MEDIA COVERAGE OF FEMALE CANDIDATES IN THE U.S. AND TAIWAN’S PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS A 3

<20/0 P o l j : , JL &S

A thesis submitted to the faculty of San Francisco State University In partial fulfillment of The Requirements for The Degree

Master of Arts In Political Science

by Yao-Jhen Lou San Francisco, California August, 2010 Copyright by Yao-Jhen Lou 2010 CERTIFICATION OF APPROVAL

I certify that I have read Media Coverage o f Female Candidates in the U.S. and Taiwan’s Elections by Yao-Jhen Lou, and that in my opinion this work meets the criteria for approving a thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree: Master of Arts in Political Science at San

Francisco State University.

Sujian Guo Professor of Political Science

Robert Smith Professor of Political Science MEDIA COVERAGE OF FEMALE CANDIDATES IN THE U.S. AND TAIWAN’S PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS

Yao-Jhen Lou San Francisco State University 2010

This study addressed two questions: how did the media portray female candidates in the presidential elections in the U.S. and Taiwan, and whether the present news coverage of female candidates differ from that of their male counterparts in the U.S. and Taiwanese media during their presidential elections. The research analyzed the media coverage of male and female vice presidential candidates in the U.S 2008 election (Sarah Palin and Joe Biden), and Taiwan’s 2000 election (Hsiu-Lien Lu and Wan-Jhang Siao). The findings suggest that both female candidates did not receive the same press treatment as male candidates. This study confirms the previous studies that while the media portrayed female candidates differently in the U.S. when compared to Taiwan, gender stereotypes still exist in both nations. Furthermore, the observed differences in media coverage of male and female candidates continue to reinforce gender stereotypes in both nations.

I certify that the Abstract is a correct representation of the content of this thesis.

Chair, Thesis Committee TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Tables...... vi

Introduction...... 1

Literature Review...... 14

Kanter’s Theory...... 18

Double Bind and Stereotype Confirmation...... 20

Media Coverage of Female Candidates...... 25

Method...... 39

Quantity of Coverage...... 42

Quality of Coverage...... 45

Analysis...... 59

Conclusion...... 78

Bibliography...... 83

v LIST OF TABLES

Table

1. Quantity of Coverage in the U.S...... 44

2. Quantity of coverage in Taiwan...... 44

3. Horserace, Issue and Trait coverage in the U.S...... 47

4. Horserace, Issue and Trait coverage in Taiwan...... 48

5. Appearance, Motherhood and Capacity coverage in the U.S...... 55

6. Appearance, Motherhood and Capacity in Taiwan...... 55 Chapter 1 Introduction

Journalists act as “gatekeepers”, deciding what will pass through to the public.1 With the onset of the 21st century, political attention has turned to the possibility of a woman being elected president. One factor that affects females when it comes to being elected is gender stereotyping by media outlets in the country.2

A quick glance at the numbers of women serving in top elected positions will reveal the gender gap in political leadership: 84 percent of U.S. Senators,

84 percent of the members of the House of Representatives, 82 percent of state governors, 88 percent of big city mayors, and 76 percent of state legislator are men.3 From an international perspective, the United States lags far behind many nations in the world in the integration of women into the national

1 Maria, Braden. Women Politicians and the Media. 1th Ed. Kentucky: The University Press of Kentucky, 1996. 2 Jessica Aubin, Michelle Haak and Andrew Mangini. “Media Coverage of Women Candidates.5' The First Woman President. Ed, Joseph Caruso. New York: Nova Science Publishers, 2007,113. 3 CAWP Fact Sheet. Women in elective Office 2006. New Brunswick, NJ: Center for American women and Politics, 2006. 2

government.4 As of early 2007, the United States ranks eighty-second in the world in the percentage of women serving in the national legislature and behind roughly forty countries that the Freedom House organization regards as fully democratic.5

Several studies have noted that a number of potential reasons for the lack of women in higher political office. Four major explanations have emerged from this exploration and each of the four has received some empirical support: (1) women rarely seek political office; 6 (2) women often lack the necessary political resources7 (3) women often run in hopeless races; 8 and (4) women are victims of sex stereotyping by voters.9 One explanation which recently

