The Bengali Bhadramahila —Forms of Organisation in the Early Twentieth Century
The Indian women’s deputation to Mntague and Chelmsford, 1917, demanding the vote for women
These extracts from a dissertation by Indrani Chatterjee look at some of the forms of organisation that developed among women of the educated middle and upper classes in early twentieth century Bengal. This kind of organising helped women of the Bengali middle and upper classes to emerge from seclusion, to develop a life outside the family, and to identify themselves with social and political causes. The author is continuing her work in this area. The ideas expressed here are based on her work up to 1986.
THIS work concentrates on the elected legislatures of India, in Bengal of the Round Table Conference bhadramahila in Bengal, accepting women got the vote only in 1925. Until broadened the qualifications to include Borthwick’s definition of them as “the 1931, a woman was qualified to vote only *Bhadralok in Bengali indicates the mothers, wives and daughters of the many if she was the wife of a man who held “respectable”, the educated and cultured, that is school masters, lawyers, doctors and property and was over 25, or if she was a the middle and upper classes, as distinguished from government servants who made up the holder of property in her own right. This the chhotolok, the “small people” or the poorer, lower classes. Bhadramahila are the women of English-educated professional Bengali left the women’s electorate in the the bhadralok. The bhadralok played an middle class or bhadralok.’” proportion of one woman to every 26 men important role in the nineteenth century cultural Though the British parliament in 1919 in Bengal. renaissance in Bengal and the social reform movements there which took, up women’s issues, left the question of women’s vote to the In 1931 the franchise sub-committee amongst others.
26 MANUSHI literacy. It was estimated that 377,000 more premium on visibility that the movement education “closer to life” found in the women above the age of 21 would get the reinforced had gathered momentum from government their champions. This entailed vote under this scheme and that the total the turn of the century, through the spread a heavier emphasis on humanities, arts and number of women voters would be of Western education and associational crafts than on the sciences. Even in 1936- 1,500,000. But, as the figures for the 1937 activity. 37 there was “no well equipped laboratory elections showed, there were only 896,588 Higher Education in any Indian girls’ school in Bengal.” women enrolled as voters, of whom only At this time, a more formal kind of Despite its limitations, women’s 46,758 actually voted. Even when the right education was becoming more and more education did take a significant step was granted to women to contest the accessible to the Bengali bhadramahila forward. That its importance was realised Calcutta Corporation elections in 1933, the as the increased numbers of girls in by women themselves is evident in the actuality of their experience contrasted secondary English schools and in colleges founding of women’s educational with the notion of their empowerment. show. An official report commented : “...A associations. The Nari Shiksha Samiti As Jyotirmoyee Ganguli, one of the two curious development in the social usage, started in 1919 with the object of imparting successful women candidates, recounted, especially amongst the educated middle such education to girls and women as one elderly gentleman wanted to know would make them “helpful wives and “...will that woman sweep the roads and mothers and useful members of society clean the drains that you have come and enable them to earn an honest living brandishing the fact before me ?” This, in case of need.” Under the supervision of she was sure, had never been asked of the Abala Bose, it founded about 40 girls’ male candidates, nor had they complied schools in Calcutta by 1929, started a with such demands. Manikuntala Sen, too, Hindu widows’ home in 1922 called the recalled the allocation of a ticket to her by Vidyasagar Bani Bhawan which trained the Communist Party of India on the widows as teachers or nurses, and opened ground that they had no suitable male an industrial school for women in 1926 candidate for that region. called the Manila Shilpa Bhandar. In the 1930s, women formed and The Vidyasagar Bani Bhawan in 1928 joined different kinds of associations, put students of the two highest classes all of which can be termed political. These through a short intensive course of were years of increased student unrest. lessons in teaching. Then three of them As education became a transferred subject A BENGALI GIRL STUDENT were put in charge of three separate and opportunities increased, the avenues schools situated in the interior. This Nineteenth century illustration by of employment failed to keep pace. Large experiment was well spoken of by the Herbert Johnson for a book by an sections of youth reverted to traditions of English missionary assistant inspectress of schools, Dacca revolutionary terrorism. The traditional circle, after inspecting the schools. rivalry of the two principal terrorist groups, class Hindus, is that the possession of a One of these students, Shantilata Das, the Jugantar and Anushilan, was echoed University degree seems now to increase assessing her work in a predominantly in the rivalry between Subhash Bose and the eligibility of a girl for marriage.” The Muslim village of Manickgunj district, J.M. Sengupta in the Bengal Congress. The drive for female education resulted in an Dacca, said: “The condition of those girls Gandhian call for civil disobedience found increase of schools, but the direction of is very saddening. There is considerable each of them setting up rival organisations this change was evident from the fact that enthusiasm to learn but...(the parents) to conduct the movement in Bengal, and the rate of increase was greater for constantly burden their daughters with wasting much energy in Calcutta secondary English schools and colleges housework and pay no heed to their corporation electioneering even at the than the rate of increase in primary education. Their only thought is to equip height of the movement. schools. It was also true that many more their daughters for marriage...as if that is Gandhi’s choice of salt brought the girls entered primary school than the sole aim of a woman’s life. If the girls struggle into the home. His attack on liquor completed it. sit down to study or mention the school, and foreign cloth and his avowal of khadi The interest in women’s higher they are reprimanded with questions like : proved important for mobilisation of education was contemporaneous with a ‘Are you going to become a memsahib ? women. If jail going is any indication, heated debate over the curriculum for girls’ Will you earn money by it ?’ and sometimes many more women went to jail in this education. All those who felt that girls they are beaten as well. The girls live in movement than had done so during the should be compulsorily taught cooking, constant fear ; very often, they run away noncooperation movement of 1921-22. The needle work and housewifery to bring their to school without even eating...” Her
No. 45, March-April, 1988 colleague in the venture, Charubala Sarkar, a harmonium and loved singing, she had understanding of this notion was crucial did not find any substantial difference in to close the windows before singing, as it to the debate. Amiya Debi said : “... attitude in a predominantly Baidya- was considered “shameless.” Yet,the swadhinata cannot be given, it has to be Kayastha Hindu populated village. Nor, for conventions governing bhadramahila taken by force. If women really want it, that matter, did the third colleague, behaviour were themselves in flux at this they have to agitate and fight for it Indubala Gupta, in a Brahman dominated time, as is seen in controversies carried on themselves—it is only natural that men village. in newspapers where some readers argued will want to obstruct them.”
