ...............NDC #0283-0808-36 1-800-238-8542 www.amazon.com Box of 12 suppositories .............NDC #0283-0808-12 M-F: 8:00 a.m. – 4:30 p.m. ET Box of 54 suppositories .............NDC #0283-0808-54 LLC CEO-TWO is a registered trademark of Beutlich® Pharmaceuticals, LLC. CCA 469 1114 Are you a Veteran with a service or non-service connected Spinal Cord Injury? Did you know that the Department of Veterans A airs has updated its national policy to expand access to ReWalk exoskeletons through a VA SCI Hub and Spoke or the VA Choice Program? What is ReWalk? ReWalk is a robotic exoskeleton that “Using ReWalk, I have more enables individuals with Spinal Cord energy and less pain.” Injuries to stand and walk, and is cleared Ret. -
Conservatives on Madison Avenue: Political Advertising and Direct Marketing in the 1950S
NANZAN REVIEW OF AMERICAN STUDIES Volume 41 (2019): 3-25 Conservatives on Madison Avenue: Political Advertising and Direct Marketing in the 1950s MORIYAMA Takahito * This article investigates how urban consumerism affected the rise of modern American conservatism by focusing on anticommunists’ political advertising in New York City during the 1950s. The advertising industry developed the new tactic of direct marketing in the post-World War II period and, over the years, several political activists adopted this new marketing technique for political campaigns. Direct mail, a product of the new marketing, was a personalized medium that built up a database of personal information and sent suitable messages to individuals, instead of standardized information to the masses. The medium was especially significant for conservatives to disseminate their ideology to prospective supporters across the country in the 1950s when the conservati ve media establishment did not exist. This research explores the development of the American right in urban areas by analyzing the role of direct mail in the conservative movement. The postwar era witnessed the rise of modern American conservatism as a political movement. Following World War II, anticommunism became widespread among Americans and the United States was confronted with communism abroad, whereas in domestic politics right-wing movements, such as McCarthyism, attacked liberalism. The New Deal had angered many Americans prior to the 1950s. Frustrated with government regulations since the 1930s, some businesspeople acclaimed the free enterprise system and individual liberties as the American ideal; several intellectuals and religious figures criticized the decline of traditional values in modern society; and white Southerners were adamant in preventing the federal government from interfering in the Jim Crow laws. -
Preferences for Bipartisanship in the American Electorate Laurel
Compromise vs. Compromises: Preferences for Bipartisanship in the American Electorate Laurel Harbridge* Assistant Professor, Northwestern University Faculty Fellow, Institute for Policy Research [email protected] Scott Hall 601 University Place Evanston, IL 60208 (847) 467-1147 Neil Malhotra Associate Professor, Stanford Graduate School of Business [email protected] 655 Knight Way Stanford, CA 94035 (408) 772-7969 Brian F. Harrison PhD Candidate, Northwestern University [email protected] Scott Hall 601 University Place Evanston, IL 60208 * Corresponding author. We thank Time-Sharing Experiments in the Social Sciences (TESS) for providing the majority of the financial support of this project. TESS is funded by the National Science Foundation (SES- 0818839). A previous version of this paper was scheduled for presentation at the 2012 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association. Abstract Public opinion surveys regularly assert that Americans want political leaders to work together and to engage in bipartisan compromise. If so, why has Congress become increasingly acrimonious even though the American public wants it to be “bipartisan”? Many scholars claim that this is simply a breakdown of representation. We offer another explanation: although people profess support for “bipartisanship” in an abstract sense, what they desire procedurally out of their party representatives in Congress is to not compromise with the other side. To test this argument, we conduct two experiments in which we alter aspects of the political context to see how people respond to parties (not) coming together to achieve broadly popular public policy goals. We find that citizens’ proclaimed desire for bipartisanship in actuality reflects self-serving partisan desires. -