4 Rosalind Chait Barnett. “Women, Leadership and the Natural Order.” Women and Leadership. Ed, Deborah L. Rhode and Barbara Kellerman. San Francisco: Jossey Bass, 2007, 252. 5 “Women in National Parliaments.” Inter-Parliamentary Union. January 31, 2007. Available online: www.ipu.orgAvmn-e/classif.htm.; Barnet. 2007, 252. 6 Deber, R. B. “‘The Fault, Dear Brutus': Women as Congressional Candidates in Pennsylvania.” Journal of Politics. 144 (1982): 463-79. 7 Epstein, C. F. “Women and Power: The Role of Women in Politics in the United States.” Access to Power: Cross-National Studies of Women and Elites. Ed. C. F. Epstein and R. L. Closer. Boston: George Allen and Unwin, 1981. 8 Bernstein, R. “Why Are There So Few Women in the House?” Western Political Quarterly. 39(1986), 155-64. 9 Boles, J.and H, Durio. “Social Stereotyping of Males and Females in Elected Office: The 3

received more attention is that the news media may play a role in influencing the success of female candidates as well as the criteria voters use when evaluating candidates.10 If the media rely on certain stereotypes when covering male and female candidates, and if this reliance creates differences in coverage, then media treatment can have important consequences for voter information and candidate preference.11 The news media, by covering male and female candidates differently, may hinder a woman’s possibility of success in the political arena.12

The media can have a huge impact on the portrayal of candidates for any political race.13 They are where the population turns to get their information on the races, the issues, the agendas, and the candidates. The media even

Implications of an Attitudinal Study.” Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association, Chicago, IL, 1980.; Bowman, A. “Physical Attractiveness and Electability: Looks and Voters.” Women and Politics. 4 (1984): 55-65.; Sapiro, V. “If U.S. Senator Baker Were a Woman: An experimental Study of Candidate Images.” Political Psychology. 2 (1982): 61-83. 10 Kahn, K. F., & Goldenberg, E. N. “Women candidates in the news: An examination of gender differences in U.S. Senate Candidates.” The Public Opinion Quarterly. 55 (1991): 181. 11 Ibid. 12 Ibid. 13 Jessica Aubin, Michelle Haak and Andrew Mangini. 2007, 114. influence what voters learn about the candidates in races. They can also set the criteria that voters may use when it comes to evaluation the candidates.14

In 1991 Kim Fridink Kahn examined the quantity and substance of campaign coverage of male and female candidates. She found out that male candidates consistently receive more coverage than their female counterparts.

These results suggest that voters will have more difficult time acquiring information about female candidates. From the aspect of quality, she examined the amount of horserace, issue and trait coverage of both female and male candidates, and she discovered that female candidates received more horserace coverage and less issue coverage, but the trait coverage were similar.15 The substance of campaign coverage may vary for male and female candidates, and this difference in emphasis may influence voters’ evaluations of the candidates.16

14 Ibid. 15 Kahn, and Goldenberg. 1991. 16 Kahn, and Goldenberg. 1991, 184. 5

Past studies have also explored quantitative differences in campaign coverage. Kahn (1994) reported that female U.S. Senate candidates receive less coverage than their male counterparts.17 Norris (1997) reached similar conclusions in studying women world leaders but added that the difference in the amount of coverage was not great.18 However, in Devitt’s paper (1999) has shown no differences in the amount of coverage for female and male gubernatorial candidates.19

Moreover, in Devitt (1999), Kahn (1994), and Piper-Aiken’s (1999a) research they found that news organizations report personal information of women more frequently than that of men.20 This includes attire, personality,

17 Kahn, K. F. “The distorted mirror: Press coverage of women candidates for statewide office.” Journal of Politics. 56(1994a): 154-173.; Kahn, K. F. “Does gender make a difference? An experimental examination of sex stereotypes and press patterns in statewide campaigns.” American Journal of Political Science. 38( 1994b): 162-195. 18 Pippa Norris. Women. Media and Politics. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997. 19 Devitt, J. Framing gender on the campaign trail: Women’s executive leadership and the press. Report for the White House project Education Fund, 1999. 20 Devitt 1999.; Kahn 1994.; Piper-Aiken, Kimmerly. “Gender Factors in News Media Coverage of Madeleine K. Albright: A Comparative Content Analysis." Presented at the annual meeting of the International Communication Association, Political Communication Division. San Francisco, May 27-31. 6

appearance, and marital or parental status.21 By contrast, men are more likely to be identified by their occupation, experience or accomplishments. 22

Robinson and Saint-Jean (1995) indicate the news media often omit this information when covering women.23 Besides, female candidates are less likely than male candidates to have their positions or records on public policy issues covered by the news media.24 Additional studies have examined the impact of horserace coverage on female candidates.25 The effect of this type of reporting is significant because it is such a fundamental component of election news.26 This lack of issue attention in the press, coupled with the emphasis on the horserace, may lead voters to discount issues and emphasize