It would seem that education for for abolition of the parda and criticised (Bangalakshmit 1931) She compared the women retained its urban bias and that men for harassing women travelling by reforms carried out by the British hostility to female education was not public transport. entirely absent from lives of women even in towns. Shova Ghosh, whose in-laws “We will amass strength, stand on our own feet and in physical allowed her to continue her studies after bravery and mental strength be equal to men.” marriage, recounted in her book Aaj O Taru Picchu Dake, 1981, her embarrassment in studying at home, lest people think “this There was also an ongoing debate government to the measures taken by housewife only sits with books in her hand on women’s property rights, The general Indian men for women : “the givers of and does not do any housework.... When understanding seemed to be that dowry swadhinata do so only because they want the school coach used to come to the was a form of compensation for women’s slightly more refined and well mannered corner of the street and the coachman used lack of inheritance rights. But some voices women... The responsibility for this to call‘Gari aya baba’ and I used to cover were raised against dowry, Kamala Bose swadhinata cannot be with well wishing my head with the end of my sari and board and Giribala Ray being the most men...If it does, then adhinata alone is the bus, the windows of houses on both vociferous. Kamala argued that “the strengthened.” (Bijoli, August 4; 1922). sides of the street would open and the majority of Bengalee fathers have no Amiyabal Bandhopadhyay elaborated neighbouring women would stare property or money at all to part the point : “And no more do we want to be curiously at a housewife going to with...Moreover, the money that is given directed and controlled by someone college...I realised that this society thought as dowry does not go to the bride at all, in else...After revolting against her husband better if married women worked at home majority of cases it fills the pocket of her too, a woman’s life can be meaningful, rather than study.” father-in-law.” Giribala Ray, the author, rejection of a tyrannical father’s dictates The ideology of housewifisation while protesting dowry system, advocated on marriage can still leave a daughter attacked girls at an early age. The routine equal education for girls and boys. some respect, and a mother’s disregard of and rituals of housework in a big Although a dominant theory at this time her son’s, control still leaves her household, as recounted by some women was that education would make women venerable. We will be swadhin, we will in their autobiographies, seem to have better wives and mothers, some argued amass strength, stand on our own feet and been a time consuming process. The against the view. Shanta Devi emphatically in physical bravery and mental strength invisibility and lack of mobility implied in asserted that women were to be educated we will be equal to men... We want to tear the keeping of parda was a major hurdle to take full responsibility for themselves. away this mayajal of pativratya and be in the acquisition of education by women. She decried the notion that “with marriage, fully human.”(Bijoli, August 11, 1922) Manikuntala Sen in her Sediner Katha. all the problems of her life have been As Urmila Devi, one of the early women 1982, describes how when she studied in solved...A daughter may not marry at all; activists in Bengal, put it, swaraj meant college, she sat behind a wooden partition even if she does, she should be able to look self rule and swadhinata the “strength and in the classroom, and looked through a after herself, choose her own profession power to fulfil all our needs ourselves.” It small hole to see the teacher. Even when and have mental and economic is not difficult, therefore, to understand in high school, she realised that girls could independence,” (Bangalakshmi, 1928) the intimate connection they made not walk around in public, not even to and The Idea Of Freedom between women’s rights and the national from school. It was only when she came Education thus came to be viewed as a movement. Shantisudha Ghosh, in an to Calcutta that she saw women move gateway to freedom or swadhinata. The article in Banglar-Katha, October 28, 1921, around unescorted in public transport. ridiculed those who called themselves Shova, who travelled by tram to freedom loving patriots but castigated Bhowanipur with her husband, was Education came to be viewed as women’s efforts to emancipate warned by a relative that this was the gateway to freedom themselves: “Those who resist this “unseemly” behaviour. Though she had agitation by saying it engenders conflict
28 MANUSHI between men and women and thus bodes Many knowledgeable men (feel) that the organisation of the Manila Samitis was immense ill for society—to them we can men...alone should determine the road an example. These organisations have only reply that can well be said of the which women should take. Here, we have been very little studied. It has been taken national movement also. The conflict only one question : When the English as self evident that they did not constitute between the Englishman and the Indian is rulers continually repeat this on the issue political activity. Yet it is in such efforts by proving harmful to both; two races of the of India’s sovereignty, can any patriotic women to come to terms with public action world, instead of living peaceably, are Indian believe or accept them ?” that the search for political meaning should immersed in severe fraternal strife—to be At the core of this argument was the be undertaken. free from this, it would be best to consciousness of the contradictions The Mahila Samitis The initiator of the movement to organise Mahila Samitis in Bengal was Saroj Nalini Dutt, wife of a civil servant. Shudha Mazumdar, one of Saroj’s associates, gave a personalised account of the beginning of this social interaction amongst the “wives of the leading