The XXI Century Socialism in the Context of the New Latin American Left Civilizar
Civilizar. Ciencias Sociales y Humanas ISSN: 1657-8953 [email protected] Universidad Sergio Arboleda Colombia Ramírez Montañez, Julio The XXI century socialism in the context of the new Latin American left Civilizar. Ciencias Sociales y Humanas, vol. 17, núm. 33, julio-diciembre, 2017, pp. 97- 112 Universidad Sergio Arboleda Bogotá, Colombia Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=100254730006 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative Civilizar Ciencias Sociales y Humanas 17 (33): 97-112, Julio-Diciembre de 2017 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.22518/16578953.902 The XXI century socialism in the context of the new Latin American left1 El socialismo del siglo XXI en el contexto de la nueva izquierda latinoamericana Recibido: 27 de juniol de 2016 - Revisado: 10 de febrero de 2017 – Aceptado: 10 de marzo de 2017. Julio Ramírez Montañez2 Abstract The main purpose of this paper is to present an analytical approach of the self- proclaimed “new socialism of the XXI Century” in the context of the transformations undertaken by the so-called “Bolivarian revolution”.The reforms undertaken by referring to the ideology of XXI century socialism in these countries were characterized by an intensification of the process of transformation of the state structure and the relations between the state and society, continuing with the nationalization of sectors of the economy, the centralizing of the political apparatus of State administration. -
WHY COMPETITION in the POLITICS INDUSTRY IS FAILING AMERICA a Strategy for Reinvigorating Our Democracy
SEPTEMBER 2017 WHY COMPETITION IN THE POLITICS INDUSTRY IS FAILING AMERICA A strategy for reinvigorating our democracy Katherine M. Gehl and Michael E. Porter ABOUT THE AUTHORS Katherine M. Gehl, a business leader and former CEO with experience in government, began, in the last decade, to participate actively in politics—first in traditional partisan politics. As she deepened her understanding of how politics actually worked—and didn’t work—for the public interest, she realized that even the best candidates and elected officials were severely limited by a dysfunctional system, and that the political system was the single greatest challenge facing our country. She turned her focus to political system reform and innovation and has made this her mission. Michael E. Porter, an expert on competition and strategy in industries and nations, encountered politics in trying to advise governments and advocate sensible and proven reforms. As co-chair of the multiyear, non-partisan U.S. Competitiveness Project at Harvard Business School over the past five years, it became clear to him that the political system was actually the major constraint in America’s inability to restore economic prosperity and address many of the other problems our nation faces. Working with Katherine to understand the root causes of the failure of political competition, and what to do about it, has become an obsession. DISCLOSURE This work was funded by Harvard Business School, including the Institute for Strategy and Competitiveness and the Division of Research and Faculty Development. No external funding was received. Katherine and Michael are both involved in supporting the work they advocate in this report. -
An Inside Look at the Obama Administration: Politics and Policy at the Six-Month Mark
An Inside Look at the Obama Administration: Politics and Policy at the Six-Month Mark 1 DOUGLAS SCHOEN JUNE 30 T H , 2009 Overview 2 I spent six years between 1994 and 2000 as one of President Bill Clinton’s senior political advisers. During that time, we did an extensive amount of polling and research on issues facing the country. Many of the decisions that were made at the very least were informed by polling information. Overview 3 Tonight, I seek to provide a context for decisions that the Obama administration is making: why they are doing what they are doing, and how they are doing it. I will provide this context by examining a survey that I conducted over the weekend with 800 likely voters representing a national sample of the American population. Overview 4 This is a critical time for President Obama. Personally, Obama remains popular. His policies are somewhat less popular, and there is