Comparison Between Chinese Address Terms and English Address Terms
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Chinese Patriliny and the Cycles of Yang and Laiwang
Charles Stafford Chinese patriliny and the cycles of Yang and Laiwang Book section Original citation: Stafford, Charles (2000) Chinese patriliny and the cycles of Yang and Laiwang. In: Carsten, Janet, (ed.) Cultures of relatedness: new approaches to the study of kinship. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. 35-54. © 2000 Cambridge University Press This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/10831/ Available in LSE Research Online: January 2011 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author’s submitted version of the book section. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. 55 Chinese patriliny and the cycles of yang and laiwang Charles Stafford As James Watson observes, anthropologists have tended to view Chinese society through a ‘lineage paradigm’--in part mistakenly derived from the seminal work of Maurice Freedman, and thus, by extension, from the work of his Africanist colleagues--which assumes that in China ‘the ideology of patrilineal descent takes precedence over all other principles of social organization’ (J. -
Kin Relationships
In H. T. Reis & S. Sprecher (Eds.), Encyclopedia of human relationships (pp. 951-954). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Kin Relationships Kin relationships are traditionally defined as ties based on blood and marriage. They include lineal generational bonds (children, parents, grandparents, and great- grandparents), collateral bonds (siblings, cousins, nieces and nephews, and aunts and uncles), and ties with in-laws. An often-made distinction is that between primary kin (members of the families of origin and procreation) and secondary kin (other family members). The former are what people generally refer to as “immediate family,” and the latter are generally labeled “extended family.” Marriage, as a principle of kinship, differs from blood in that it can be terminated. Given the potential for marital break-up, blood is recognized as the more important principle of kinship. This entry questions the appropriateness of traditional definitions of kinship for “new” family forms, describes distinctive features of kin relationships, and explores varying perspectives on the functions of kin relationships. Questions About Definition Changes over the last thirty years in patterns of family formation and dissolution have given rise to questions about the definition of kin relationships. Guises of kinship have emerged to which the criteria of blood and marriage do not apply. Assisted reproduction is a first example. Births resulting from infertility treatments such as gestational surrogacy and in vitro fertilization with ovum donation challenge the biogenetic basis for kinship. A similar question arises for adoption, which has a history 2 going back to antiquity. Partnerships formed outside of marriage are a second example. Strictly speaking, the family ties of nonmarried cohabitees do not fall into the category of kin, notwithstanding the greater acceptance over time of consensual unions both formally and informally. -
Arabic Kinship Terms Revisited: the Rural and Urban Context of North-Western Morocco
Sociolinguistic ISSN: 1750-8649 (print) Studies ISSN: 1750-8657 (online) Article Arabic kinship terms revisited: The rural and urban context of North-Western Morocco Amina Naciri-Azzouz Abstract This article reports on a study that focuses on the different kinship terms collected in several places in north-western Morocco, using elicitation and interviews conducted between March 2014 and June 2015 with several dozens of informants aged between 8 and 80. The analysed data include terms from the urban contexts of the city of Tetouan, but most of them were gathered in rural locations: the small village of Bni Ḥlu (Fahs-Anjra province) and different places throughout the coastal and inland regions of Ghomara (Chefchaouen province). The corpus consists of terms of address, terms of reference and some hypocoristic and affective terms. KEYWORDS: KINSHIP TERMS, TERMS OF ADDRESS, VARIATION, DIALECTOLOGY, MOROCCAN ARABIC (DARIJA) Affiliation University of Zaragoza, Spain email: [email protected] SOLS VOL 12.2 2018 185–208 https://doi.org/10.1558/sols.35639 © 2019, EQUINOX PUBLISHING 186 SOCIOLINGUISTIC STUDIES 1 Introduction The impact of migration ‒ attributable to multiple and diverse factors depending on the period ‒ is clearly noticeable in northern Morocco. Migratory movements from the east to the west, from rural areas to urban centres, as well as to Europe, has resulted in a shifting rural and urban population in this region. Furthermore, issues such as the increasing rate of urbanization and the drop in mortality have altered the social and spatial structure of cities such as Tetouan and Tangiers, where up to the present time some districts are known by the name of the origin of the population who settled down there: e.g. -
Formal Analysis of Kinship Terminologies and Its Relationship to What Constitutes Kinship (Complete Text)