men of the town.” Its aim, according to her, was to “help foster a better understanding between them and break the monotony of their secluded lives. As women in those days rarely visited each other except on formal occasions such as births, deaths, marriages or when invited to religious ceremonies, social life was confined to these events mainly amongst one’s own relations. Women of gentle birth rarely stirred out of their homes for any other purpose, and no matter how near their destination, they travelled in closed vehicles.” It seems that these efforts of women Women of Shantiniketan with Gandhiji, Kasturba and Tagore. Many Bengali to develop a kin devoid identity were not women went to Shantinekta for an education in the arts and this traditions still always favourably received by their continues. families. As Shudha was to recount later: “Most of the local gentlemen...felt this new ungrudgingly accept dependence upon implicit in applying different rules for the movement would be the death-knell of the English ! But in the sphere of national public and the private worlds. The issues family life and that it foretold nothing but politics, everyone clearly realises the of shiksha and swadhinata were centrally discord and disruption in their home. They invalidity of this logic.” linked to the issue of what woman’s sphere were firmly convinced that the women Shantisudha went on to argue, when was, aptly expressed in the term “ghare- would abandon their household duties, it was suggested that instead of erecting baire.” neglect husband and children, break away the “flag of battle” against men, women The nationalist struggle sought to from the seclusion of their home and should acquire their rights through debate extend the private into the public by seeing eventually, compete with them in their and discussion : “Sovereignty is such a the country as “home” and the people as spheres,of work.” Indira Ghosh, member thing that nobody will voluntarily “children” or “family” so that all social and of the Malda Mahila Samiti, reported: surrender it. Swadhinata is such a thing political work could seem an extension of “...some (men) remarked that new fashions, that cannot be attained by begging. It household work in which women could new dresses and new names would be has to be grasped on the basis of one’s legitimately participate. The, metaphor of ushered into society by these women’s own strength. This rule cannot be waived the extended family provided a guideline organisations and that the poor fathers and for men. Wishing to do good to woman, along which women were meant to act. husbands would be at their wits’ end to man has enclosed her within a small place Yet women also made other efforts to provide for the new luxuries demanded by and is ruling there as her ‘protector’... extend the arena of their activities, of which the women.”
No. 45, March-April, 1988 For many women, even the minimum outlook ...The men have made a hopeless and discussion” to looking outwards wherewithal necessary for organisation mess of everything. It is the women alone together. Thus, they began to make was hard to come by. If the meeting who can set things right now.’ ” patchwork squares for Indian soldiers in happened to fall at the end of the month, This appeal to tradition contrasted the war to play pachisi, bundles of nim which by all accounts it did, it proved to effectively with the content of the twigs to be used as toothbrushes by be a deterrent, since housewives could message. An elderly Hindu lady who had them, raising money for a female bed in not afford the cost of hiring hackney several daughters-in-law under her care the local hospital, then pressing for a lady carriages then. Nor could they provide a was reported to have said to Saroj: “...I doctor and getting one. Such activities plentiful fare when their turns came to be hostess. Women impelled themselves along by making a resource of ritual and tradition. For example, at Suri, the inauguration meeting of the Mahila Samiti saw the presence of many “orthodox ladies” despite the stout opposition of their menfolk. When they declined refreshments, (presumably prepared by the nontwiceborn) Saroj Nalini Dutt, a leading member, led them to a tent in a corner of the spacious ground, where her husband’s head clerk, an orthodox Brahman, had arranged sliced fruit, sweets and sherbet, all served in terracotta dishes. When they were convinced that the food had not been touched and thus contaminated either by Saroj Nalini or her servants, and that the Brahman clerk had observed all orthodox rules of cleanliness, they no longer hesitated to accept the “A Calcutta Zenana”, nineteenth century illustration by Herbert Johnson for a hospitality provided ; it was a “victory book on Indian women by an English missionary women scored over the orthodox section of the town.” prefer to remain within the sphere of my established the credibility of the Similarly, in a confrontation between home and cannot go about the world organisations and they began to be an old gentleman of Birbhum and Saroj leaving these things.” Saroj replied : “A looked upon with respect. Nalini, the latter is reported to have said : woman can learn a great deal even while Central Organisation “...‘is it not a fact that even at the present remaining within the sphere of home. The idea of founding a central: time in Bengal, a housewife in referring to That is exactly why a Mahila Samiti is organisation to coordinate the work of her work always speaks of her needed. It will bring the knowledge of the the small organisations already existing ‘gharsansar’ (gltar-home; sansar- sciences to the very doors of the women. in the districts had taken shape in Saroj world).’ The answer was...in the It will also be a meeting-place of women Nalini’s mind by 1921. As she said: “In affirmative. ‘This conclusively proves’, and home-makers...a woman cannot shut Calcutta men and women get so absorbed asserted Saroj Nalini, ‘that in the old times herself off within the home....” with the city life that they forget the real the woman’s legitimate sphere of work in Originally characterised by the display country outside. The thought...of the our country was considered to be not the and discussion of saris and ornaments, miseries and pains of the thousands of home alone but the world as well as the exchange of cooking recipes and designs villagers, of the suffering of the millions home...In the course of time the men of for needlework, these meetings became of women caused by social, economic, our country in their blind and slowly more organised. By 1920, a set of and physical wrongs, does not touch shortsighted selfishness persuaded the rules had been drafted in Bengali by the their hearts...a central Mahila Samiti to women to believe that their world was Birbhum Samiti, a minute book was unite the whole womanhood of Bengal synonymous with...the four walls of their prepared to jot down proceedings, and into a corporate life.” homes and to confine their activities and the members had moved from “display As she envisaged it, this central
30 MANUSHI organisation was to give information on Industrial Training School at Calcutta from the market during marriage and other how to organise a Mahila Samiti, was to which had 200 pupils by 1930, and a ceremonies in their respective houses but provide speakers, supply model rules and school of general nursing which had 30 to have these things made from the helpful literature, assist in securing expert pupils by the same year. respective Mahila Samitis.” demonstrators and lecturers with magic The SNDMA’s methods of raising It is true that the concept of a wage lantern slides and so on. But this central finances were rather ingenious. Besides earning woman as an independent entity body was to leave the local Mahila Samitis the Rs 450 and Rs 650 per month conferred in her own right was not formulated; but entirely free to manage their own funds by the government of Bengal towards its this avenue did bring some gains to a and undertake whatever work seemed rural programme and the industrial school woman of the bhadralok who previously best suited to the locality. respectively, and the Rs 500 per month had not engaged in any commercial Saroj, who was also a member of the received from the Calcutta Corporation, it transaction. The lady from Salkia, Howrah, Bengal Presidency Council of Women also took to selling lotuses on a chosen who, under the auspices of the local Manila (BCW), discussed her scheme with the day. By 1931, this practice was formalised Samiti, managed to earn Rs 115.56 during vicepresident of the BCW, proposing that to coincide with the death anniversary of 1921-29, despite her heavy domestic work, the latter take up the work of the central Saroj Nalini —January 19. In that year, is a case in point. Mahila Samiti federation. However, the earnings from lotus sales were Rs 900. On March 7, 1930, the SNDMA also president of the BCW, Countess of Forms Of Activity took over the Basantakumari Bidhbashram Lytton, vetoed it. Saroj’s husband, G.S. The association emphasised in Puri, which the wife of Sir P.C. Chatterjee Dutt, too, has recorded his attempts to increasing women’s self reliance through had established with a building and a dissuade her from the task as he felt it employment. The industrial school taught moderate financial endowment. Widows was “too ambitious to put into effect sewing, embroidery, lace making, carpet between the ages of 20 and 30 years, and without the support of some existing and weaving, canework, drawing and music. without “encumbrances” could apply for influential organisation.” Both schools were explicitly aimed at a three year course in general education. Saroj then proposed to Abala Bose, “finding a new avenue of employment for No fee was charged, except from residential president of the Nari Shiksha Samiti, that widows and distressed women of the students who paid Rs 10 per month. this organisation take up the task. Abala Bhadralok class.” By 1930, many Mahila Samitis Bose suggested that the Nari Shiksha The industrial school organised annual associated with the SNDMA had started Samiti could set up a new section for this exhibitions to sell the finished goods. The using magic lantern shows for propaganda work, which would be supervised by Saroj annual exhibition in January 1929 was against diseases, for child and maternity herself. Saroj consented, but before the noteworthy for the vow taken by all the welfare and introduced zenana schools scheme could become functional, she attending women “not to buy their dresses and study circles. While the discussions died, in January 1925. Her husband announced a donation amounting to Rs 5,000 for the founding of the central organisation. On February 23, 1925, the Saroj Nalini Dutt Memorial Association (SNDMA) was formally constituted. The SNDMA charged a yearly fee of Rs 3 for affiliation of a local Mahila Samiti. Generally, each Mahila Samiti, in turn charged a subscription fee ranging from four annas to a rupee a year from each of its members. The SNDMA grew rapidly. In 1925, there were only seven to eight Mahila Samitis affiliated to it, but by 1929, there were 240 such Samitis with a total membership of 4,640 women. It had also acquired a staff of 13 instructresses, who coordinated between it and the Samitis. And it had established the Bangalakshmi Delegates to the joint conference of the International Council of Women and the as its monthly organ, besides an National Council of Women, Calcutta, 1936