a substantial degree of skepticism as to whether these policies will actually create jobs, and large numbers of voters fear that they will increase the deficit. Americans are convinced that the Republicans caused the economic problems we currently face. However, there is a sense that Republican policies now are at least as constructive, if not more constructive, than Democratic policies. Overview 5 The electorate is supportive of Obama’s health care and cap-and-trade initiatives, but has doubts about the efficiency and impact of both. Voters also have a fear that new taxes will be created from Obama’s initiatives, and that another government bureaucracy will be created because of Obama’s health care plan. -
Journal of Supreme Court History
Journal of Supreme Court History THE SUPREME COURT HISTORICAL SOCIETY THURGOOD MARSHALL Associate Justice (1967-1991) Journal of Supreme Court History PUBLICATIONS COMMITTEE E. Barrett Prettyman, Jr. Chairman Donald B. Ayer Louis R. Cohen Charles Cooper Kenneth S. Geller James J. Kilpatrick Melvin I. Urofsky BOARD OF EDITORS Melvin I. Urofsky, Chairman Herman Belz Craig Joyce David O'Brien David J. Bodenhamer Laura Kalman Michael Parrish Kermit Hall Maeva Marcus Philippa Strum MANAGING EDITOR Clare Cushman CONSULTING EDITORS Kathleen Shurtleff Patricia R. Evans James J. Kilpatrick Jennifer M. Lowe David T. Pride Supreme Court Historical Society Board of Trustees Honorary Chairman William H. Rehnquist Honorary Trustees Harry A. Blackmun Lewis F. Powell, Jr. Byron R. White Chairman President DwightD.Opperman Leon Silverman Vice Presidents VincentC. Burke,Jr. Frank C. Jones E. Barrett Prettyman, Jr. Secretary Treasurer Virginia Warren Daly Sheldon S. Cohen Trustees George Adams Frank B. Gilbert Stephen W. Nealon HennanBelz Dorothy Tapper Goldman Gordon O. Pehrson Barbara A. Black John D. Gordan III Leon Polsky Hugo L. Black, J r. William T. Gossett Charles B. Renfrew Vera Brown Geoffrey C. Hazard, Jr. William Bradford Reynolds Wade Burger Judith Richards Hope John R. Risher, Jr. Patricia Dwinnell Butler William E. Jackson Harvey Rishikof Andrew M. Coats Rob M. Jones William P. Rogers William T. Coleman,1r. James 1. Kilpatrick Jonathan C. Rose F. Elwood Davis Peter A. Knowles Jerold S. Solovy George Didden IIJ Harvey C. Koch Kenneth Starr Charlton Dietz Jerome B. Libin Cathleen Douglas Stone John T. Dolan Maureen F. Mahoney Agnes N. Williams James Duff Howard T. -
Master Pages
Master Pages 15 • Be Careful With My Court Legitimacy, Public Opinion, and the Chief Justices SHAWN C. FETTIG AND SARA C. BENESH On June 28, 2012, the Supreme Court announced its decision in National Federation of Independent Business et al. v. Sebelius, Secretary of Health and Human Services et al., upholding the Affordable Care Act by a vote of 5-4. Chief Justice John Roberts read his majority opinion. Almost immediately, political scientists and pundits alike began dissecting the opinion and the reason for Chief Justice Roberts’s vote. Public approval of the Court, as noted by the media, was at its lowest levels ever as the Court prepared to hear the case.1 Many argued that the Court’s legitimacy weighed heavily on Roberts as he considered the case, with CBS News reporting that Roberts, as chief justice, “is keenly aware of his leadership role on the court, and he also is sensitive to how the court is perceived by the public.”2 “To be sure,” wrote New York Times reporter Adam Liptak, “the chief justice considers himself the custodian of the Supreme Court’s prestige, authority, and le- gitimacy, and he is often its voice in major cases.”3 He reprised the role in King v. Burwell, the 6- 3 decision announced almost exactly one year later upholding the subsidies associated with the health care exchanges.4 There, Rosen argued, the chief used the case’s reason to confer legitimacy. Judicial restraint, Rosen suggests, drove the chief’s decision, for “In a polarized age, it is important for the Supreme Court to maintain its institutional legiti- macy by deferring to the political branches.”5 We know that the Court is influenced by public opinion and the Court’s decisions are often in line with it.6 We also know that judicial legitimacy is fairly widespread and relatively stable,7 and that it is drawn from diffuse 374 Ward.indd 374 2/12/2016 2:30:33 PM Master Pages Be Careful With My Court • 375 support, a “reservoir of good will,”8 that is resilient and resistant to signifi- cant fluctuation.