21 Aday, S., and Devitt, J. “Style over substance. Newspaper coverage of female candidates: Spotlight on Elizabeth Dole.” The Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics. 6(2001), 52-73 Page, 55. 22 Ibid. 23 Robinson, Gertrude, and Armande Saint-Jean. “The Portrayal of Women Politicians in the Media.” Gendered Politics in Contemporary Canada. Ed. Francois-Pierre Gingras. Toronto, Canada: Oxford University Press, 1995. 24 Braden, M. Women politicians and the media. Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1996.; Kahn 1994.; Devitt, 1999.; Kahn and Goldenberg, 1991. 25 Aday, S., and Devitt, J. 2001, 55. 26 Ibid. 7

viability when they evaluate female candidates.27

In 2001, studies of newspaper coverage of women and men running in the 2000 primary races from Bystrom, Robertson and Banwart found that women candidates received more coverage than men in terms of quantity, and that the quality of their coverage-slant of the story and discussion of their viability, appearance, and personality-was mostly equitable, but still female candidates were much more likely to be discussed in terms of their role as mothers and their marital status, which can affect their viability with voters.28

Following studies in the years 2002 and 2003, they discovered that women received more much coverage in their campaigns, as compared to previous research, but the media continually focus on these issues of female candidates’ gender, marital status, and children.29 Furthermore, a recent study from 2009

27 Kahn and Goldenberg. 1991, 191. 28 Bystrom, D. G., Robertson, T. A., and Banwart, M. C. “Framing the fight: An analysis of media coverage of female and male candidates in primary races for governor and U.S. Senate in 2000. American Behavioral Scientist. 44 (2001). 29 Robertson, T., Conley, A., Scymcznska, K., and Thompson, A. “Gender and the media: An investigation of gender, media and politics in the 2000 election.” New Jersey Journal of Communication. 10 (2002): 104-117.; Bystrom, D. G., Robertson, T. A., and Banwart, M. C. 8

uses Ranter’s four common stereotypes of professional women: (1) seductress or sex object, (2) mother, (3) pet, and (4) iron maiden, to prove that gender biases still exist in the 2008’s presidential election.30

One significant development of the 2008 Presidential Campaigns in the U.S. was that two prominent and viable female candidates emerged and played critical roles. The first, Hillary Clinton, ran for the Democratic National nomination. The second, Alaska Governor Sarah Palin, was selected by

Senator John McCain as his vice-presidential running mate. As with all presidential elections, the media played an instrumental role in portraying the candidates in positive, negative, and even neutral roles, using every bit of information to their advantage. A recent research report from Carlin and

Winfrey indicates that one significant reason both of two female candidates

“From the Primary to the General Election: A comparative Analysis of Candidate Media Coverage in Mixed-Gender 2000 Races for Governor and U.S. Senate.” American Behavioral Scientist. 46 (2003): 658-675, 30 Diana B. Carlin and Kelly L. Winfrey. “Flave You Com a Long Way, Baby? Hillary Clinton, Sarah Palin, and Sexism in 2008 Campaign Coverage.” Communication Studies. 40 (2009): 326-343. 9

lost their bids to leadership was the negative media depictions among the elections.31 From the negative coverage towards women candidates, it shows that in the United States, people are still wringing their hands about whether women have the right hormones, the right brains, the right motivation, or the right abilities to take on the leadership challenges of the modern world.32

Elsewhere around the globe, women in seventeen countries hold at least 30 percent of the seats in parliament, and twenty-two women are speakers.33

Currently, there are at least twenty-three women heads of state.34 Wales recently reached full parity between women and men in the legislature.35

Among the countries that have achieved critical mass of about a third women in their parliaments are Denmark, Finland, Norway, Iceland, the Netherlands,

31 Diana B. Carlin and Kelly L. Winfrey, 2009. 32 Rosalind Chait Barnett. “Women, Leadership and the Natural Order.” Women and Leadership. Ed, Deborah L. Rhode and Barbara Kellerman, San Francisco: Jossey Bass, 2007, 163. 33 Marie C. Wilson. “It’s Woman Time.” Women and Leadership. Ed, Deborah L. Rhode and Barbara Kellerman. San Francisco: Jossey Bass, 2007, 273. 34 Female Heads OF State and Government Currently in Office. 25 May 2010. Martin K.L Christensen. 17 June 2010. http://w\\w.guide2womenleaders.com/Current-Women-Leaders.htm. 35 Marie C. Wilson. 2007, 273. 10

Germany, Belgium, Austria, Spain, and Sudan.