No. 45, March-April, 1988 at meetings of some of these Samitis Thakurgaon and Balurghat Mahila Samitis enough to have required: banning in 1932, centred around “home sanitation, better ; the members of the latter were among along with other organisations connected understanding of the economic and the first to organise funds for the defence with civil disobedience. Ashalata knew hygienic value of food, more scientific of the undertrial Meerut prisoners, at a she could not have come this far alone. care of children”, that is, on making time when the Bengal Pradesh Congress While in prison in 1932-33, she wrote on women better wives and mothers, they Committee itself was not doing much for her prison mates : also sometimes aimed at making them this. In May 1930 the Balurghat Samiti “Darkness piles upon darkness. better citizens. The secretaries of the handed over Rs 35 and five annas to the at dead of night Samitis at Bantra, Bally, Talla, Hooghly, civil disobedience fund. The Samiti at My fellow prisoners are all asleep Madaripur and Satsang reported in 1929 Boalia, Rajshahi, resolved to raise funds On hard beds,in soiled clothes, that their members were inducing the men for a memorial to Jatin Das, an undertrial lie rows of them, to take up, in their spare hours, the work in the Bengal Ordinance case, who died The Lakshmis of so many of village reconstruction by establishing after 63 days of fasting in jail. The badges families in this prison today cooperative societies. and flowers for the volunteers at the I look at my prison mates this Rangpur session of the Bengal Provincial dark night Conference were supplied by the Mulatola And my heart fills with swelling Mahila Samiti. pride, The links between local Congress With a strange sorrowful happiness.” committees and the Mahila Samitis in Support Structures Bengal have not been studied at all. But It is interesting to speculate that many the evidence of such links is irrefutable. of the bhadramahila who joined the Charuprava Sen, president of the Mahila Gandhian movement had already had Samiti at Rajbari, Faridpur, was a some experience of collective action- prominent Congress worker as well. In through the Mahila Samitis. The Mahila July 1930, she was served with summons Samitis had developed into support for allegedly inciting the police to give structures that enabled members to act up service. At Feni, the Mahila Samiti for the benefit of others. A report from members met to bless the convicted the Talla Mahila Samiti said : “Previous young Congressmen with the traditional to the formation of a Mahila Samiti at khai, cliandan, dhan and durba, before Talla, the women of this locality were sending them off to jail ; the members had entire strangers to one another, but as a Bengali nationalist leader Chiitaranjan also taken a solemn vow not to use foreign result of the influence exerted by the Das with his wife cloth from that day. Suniti Bala Das, Samiti, they have now become fast friends secretary of the Mahila Samiti at and they visit one another at frequent Nationalist Awareness Chhotolekha, Karimganj, was invited by intervals. It is almost as if all of them have An awareness of immediate environs the Barlika Central Congress Committee been joined into one great family. was gradually aroused— an awareness to speak at one of its meetings. Members now help one another in times that could, potentially, embrace remoter One of the most prominent examples of danger and difficulties in their issues. Thus, it is not surprising to find of the Mahila Samiti Congress connection respective families.... Previously, it was members of the Samitis exhorting each was Ashalata Sen. Widowed at 22, she an impossible thing for a lady to go other to spin at home, wear khadi and was inspired by her relatives to train in outside the precincts of her home without give up foreign clothes, at the same time the khadi programme. In 1922, she, in a conveyance but such has been the that they started training in sword, lathi cooperation with Sushila Sen, Giribala influence of our Samiti in breaking down and dagger play. That the larger current Devi, Sarama Gupta and Saraju Gupta, the old timidity and false sense of dignity in the country’had not left them started the Gandharia that now most of us go to one another’s untouched was evident. The frequency Mahila Samiti. In 1929, these friends house by walking on foot.” with which Samitis were established in opened a school for Harijarr children at a Shudha too recounted an incident new regions was itself an indicator of neighbouring village. When the salt which occurred at a women’s meeting in heightened awareness in the post 1928 satyagraha began, they organised the a village in Dacca in 1926. A very period. Satyagrahi Sevika Dal to mobilise women’s young widow approached Shudha and Activists like Jyotirmoyee Ganguli support for the movement in Dacca. The asked to retouch her vermilion. A world were invited to address meetings of the Gandharia Mahila Samiti was successful of sentiment enfolds the vermilion, and
32 MANUSHI the act of retouching it is a ritual blessing concluded that every such teacher in September 1932 also evokes the struggle between married women alone. For a should become a member of a Mahila this 21 year old woman had with herself widow to have retouched another Samiti for companionship and mutual aid. and her family : “...Ma, please forgive me— woman’s vermilion was an unusual Terrorist Groups I have pained you very deeply... You have example of bonding. In contrast, women (most of them were wanted to reach out with love and gather It would be a mistake to dismiss the bhadramahilas) who joined revolutionary me to your breast—I have snatched myself Mahila Samiti members as apolitical or as terrorist groups, which are more commonly away—you have pleaded with me holding just lady social workers. The Samitis were acknowledged as “political”, experienced the food laden plate in your hand —I have the expression of two interwoven themes greater isolation. Joining the group, they turned my back on you and left. ...For two that of “the home and the world”, and were inducted into activity, but this did days, I have made you weep—your pitiful that of “coming together.” not facilitate their developing links outside laments have not moved me from my Even though the annual meetings of the family which could act as support chosen path. How could your Rani have been so heartless ? Forgive me, mother ! It would be a mistake to dismiss the Mahila Samiti members Please forgive me !” as a political or just lady