MATHEMATICAL ANTHROPOLOGY AND CULTURAL THEORY: AN INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL VOLUME 1 NO. 1 PAGE 1 OF 46 NOVEMBER 2000 FORMAL ANALYSIS OF KINSHIP TERMINOLOGIES AND ITS RELATIONSHIP TO WHAT CONSTITUTES KINSHIP (COMPLETE TEXT) 1 DWIGHT W. READ UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA 90035 [email protected] Abstract The goal of this paper is to relate formal analysis of kinship terminologies to a better understanding of who, culturally, are defined as our kin. Part I of the paper begins with a brief discussion as to why neither of the two claims: (1) kinship terminologies primarily have to do with social categories and (2) kinship terminologies are based on classification of genealogically specified relationships traced through genitor and genetrix, is adequate as a basis for a formal analysis of a kinship terminology. The social category argument is insufficient as it does not account for the logic uncovered through the formalism of rewrite rule analysis regarding the distribution of kin types over kin terms when kin terms are mapped onto a genealogical grid. Any formal account must be able to account at least for the results obtained through rewrite rule analysis. Though rewrite rule analysis has made the logic of kinship terminologies more evident, the second claim must also be rejected for both theoretical and empirical reasons. Empirically, ethnographic evidence does not provide a consistent view of how genitors and genetrixes should be defined and even the existence of culturally recognized genitors is debatable for some groups. In addition, kinship relations for many groups are reckoned through a kind of kin term calculus independent of genealogical connections. -
Kinship Care: a New Kind of Family by Karen J
Health and Human Sciences HHS-788-W Kinship Care: A New Kind of Family By Karen J. Foli, PhD, RN, Associate Professor, Purdue University School of Nursing Have you noticed more middle-aged and older adults parenting young children? Perhaps you’ve seen these families in the grocery store, at school functions, or eating in restaurants. In the United States, a growing number of adult relatives and non-relatives are parenting children. They are providing what is known as kinship care. According to the Child Welfare League of What’s in a Name? America, kinship care is: Kinship parents and families have created new names for their types of families. Many of these the full time care, nurturing and protection families have several generations in them. Some of children by relatives, members of their of the more common names are: tribes or clans, godparents, stepparents, or any adult who has a kinship bond with a child. • kinship parents This definition is designed to be inclusive • grandfamilies and respectful of cultural values and ties • foster kinship care of affection. It allows a child to grow to • caring grandparents adulthood in a family environment. • fictive kinship Who Are Kinship Parents? Informal Care In Indiana, four percent of all children (59,000) live in public (foster) or private kinship care. Many kinship parents care for children without a Most often, it is a grandmother who is caring for formal arrangement. Unlike traditional families, a grandchild, but other adults may step in to help kinship families may have generations of family provide care when parents no longer can. -
Racial and Ethnic Differences in Extended Family, Friendship, Fictive Kin, and Congregational Informal Support Networks
ROBERT JOSEPH TAYLOR University of Michigan ∗ LINDA M. CHATTERS University of Michigan ∗∗ AMANDA TOLER WOODWARD Michigan State University ∗∗∗ EDNA BROWN University of Connecticut Racial and Ethnic Differences in Extended Family, Friendship, Fictive Kin, and Congregational Informal Support Networks This study examined differences in kin and Black Caribbeans had larger fictive kin networks nonkin networks among African Americans, than non-Hispanic Whites, but non-Hispanic Caribbean Blacks (Black Caribbeans), and non- Whites with fictive kin received support from Hispanic Whites. Data are taken from the them more frequently than African Americans National Survey of American Life, a nation- and Black Caribbeans. The discussion notes ally representative study of African Americans, the importance of examining kin and nonkin net- Black Caribbeans, and non-Hispanic Whites. works, as well as investigating ethnic differences Selected measures of informal support from within the Black American population. family, friendship, fictive kin, and congregation/ church networks were utilized. African Ameri- Involvement with kin and nonkin is an cans were more involved in congregation net- essential component of daily life for the vast works, whereas non-Hispanic Whites were more majority of Americans. Family and friendship involved in friendship networks. African Ameri- support networks are important for coping cans were more likely to give support to extended with the ongoing stresses of daily life (e.g., family members and to have daily interaction Benin & Keith, 1995), providing a place to with family members. African Americans and live when confronting homelessness (Taylor, Chatters, & Celious, 2003), and in coping with physical and mental health problems School of Social Work, 1080 South University Avenue, Ann (Cohen, Underwood, & Gottlieb, 2000; Lincoln, Arbor, MI 48109-1106 ([email protected]). -
A Cross-Cultural Examination of the Varying Forms of Ghost Marriage Among Five Societies