In Asian society, one would expect that women should be largely excluded from politics in Taiwan.37 Despite the undoubted patriarchal nature of Chinese society, however, women have assumed a significant role in Taiwan’s electoral and legislative politics.38For example, in the 1989-1990 elections, women won

15% to 20% of the seats at all levels of government in Taiwan, which is well above the international average for women’s representation and three or four times the norm for nonsocialist developing countries.39 Prominently, on

March 18, 2000, Hsiu-Lien Lu was elected as Taiwan’s first female vice-president, and in 2004, she won the reelection.

In order to understand the disparity regarding the success of female politicians in the U.S. and Taiwan, this study will analyze how female political

36 Ibid. 37 Cal Clark., Janet Clark, and Bih-er Chou. “Ambition, Activist Role Orientations, and Alienation among Women Legislators in Taiwan: The Impact of Countersocialization.” Political Psychology. 14 (1993): 494. 38 Ibid. 39 Sivard, R. Women: A world survey. New York: Ford, Rockefeller, and Carnegie, 1985. figures are portrayed by the mass media. The research analyzes newspaper coverage of Sarah Palin, the vice-presidential candidate of Republican in election of 2008, and Hsiu-lien Lu, the first female vice president of Taiwan in

2000. The primary research questions to be addressed in this study are as follows: (1) how did the media portray female candidates in the presidential elections in the U.S. and Taiwan, and (2) whether news coverage of female candidates differ from that of their male counterparts in the U.S. and

Taiwanese media during their presidential elections today. To address these research questions, this study will revisit Kahn’s finding to see if there is any change between now and twenty years ago in the U.S and Taiwan’s media coverage in elections. Furthermore, based on Ranter’s theory and other studies, this study will also reexamine the issue amount of candidates’ appearance, clothing, family, motherhood, marriage, entertainment and capacity coverage of male and female candidates in both countries to see how the media depict female candidates in the presidential elections. 12

Feminism media studies began in the 1970s in Western countries, but it wasn’t until two decades later that feminism started emerging in Taiwan.

Although women politicians gained scholarly attention in the media, there were rarely any studies that compared female politicians in different nations.40

However, there are several factors could affect the result of differences between Taiwan and United States, it is crucial to comprehend how media portray female candidates in these two countries.

Furthermore, it is significant to consider women’s experiences in a non-white society. In societies that are dominated by racist, classist, heterosexist, and imperialist-theories of oppression, the media tend to focus on the experience of privileged or relatively privileged groups.41 Specifically, feminism and gender oppression theories focus on western, white middle-class

40 Yi-Ting, Chen. “Female Politicians in the Media- Hillary Rodham Clinton and Hsiu-Lien Lu, An Examination of Patriarchal and Feminist Word Usage in Political News, Case analyses of The Post-Standard (Syracuse, NY) and China Times (Taiwan). Morgantown, 2006, 2. 41 Chyun-Fung, Shi. “Representation of Gender in Mass Media in the Light of Bourdieu's Capital: News Coverage of Female Candidates in Political Campaign. A Case Study of Newspaper Reporting on Legislature Campaigns in Taiwan from 1969 to 19922' ProQuest Dissertations and Theses. 1995, 6. 13

women. It is motivating to examine the applicability to the women outside the

Western world. 14

Chapter 2 Literature Review

Throughout human history and across many cultures, leadership has been closely associated with masculinity: the king, the father, the boss, the lord are stereotypical images of leadership.42 In the United States, women are a majority of the electorate but the leadership opportunities for women are still not equal. Women account for less than a fifth of law firm partners, federal judges, college presidents, and congressional representatives. Only 2 percent of Fortune 500 CEOs are women, and only 8 percent of corporate leadership positions are held by women.43 In some of the most advanced, industrialized nations, including Germany, Japan, and Great Britain, the figures are even lower.44 Not a single woman was featured in a recent Fortune magazine survey of the twenty-five highest-paid CEOs in Europe, and in some countries,

42 Nannerl O. Keohane. “Crossing the Bridge.” Women and Leadership. Ed, Deborah L. Rhode and Barbara Kellerman. San Francisco: Jossey Bass, 2007, 67. 43 Deborah L. Rhode and Barbara Kellerman. “Women and Leadership: The State of Play.” Women and Leadership. Ed, Deborah L. Rhode and Barbara Kellerman. San Francisco: Jossey Bass, 2007, 2. 44 Deborah L. Rhode and Barbara Kellerman. 2007, 3. 15

no women have ever headed a large global corporation.45 In many nations in

Asia, Africa, and the Mideast, women have difficulty walking unescorted or working in any public sphere outside their homes or fields, let alone ascending a leadership ladder.46 Despite significant national variations, the global workforce is highly gender-segregated and gender-stratified, and progress toward equity at the highest levels has been slow and uneven 47