social workers This solitariness in action was perhaps more severe because of the collectivity that the SNDMA were glittering, aristocracy- structures. had preceded it. Most of these women had bureaucracy studded events, one of its As Bina Das, the student who shot at been members either of the Deepali Sangha secretaries, Labanyalekha Chakravarty, Governor Jackson at the Senate Hall, or the Chhatri Sangha before they joined addressing a Mahila Samiti at Jhenidah, Calcutta, in 1932, said : “I did not even the revolutionary terrorist groups. The Jessore, urged them not to “only spend know whether the group (with which she Deepali Sangha was begun by Leela Nag their whole energies in the discharge of was associated) was big or small. and 12 others in 1928 with the aim of their domestic duties but to grow in mind Everything was covered over with deep spreading female education in Dacca. It and body as to build up a perfect secrecy and mystery; no questioning was soon claimed 12 primary schools, three womanhood for the physical, moral and allowed, personal questions were high schools for girls, classes to prepare economic emancipation of the country.” completely prohibited. The people girls for matriculation, physical fitness In their charitable work of helping sick Suhasini (Ganguli) took us to meet, their classes, industrial training centres, a female and poor women, and arranging the names too I was not permitted to know. students’ association and, in 1930, a marriages of daughters of poor widows, One day, while Suhasini and I were women’s hostel in Calcutta. the Samitis sometimes acted in a manner travelling in a bus, my eyes fell on an The Sangha was originally closer to which cut across class and community. envelope in her hand. Immediately, she put the Gandhian movement. In 1930, Leela, the envelope away. At first, I felt insulted— At Barasat, the Samiti gave shelter to a along with Renu Sen, Shakuntala then I realised that this was the way I had “fallen woman of the untouchable class” Chowdhury and Bina Ray, organised the to make myself strong.” ; the members not only nursed her but Dacca Mahila Satyagraha Samiti to Kamala Dasgupta, member of the arranged for her last rites. At Malda, when manufacture salt and spread the Gandhian Jugantar group responsible for the a fire burnt down many huts in the message through magic lantern shows. It Dalhousie Square snooting and an Mohammedan quarters, members of the also began Jayashree, a journal managed associate of Bina, also had to struggle to Samiti, most of whom were Hindus, gave come to terms with the loneliness of being and produced by women for women. This shelter to the women and children. The a member of a secret organisation. Their organisation’s contact with the secretary of the Jaduboyra Samiti, a “high emotional struggles with, and subsequent revolutionary Shree Sangha began in 1924 caste Brahman lady of orthodox family”, separation from, their families, when Leela Nag asked a former classmate set apart a well ventilated room in her compounded the feelings of loneliness. for assistance with an industrial exhibition. house for poor women to give birth, and Both Bina and Kamala recorded instances When Anil Ray, one of the more prominent herself acted as midwife at the deliveries of very painful struggles with their parents members of the Shree Sangha, was arrested of several women of lower castes. after they joined revolutionary in 1930, Leela took over the direction of One also realises the importance of organisations which made it imperative for the Sangha’s activities until she too was such a support structure from an them to move out of their homes into arrested in 1931. autobiographical article on women school hostels in Calcutta. The Chhatri Sangha was formed in teachers in Bengal. Complaining about the The one surviving letter from Preetilata Calcutta in 1928 by Kalyani Das, Surama isolation that was inherent in living in Waddedar to her mother, written the night Mitra and Kamala Dasgupta. It organised areas remote from Calcutta, the writer before the raid on Pahartali European Club study circles, literary clubs, cooperative
No. 45, March-April, 1988 stores, libraries and a youth hostel. This Terrorist women wrote about their experience in Jail as a too was associated with the Gandhian movement. In 1930, Kalyani led the Chhatri time of companionship, a place of collective resistance to an Sangha in a demonstration outside order which sought to crush them Bethune College and in picketing outside Presidency College. Kalyani was also a founding member of the Nari Satyagraha Kamala too gave evidence of the Some of these sources of collective Samiti which organised the boycott of authorities’ attempts to segregate the merriment were the acting out of plays and foreign clothes in Burrabazar. Gandhian women from the terrorist women, dance-dramas, activating the planchette The almost concurrent contact of these of the ban on their interaction and the board, cooking competitions, gardening, associations with both the Gandhian women’s secret resistance to this in playing cards, making toys out of flour and movement and the revolutionary terrorist Presidency jail. Inmates of this latter, in paint, especially on All Fools’ Day, and groups is interesting. It is reflected in the fact, told Bina that their being together had ultimately collaborating in fooling the lives of women like Bimal Protia Banerjee. stopped the authorities from inhumanly authorities in various ways. It was a battle While acting as joint secretary of the Nari torturing any one of them. The defence of of wits with the jail authorities. Their well Satyagraha Samiti in 1930-31, she also sold this togetherness surfaced clearly in organised guard system had to be beaten pictures of those killed in the Jalalabad Midnapore jail, where Shanti’s friend, 15 —that was the real fun. Once, Bonolata, shoot out, in order to raise money for the defence of the Chittagong armoury raiders. year old Suniti Chowdhury was lodged as Bina and Shanti planned to