University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Nebraska Anthropologist Anthropology, Department of 2010 Grave Vows: A Cross-Cultural Examination of the Varying forms of Ghost Marriage among Five Societies Lucas J. Schwartze Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/nebanthro Part of the Anthropology Commons Schwartze, Lucas J., "Grave Vows: A Cross-Cultural Examination of the Varying forms of Ghost Marriage among Five Societies" (2010). Nebraska Anthropologist. 60. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/nebanthro/60 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Anthropology, Department of at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Nebraska Anthropologist by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. Grave Vows: A Cross-Cultural Examination of the Varying forms of Ghost Marriage among Five Societies Lucas J. Schwartze Abstract: Marriage is one ofthe most ubiquitous social relationships in human societies. However, the forms this institution takes do not follow the same patterns across all cultures. This paper examines one ofthe rarer forms ofmarriage; ghost marriage. After introducing the societies that practice this rare form ofmarriage, the similarities and differences between the forms this practice takes are examined. Various scholarly explanations for this form ofmarriage are presented as well. Introduction Pasternak et al. note that in all known human societies adults generally spend some, ifnot the majority, of their lives in a bonded relationship, which is often referred to as marriage (pasternak et al. 1997:77). The forms this relationship takes, however, are so varied that the creation ofa single definition of marriage has proven to be difficult. -
Kinship Structures and Social Cohesion
Kinship structures and social cohesion PRELIMINARY ANALYSIS Kinship networks in modern society Are they relevant? Contemporary society presents new problems Modern systems considered ‘complex’; ‘open’ not ‘closed’. Yet forms of structural endogamy or cohesion prevail; connections are more than expected in random marriage market Does not form closed social compartments, but open structures Kinship and social networks – anthropological/sociological questions, ideas crucial What is kinship? The field of blood and marriage relationships and those recognized as ‘kinship’ relations Adoptive kinship; step relations; effective kinship; practical kinship; important relations; fictive kinship Preliminary uses of kinship network study Marriage and conjugal ties Group placement and social identity Inheritance and succession Resource distribution Authority and power Migration patterns Support systems (natural crisis, conflict, poverty, dislocation) Genealogies The chain of kinship relations across generations is mapped onto a genealogical grid The grid is a schemata or a skeleton on which can be hung Life histories and group histories Resource histories Studies of succession and inheritance The formation of closed or open systems of affinity and allocation The overlap of kinship and other ties to form strong/weak networks The basic symbols of kinship Descent Patrilineal Descent Trace descent in one line only. Ego belongs to either father’s or mother’s family. Matrilineal Descent Trace descent from male and female ancestors. Children -
THE REAL MEANING of FAMILY in Contrast to the Formal Definitions of Family Found in Anthropology and Sociology Textbooks, Studen
THE REAL MEANING OF FAMILY In contrast to the formal definitions of family found in anthropology and sociology textbooks, students predominantly define the family phenomenologically quite differently. They tend to deemphasize consanguineal, affinal, coresidential, and fictive kinship, to say nothing of legal, religious, geographic, nomenclature, and economic interpretations. Four classes of students in the sociology of Marriage and Family, a junior level college course, have been surveyed every year for the last ten years, first, by enumerating family “members,” then by identifying themes common to the list. Even the practical-functional clinical perspective— family is as family does—or the social psychology perspective of family as “a unity of interacting personalities” does not fare as well as the sentimental definition, which often includes nonhuman members. Simply put, a plurality of respondents regard family as a set of members who love one another, thus favoring rapport over reproduction, choice over convention. DIMENSIONS OF DEFINING A FAMILY 1. Biological, genetic, consanguineal. Blood is thicker than water. Children transform a marriage into a family; they are born of cognate kin [mother’s side] and to agnate kin [father’s side]. Families are breeders. Mother is a genitrix; father, genitor. 2. Affinal, adoptive, legal, contractual. By the power invested in me by the state of Tennessee, I now pronounce you husband and wife. The family is knitted together by certain reciprocal rights and responsibilities undergirded by the state. Remember: your spouse is an in-law! Palimony and prenuptials count. 3. Religious ritual or sanctification.* “The family that prays together stays together.” What God hath joined together let no man put asunder. -
Researches on the Differences of Kinship Systems