Four decades ago, Betty Friedan helped launch the contemporary women’s movement with her publication of The Feminine Mystique. The book famously identified a “problem that has no name”: American women’s confinement to a separate and unequal domestic sphere.48 One factor contributing to women’s unequal status was their absence from leadership positions.49 Over the last several decades, scholars began to pay closer attention to the lack of women in

45 Ibid. 46 Ibid. 47 Ibid. 48 Deborah L. Rhode and Barbara Kellerman. 2007,1. 49 Ibid. 16

higher political office, and they noted that one significant explanation is that the news media may play a role in influencing the achievement of female candidates as well as the criteria voters use when evaluating candidates.

There is perhaps no political position where gender stereotypes work more to women’s disadvantage than the highly masculinized office of the U.S. presidency.50 As Georgia Duerst-Lahti has reminded us, “executive political power is arguably the most manly of all areas” 51 The president is commander-in-chief of the military, overseer of the economy, and the country’s foremost diplomat.52Women are seen by the public as less suited than men for each of these roles.53While journalists strive for objectivity in their reporting, they are affected by the culture in which they live and by the

50 Heldman, C., Carroll, S.J., and Olson, S. “She brought only a skirt: Print media coverage of Elizabeth Dole’s bid for the Republican presidential nomination.’’ Political Communication. 22 (2005): 316. 51 Duerst-Lahti, G. “Rreconceiving theories of power: consequences of masculinism in the executive branch.” The other elites. Ed, M. Borrelli and J. M. Martin. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1997,11. 52 Rossiter, C. The American presidency. New York: Harcourt, Brace, & World, 1963. 53 Heldman, C., Carroll, S.J., and Olson, S. 2005, 316. 17

ideas and stereotypes pervasive in that culture.54For journalists, as well as the public at large, ideas about what it means to be a “woman” do not correspond well with expectations about what it means to be “president.”55 In addition to exploring the variety of public opinion measures that relate to the viability of a women candidate for the presidency, it is constructive to review persisting gender stereotypes which could exist among news media and further impede the probability for success of a female candidate for the presidency.56

In a 1999 survey conducted by Fannie Mae Personal Finances Survey, respondents were asked to assess some common gender stereotypes and assess how much credence those stereotypes had in contemporary society.57The responses indicate recognition of some of the structural barriers that are impeding the progress of women in politics, in general, and the likelihood of a

54 Braden, M. Women politicians and the media. Lexington: University o f Kentucky Press, 1996, 10. 55 Heldman, €., Carroll, S.J., and Olson, S. 2005, 316. 56 Carole Kennedy. “Is America Ready For A Woman President? Is the Pope Protestant? Does A Bear Live In A City?” The First Woman President. Ed, Joseph Caruso. New York: Nova Science Publishers, 2007, 8. 57 Carole Kennedy. 2007,8. 18

women president in particular.58 Note that a majority of respondents still subscribe to the notion that women are primary caregivers for children as well as being primarily responsible for family social obligations.59 These responses show that not much has changed since Arlie Hochschild penned, The Second

Shift: Working Parents and the Revolution at Home, in 1989.60 Hochschild documented the fact that women tend to continue to maintain responsibility for child rearing and family obligations even when they work as many hours per week, or more, than their male spouses.61

Kanter’s theory

Before Hochschild, Rosabeth Moss Kanter in her book, Men and Women o f the Corporation identified four common stereotypes of professional women:

(1) seductress or sex object, (2) mother, (3) pet, and (4) iron maiden.62 Sex

58 Ibid. 59 Ibid,. 60 Ibid. 61 Arlie Hochschild. The Second Shift: Working Parents and the Revolution at Home. New York: Viking Penguin, 1989. Reissued in 1997 with new afterword. Published in Great Britain by Piatkus Press. 62 Kanter, R. M. Men and women of the corporation. New York: Basic Books, 1977. 19

object stereotypes refer to both sexuality and sex roles; thus, everything from clothing and appearance, being seen as a sex object, behaving or speaking in