interchange She was arrested in 1931 for her a Division III prisoner. When the Division places in each other’s cells after lock up— involvement in the Manicktola dacoity II prisoners—among whom Shanti and Bonolota would take Shanti’s place in the case. Though freed for lack of evidence, Bina figured— were given their morning Division II cell and Shanti would escape she was immediately rearrested as a detenu meal, the matron insisted on separating the to Bonolata’s Grade I cell. Shanti feigned and imprisoned for six years. three friends. A heated exchange followed. illness—the doctor was summoned and Sisterhood In Jail The three friends began a hunger strike, advised to sedate the patient. As soon as It is therefore significant that the which was also joined by all the ordinary he left, Shanti went and hid herself in the revolutionary terrorist women wrote female convicts for one day. The strike, common bathingroom, where Bina, extensively about their experience in jails which aimed at removing the jailer and the Bonolata, Bimal and others took it in turns as a time of companionship, a place of matron, lasted for eight days. It ended only to come and shield her from the eyes of collective resistance to an order which when the three friends were separated and the wardens and sweepers. Under cover sought to strangle and crush their very sent to different jails. of darkness, Shanti then ran to Bonolata’s impulse to life. Shanti Das in a chapter titled Hijli jail in 1932 saw the meeting of many room, lay down and covered herself up, ‘Making a nest in prison’ in her book Arun revolutionary women— Suhasini Ganguli, leaving only her feet visible. When the Bonhi talked feelingly of some particular Prafullamoyee Brahmo who had introduced deputy jailer and his assistants came to friendships formed in each jail—of Kalyani Shanti and Suniti to the Jugantar group in check at the usual hour, ‘they failed to Das in the Presidency jail, of Charushila Comilla, Bina Das, Shanti Das, Kamala discover the trick since Kalyani, who was Devi at Midnapore and other satyagrahi Dasgupta, Banalata Dasgupta, who had also in on the ruse, told them that the women in Dacca. In each instance, she had been arrested for owning a revolver while supposed Bonolata was ill and it was felt that “no differences of opinion had a resident of the Diocesan College hostel, enough that her feet were visible. “All told, come in the way of a meeting of hearts in and Kalpana Datta, amongst others. As Hijli became a small scale Shantiniketan prison.” Shanti saw it, “through discussions with for us”, felt Bina. It is also important that she saw this as each other, meeting, exchange of news and There were also some ritualistic ways the reason for her being shunted from jail affections, we were building ourselves up in which this togetherness found to jail. Talking of her experience in Dacca for the next chapter of our freedom expression. Bina remembered many years jail, where many satyagrahi women had struggle.. But our discussions were not later that the day she was taken to court been imprisoned, she said “. Among them solely political, the creation daily of new from Presidency jail, all her female ward there were three or four of my age. In no sources of merriment was a special companions had dressed her up. “The time I became friends with them. The characteristic of our lives in Hijli. Song and khaddar sari that my family had given, authorities grew suspicious, fearing that poetry was never-ending. Whatever the they draped around me. Some of the amongst them too I would sow the seed of confines of our lives, we would make it Gujarati girls put kumkum on my forehead, bloody revolution ...That is why I could beautiful. Then alone would we take leave. some of them took off their multicoloured not stay at Dacca but was transferred to That leave taking too would; be just as bangles and covered my forearms. Rajshahi....” beautiful, just as sweet.” Whosoever had some choice tidbits fed
34 MANUSHI me that...” Another significant evidence instrument of oppression ; it is also a four year old Narayan, whose mother was of togetherness was in the ritual source of genuine affection and nurture. in the jail hospital and father convicted to satisfaction of pregnancy cravings, called This recreation of the traditions of female one month’s imprisonment in Presidency shad, while in jail. This particular ritual is solidarity within an extended family was jail, left on Bina and her prisonmates a the domain of married women with an attempt to resist the fragmentation and lasting impact : “In the beginning, if children— and is a clear expression of isolation that the punitive system was Narayan touched us, we used to change sisterhood whereby the mother-to-be is based on. our clothes, wash our hands with soap. comforted by those who have already The extension of this domestic space But gradually, all that changed...He did not experienced the pain of childbirth. To have also saw accompanying assertions of fear us a jot. One day, when I scolded him achieved this in jail, on whatever scale, “femininity.” At Midnapore, when Suniti very loudly for some naughtiness, he suddenly turned around and scolded me for shouting...Every day he would sit beside us at mealtimes to eat with us...On the day of his leaving, we tried to feed him whatever we had, brought a newly stitched shirt for him to wear, combed his hair, powdered his face. Each one of us had some little gift for him...” Then there was the six month old Bablu who spent a year in jail with his mother. “For that little child, there was so much love—for him there would be new toys everyday; for him too there were so many endearments—some called him Babli, some Habla, some Sonar Bablu.” The presence of children might also, partially at least, have negated the division between ‘’political” and “ordinary” women in prison. It was from amongst the latter that “political prisoners” were sometimes provided with personal attendants. This Women just released from jail, 1931 resulted, in some