Sino-US English Teaching, June 2019, Vol. 16, No. 6, 235-239 doi:10.17265/1539-8072/2019.06.002 D DAVID PUBLISHING Researches on the Differences of Kinship Systems YAO Jiaying, WANG Guilian University of Shanghai for Science and Technology, Shanghai, China Kinship system is the way to determine the family members. Based on the Whorfian Hypothesis, this paper takes Chinese and English kinship terms as the research object to make an analysis about the relationship between language and culture from the perspective of sociolinguistics, expecting to find out the major differences and explore the factors leading to them. Keywords: language, culture, kinship system Introduction Language is a system used to convey messages through various backgrounds. It can be symbolic and rule governed with bunch of traits. Culture is the “knowhow” that a person possesses through the task of daily life. The exact relationship between language and culture has long fascinated people with a variety of backgrounds and will continue to fascinate them, because it has been a long-standing claim that the structure of a language determines the way speakers of that language view the world. This paper takes the Whorfian Hypothesis as the theoretical framework to make a study on the relationship between language and culture from the perspective of kinship system. The Whorfian Hypothesis Benjamin Lee Whorf, a student of Sapir, believes that the structure of a language influences how its speakers view the world. This idea is regarded as the Whorfian Hypothesis. According to Whorf (2004, p. 217), the background linguistic system (i.e., the grammar) of each language is not just a reproduction of the voicing ideas, but rather the shaper of ideas as well as the program and guide for the individual’s activity both mentally and emotionally. -
Kinship and Descent
Marital Residence & Kinship Chapter 10 Forms of Human Kinship Basis of group formations:Gessellschaft Occupation Kinship Social Class Age Ethnic Affiliation Education/ Religion, etc. Forms of Human Kinship- Cont’d Geminshaft- (Small scale, nonindustrial) What is the basis of group membership? Kinship Marital Residence Patterns Patrilocal Residence: …the married couple lives with or near the relatives of the husband’s father, (parents). (67% of all societies). Matrilocal Residence: …the married couple lives with or near the relatives of the wife. (15% of all societies). Residence Patterns: Cont’d Bilocal (Ambilocal) Residence: …the married couple has a choice of living with either the relatives of the wife or the relatives of the husband. (7% of all societies). Residence Patterns: Cont’d Avunculocal Residence: …the son or daughter normally leave, but the son and his wife settle with or near his mother’s brother. …the married couple lives with or near the husband’s mother’s brother. (4% of all societies). Residence Patterns: Cont’d Neolocal Residence: …the married couple forms an independent place or residence away from the relatives of either spouse. (5% of all societies). Kinship Kinship- …refers to relationships that are based on blood and/or marriage. Types: Consanguineal Relatives- Affinal Relatives- Fictive Kinship- Functions of Kinship Vertical Function- …a kinship system provides social continuity by binding together a number of successive generations. Horizontal Function- …solidifies or ties together, across a single generation through the process of marriage. Formation of Descent Groups Descent- …refers to the rules a culture uses to establish affiliations with one’s parents. Descent Group- …any publicly recognized social entity such that being a lineal descendant of a particular real or mythical ancestor is a criterion of membership. -
Fosterage, Kinship, and Legend: When Milk Was Thicker Than Blood? PETER PARKES University of Kent
Fosterage, Kinship, and Legend: When Milk Was Thicker than Blood? PETER PARKES University of Kent “Le lait va aussi loin que le sang!” dit un vieux proverbe Ossétien (Kovalevsky 1893: 213). “Milk is more significant that rod [agnation] . it lasts forever” (Filipovic´ 1982:131– 33). “Fostering is two-thirds of a child’s nature” (Irish proverb, cited in Gwynn 1913:106– 7). When social ties are put to the test, proverbs affirm, those of consanguinity usu- ally prevail: “Blood is thicker than water”; or as Arabs put it, “Blood is thick- er than milk” (Lane 1893:1097). These enigmatic adages refer to former insti- tutions of adoptive kinship in western Eurasia, contrasting the blood of natal kinship with the water of baptism or “spiritual kinship” in Christendom, and with infant fosterage or “milk kinship” in Islam.1 Other sayings, cited as epigraphs above, argue that the nurture of such adoptive kinship may match or supersede natal kinship, just as baptismal sponsorship was supposed to create a spiritual cognation superior to that of mere flesh and blood (Gudeman 1972; Guerreau-Jalabert 1995). Ritual kinship and milk kinship have comparable and connected social his- tories in western Eurasia, which were examined in earlier essays in this journal (Parkes 2001; 2003). But while Christian godparenthood has been well ex- plored in symbolic ethnography (Fine 1994; Héritier-Augé and Copet-Rougier 1995), the significance of infant fosterage seems poorly documented (cf. Khat- Acknowledgments: I am most grateful to Jan Bremmer, whose longstanding scholarship on fos- terage has been a major inspiration and referential resource.