“feminine” ways, to being the victim of sexual harassment fit this category.63

The mother stereotype occurs when a woman’s ability to perform a leadership role is questioned because of her maternal responsibilities. Also, the mother role causes women to “be identified with emotional matters... Although the mother herself might not ever cry or engage in emotional outbursts”64 Finally; the mother frame may involve images of scolding, punishment, or shrewish behavior.65 The “pet” stereotype manifests itself any time a woman is

“symbolically taken along on group events mascot-a cheerleader for shows of prowess66”. According to a women being seen as too weak, naive, or unprepared to handle a difficult task without a man’s help results in childlike

63 Kanter, R. M. 1977,233-236. 64 Kanter, R. M. 1977,234. 65 Carlin and Winfrey. 2009, 328. 66 Kanter, R. M. 1977,235. 20

treatment and diminishes a woman’s capacity to fulfill leadership functions.67

The iron maiden image can result in loss of the women candidates may have.

Women who exhibit too many masculine traits are often ridiculed and lose trust because they are going against type or play into male political stereotypes that voters are rejecting.68 Recently, in Carlin and Winfrey’s study all four stereotypes of professional women surfaced to some degree in media portrayals of female candidates.69

Double bind and Stereoty pe confirmation

Traditional gender stereotypes leave women with a double standard and a double bind.70 Men continue to be rated higher than women on most of the qualities associated with leadership.71 People more readily credit men with leadership ability and more readily accept men as leaders.72What is assertive

67 Kanter, R. M. 1977, 264-265. 68 Carlin and Winfrey. 2009, 328. 69 Carlin and Winfrey. 2009. 70 Rhode and Kellerman. 2007, 7. 71 Catalyst. Women Take Care. Men Take Charge: Stereotyping of Business Leaders. New York: Catelyst, 2005. 72 Laurie A. Rudman and Stephen E. Kilianski. “Implicit and Explicit Attitudes Toward 21

in a man can appear abrasive for women, and female leaders risk may appearing too feminine or not feminine enough.73 On one hand, they may appear too “soft” —unable or unwilling to make the tough calls required in positions of greatest influence. On the other hand, those who mimic the “male model” are often viewed as strident and overly aggressive or ambitious.74

Kathleen Hall Jamieson succinctly categorized persistent gender stereotyping of women pursing leadership positions in American society. Her book, Beyond the Double-Bind: Women and Leadership, describes a double-bind as:

...a rhetorical construct that posits two and only two

alternatives, one or both penalizing the person being offered

them. In the history of humans, such choices have been

constructed to deny women access to power and, where

Female Authority.” Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin. 20(2000): 1315. 73 Rhode and Kellerman. 2007, 7. 74 Ibid. 22

individuals manage to slip past their constrains, to undermine

their exercise of whatever power they achieve. The strategy

defines something ‘fundamental’ to women as incompatible

with something the woman seeks-be it education, the ballot, or nc access to the workplace.

Jamieson describes the following five double-binds that result from centuries of beliefs surrounding theology, biology, law, and the ways in which these beliefs and values have been constructed to the detriment of women’s ambition to rise above them:76

1. Women can exercise their wombs or their brains, but not both.

2. Women who speak out are immodest and will be shamed, while women who are silent will be ignored or dismissed.

3. Women are subordinate whether they claim to be different from men or the same.

75 Jamieson, K. H. Beyond the double bind; Women and leadership. New York: Oxford University Press, 1995, 14.; Carole Kennedy. 2007,9. 76 Carole Kennedy. 2007,10. 23

4. Women who are considered feminine will be judged incompetent, and women who are competent, unfeminine.

5. As men age, they gain wisdom and power; as women age, they wrinkle and become superfluous.

These double-standards are also evident in the media coverage of female candidates. As a result, women leaders are vulnerable to becoming targets of prejudice.77 Often people consider women unqualified because they lack the stereotypical directive and assertive qualities of good leaders.78 But people also frequently dislike women who possess and display those very abilities because highly directive and assertive behavior can be incompatible with the communal stereotype of the female gender role.79 Because of the prescription for female communion, people expect women to avoid behavior that is too threatening or directive, or that seems to overtly seek leadership, influence, or

77 Linda L. Carli & Alice H. Eagly. “Overcoming Resistance to Women Leaders: The importance of leadership style.” Women and Leadership. Ed, Deborah L. Rhode and Barbara Kellerman, San Francisco: Jossey Bass, 2007,128. 78 Ibid. 79 24

status.80 People therefore often resist leadership by women.81

The more we hear that women are unsuited for leadership, the more women and men will internalize this message.82 Another explanation of gender stereotype exists among the society and media from psychological aspect called stereotype confirmation. This process has several manifestations. For example, once we have a stereotype in our heads-such as “women can’t lead”- we tend to notice every instance that confirms our stereotype and to filter out counterexamples.83 Thus we are more likely to remember that Brenda Barnes quit PepsiCo than we are to remember that she now heads the Sara Lee