instances, in strong bonds being forged. Thus Bina protested was no mean feat: it spelt a connectedness Chowdhury was made a Division III against the jamadarni kicking 20 year old that made for the survival of women prisoner and was given jail dress to wear, “Meher’s Ma”, who was being forced to in terribly harsh conditions. Bina remembered that she had taken the work at the grinding stone despite high It also made for the extension of the scissors allotted to her for “sewing labour” fever. Kamala Dasgupta too resisted the domestic space to prison and converted and cut the coarse kurta given to Suniti jamadarni beating up a very ill Phoolmani, prisonmates into members of a family. In into a more shapely blouse. It was who had to clean the toilets in prison. “We the words of Bina: “During the first few confiscated by the jail superintendent for have mixed intimately with these murder months, jail did not seem like a jail. Some being “too fashionable.” Similarly, convicts. Seen with our own eyes how of our companions we addressed as didi Charushila’s hunger strike in prison and perfectly ordinary they were. Just like us, (elder sister) some boudi (elder brother’s Labanyaprova Datta’s 14 day strike in 1932 they had their share of good and evil— wife), some mashima (mother’s sister), in Presidency jail for the right to cook their affection, sympathy, caring, everything some thakurma (grandmother). Their widow’s food separately, while reinforcing they had as well...They all go in a affection and caring covered the three of stereotypes of women, also expressed a procession in front of my eyes. Shoharjan,.. us like a shield. The most delicious food desire to live on their own terms. This Zohra...Sadiman, Naiman...Thapusher they kept for us, the best place in the room assertion of traditionally feminine roles Ma...” Kamala’s own interaction with these was kept for us to sleep in. Even a glass of thus also became a strongly policical act. women left her unconvinced of their water they did not permit us to pour for This was enhanced by the advent of criminality; in fact, both Bina and she ourselves.” A family is not just an children, unlike men’s quarters in jail. The dreamt of a new world where “social
No. 45, March-April, 1988 oppression and poverty” would not force would demand to know why. Then would associations for self improvement and women to come to jail. come the evening. We would hurriedly charity, and their participation in various There are very moving instances of wash our hands and faces and sit down to segments of the national movement. women who stayed behind in prison, eat from our thalis. After washing the Readings despite opportunities to leave. Mohini utensils, we would just about start to stroll Devi, the oldest woman to be convicted in when the jamadarni’s loud call would be M. Borthswick, Changing Role of Women Bengal was reported to have resisted heard: ‘Come everybody, come for your in Bengal 1849-1905, Princeton, 1984. release because she thought her presence lock up.’ This was our daytime, our G. Chattopadhyay, Bengal Electoral would bring some relief to other female evening and our night!” This long stretch Politics and Freedom Struggle 1862- prisoners. One of the hardest things to bear of time saw not only the loss of their 1947, 1CHR, 1983. in Bina’s life was the loss of her friend, health— “the girls who had gone into jail Bina Das, Srinkhal Jhankare, Basudhara, Bonolata, in prison. Beautiful, enthusiastic had unbounded health, burning with 1945. Bonolata, with an “extraordinary capacity enthusiasm and intelligence—one by one Shanti Das, Arun Bonhi, Basumati Sahitya to be happy”, fell ill. She was a detenu and they emerged from prison, some moving Mandir, BS 1374. could have been placed under house towards death’s door on a stretcher, some Kamala Dasgupta, Rakter Akkhare, Nabhana, 1977. arrest, but she abjured all her privileges clutching at the jamadarni’s hands for support...”, the loss of near and dear ones, Swadhinata Sangrame Banglar Nari, for the companionship of her friend. “If I but also the end of many “unfulfilled Basudhara, BS 1370. leave once, God alone knows when I will hopes, dreams and desires.” Manoda Debi, Shikshita Patitar see you again”, she told Bina. By the Conclusion Atmakatha, Sangya, BS 1392. time she was persuaded to leave, it was In conclusion, one may say that Shova Ghosh, Aaj O Tafu Picchu Dake, too late. But she left behind a letter for education was one important force for Barisal Seba Samiti, 1981. Bina, a manifesto, of friendship, which improving the status of the Bengali Shudha Mazumdar, A Pattern of Life : went : “...Dearest friend, bid me farewell bhadramahila. Their new self awareness Memoirs of a Bengali Woman, Manohar, today. What I have received from you has manifested itself in their thinking, their 1977. filled my life completely. I have received expectations which rose—sometimes Manikuntala Sen, Sediner Katha, everything— just how much cannot be ahead of social practice, their many Nabapatra, 1982. measured. For you I leave behind the deepest heartfelt love. Now that the time has come to take leave, my eyes are filling with tears. But you, my friend, know the reason.” By seeking to highlight women’s ways of surviving amidst bitterly harsh surroundings, I am not playing down the oppressive nature of these surroundings and forces. For their bitterness and harshness, living conditions in prison were perhaps unmatched. Besides the many humiliations and hurts inflicted on them— Shovarani Datta for example, was continuously hit on the head with heavy locks and reportedly went mad—the most galling characteristic of life in prison was its monotony. “(We) Do not like getting up in the morning, despite that we do...take the mound of cloth and with complete unwillingness throw ourselves in front of the sewing machine. Then the whole day long would be spent in cutting, folding, stitching the cloth. Even then it was not enough ; if there were a few less than the required number, the babus in the office
36 MANUSHI