Corporation.84 In addition, we are more likely to notice when a woman leaves

80 Linda L. Carli. “Gender and Social Influence: Women Confront the Double Bind.” Paper presented at the 26th International Congress of Applied Psychology, Athens, Greece, July 16-21,2006. 81 Carli and Eagly. 2007, 129. 82 Rosalind Chait Barnett. “Women, Leadership and the Natural Order.” Women and Leadership. Ed, Deborah L. Rhode and Barbara Kellerman. San Francisco: Jossey Bass, 2007, PI 67. 83 Mark Snyder and Julie A. Haugen. “Why Does Behavioral confirmation Occur? Perspective on the Role of the Perceiver.” Journal of Experimental social Psychology. 30 (1994): 218-246. 84 Barnet. 2007, 168. 25

a high-level position than we are to notice the same behavior in a man.85

Stated another way, people are more likely to notice and recall information that confirms their prior assumptions than information that contradicts those assumptions.

Media coverage of female candidates

Studies analyzing the newspaper coverage of women candidates who ran for office in the 1980s and 1990s have documented that women and men are treated differently by the media.86 Previous researches by Sapiro and

Rosenwasser in 1982 and 1987, in their research on sex stereotyping of political candidates clearly shows that voters believe that male candidates can deal more effectively with certain issues, while female candidates are more

85 Ibid. 86 Devitt, 1999.; Kahn, K. F. “Senate elections in the news: Examining campaign coverage.” Legislative Studies Quarterly. 16(1991): 349-374.; Kahn, K. F. “Does being male help? An investigation of the effects of candidate gender and campaign coverage on evaluations of U. S. Senate candidates.” Journal of Politics. 54(1992): 497-517.; Kahn, K. F. 1994a.; Kahn, K. F. 1994b .K ah n, K. F. The political consequences of being a woman: How stereotypes influence the conduct and consequences of political campaigns. New York: Columbia University Press, 1996.; Kahn, K. F., & Goldenberg, E. N, 1991.; Smith, K. B. “When all’s fair: Signs of parity in media coverage of female candidates.” Political Communication. 14 (1997): 71-81. 26

competent in other policy areas.8' Based on this observation, extensive studies by Kim Fridkin Kahn examining the newspaper coverage of female candidates running for elections in the 1980s discovered that print media not only stereotyped female candidates by emphasizing “feminine traits” and “feminine issues” but also questioned their viability as candidates. In an experimental design, fictitious female candidates gained viability when they received the same media coverage usually given to male incumbents.88 The differences between male and female in the quantity, quality, and negativity of coverage can all erode a female candidate’s credibility.89 Kahn found that male candidates consistently receive more coverage than their female counterparts.

Moreover, newspaper responded to the gender of candidates by affording women less issue coverage and more image coverage than their male

87 Rosenwasser, S. M., R. Rogers, S. Fling, K. Silvers-Pickens, and J. Butemeyer. “Attitudes toward Women and Men in Politics: Perceived Male and Female Candidate Competencies and Participant Personality Characteristics.” Political Psychology. 8 (1987): 191-200.; Sapiro, V. “If U.S. Senator Baker Were a Woman: An experimental Study o f Candidate Images.” Political Psychology. 2 (1982): 61-83. 88 Kahn. 1992, 1994b. 89 Carlin and Winfrey. 2009, 329. 27

opponents-even though women were just as likely as men to emphasize issues in their campaign ads.90 And by emphasizing the horse race nature of the campaign, newspaper coverage often provided voters with negative information about the women candidates’ viability.91

Furthermore, Kahn noted that sex stereotypes can impact the way male and female voters perceive male and female candidates. Often these stereotypes can lead to favorable evaluations of women candidates, who are considered more compassionate and honest, with expertise on such feminine issues such as education, health care, and women’s issues.92 However, if such issues are not salient to the campaign, women may need to emphasize masculine image characteristics, such as toughness and strength, and masculine issues, such as economy or foreign policy, to counter sex stereotypes and establish their

90 Dianne G. Bystrom., Mary C. Banwart., Lynda L. Kaid., and Terry A. Robertson. Gender and Candidate Communication. New York: Routledge, 2004,18 91 Kahn. 1991. 92 Bystrom., Banwart., and Robertson. 2004,18. 28

competence.93

Kahn’s research on voters’ stereotyping of male and female candidates confirms earlier studies. In Sapiro (1982), Huddy and Terkildsen (1993), and

Leeper’s (1991) research, they all noted that female candidates are stereotyped more as emotional, warm, and expressive, rather than tough, competent, and decisive compared to similarly situated male candidates.94 This may prove to be a detriment to women seeking executive offices, because there is a greater emphasis at the executive level on instrumental rather than expressive traits.95Women candidates are also perceived to be better able to handle

“women’s issues” such as education and healthcare, which male candidates are perceived to be better able to handle foreign affairs and the economy.96This

93 Ibid. 94 Leonie Huddy and Nayda Terkildsen. “The Consequences of Gender stereotypes for Women Candidates at Different Levels and Types of Office.” Political Research Quarterly. 46(1994): 503.; Michael S. Leeper. “The Impact of Prejudice on Female Candidates: An Experimental Look at Voter Inference.” American Political Quarterly. 129 (1991): 248-261.; Sapiro. 1982. Carole Kennedy. 2007,8. 95 Deborah Alexander and Kristi Andersen. “Gender as a Factor in the Attribution of Leadership Traits.” Political Research Quarterly. 46(1993): 527-546. 96 Richard Matland. “Putting Scandinavian Equality to the Text: An Experimental Evaluation of Gender Stereotyping of Political Candidates in a Sample of Norwegian Voters.” British 29

sexual division of competence has important consequences for women candidates seeking the presidency because of the Commander-in-chief’s

Q7 responsibilities that attend to the latter’s role.

Studies conducted since Kahn’s work on the media coverage of women running for both governor and the U.S. Senate have confirmed many of her findings and given some hope that media coverage of women candidates might be improving in the 1990s and into the twenty-first century.98For instants, a study by Serini, Powers, and Johnston examining the coverage of a gubernatorial campaign by two major newspapers confirmed many of Kahn's findings that women receive less issue coverage and more negative assessments of their viability as candidates."

Smith’s study of newspaper coverage of female and male U.S. Senate and

Journal of Political Science. 24(1994). 273-292. 97 Carole Kennedy. 2007,8. 98 Bystrom., Banwart., and Robertson. 2004, 18. 99 Johnston, M. “Owen, Schoettler spring from different states, stock.” The Denver Post. 1998, October, 25th, 20.; Bystrom., Banwart., and Robertson. 2004, 19. 30

gubernatorial candidates in eleven races in 1994 found that reporters are treating women and men more equally.100 In his study, women and men received about the same quantity and quality of coverage except in open races in which men received more coverage.101 Like Devitt’s 1999 study, Smith found that while male and female candidates for governor received about the same amount of coverage, women received less issue-related coverage than men did.102 Another study by Rausch, Rozell, and Wilson at the same year also discovered that women and men are treated more equitably with coverage of quantity, but female candidates received more negative coverage than their male opponents.103

Before Kahn’s studies, Susan Gluck Mezy noted that women were asked about their familial responsibilities more often than their male counterparts, in

100 Smith, K. B. ‘'When all’s fair: Signs of parity in media coverage of female candidates.” Political Communication. 14 (1997): 71-81. 101 Banwart, M. C., Bystrom, D. G., & Robertson, R. 2003, 659. 102 Devitt,.!. 1999. 103 Rausch, J. D. Jr., Rozell, m. J., and Wilson, H. L. “When women lose: A study of media coverage of two gubernatorial campaigns.” Women and Politics. 20 (1999): 1-17. 31

her 1978 study of the campaigns of men and women running for political office.104 In the following three decades, in Kahn (1994), Devitt (1999),

Piper-Aiken’s (1999a), Heldman, Carroll and Olson (2000, 2005), Aday and

Devitt (2001), Bystrom, Robertson, and Banwart (2001, 2003), Robertson

(2002), Carlin and Winfrey’s (2009) researches they all found that news organizations report personal information of women more frequently than that of men.105 This includes clothing, appearance, personality, and marital or parental status.

Piper-Aiken found that radio and newspaper coverage of former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright noted her style of clothing while generally

104 Susan Gluck Mezy. “Dose Sex Make a Difference? A Case Study of Women in Politics.” Western Political Quarterly. 31(1978): 492-501. 105 Devitt 1999.; Kahn 1994.; Piper-Aiken, Kimmerly. “Gender Factors in News Media Coverage of Madeleine K. Albright: A Comparative Content Analysis." Presented at the annual meeting of the International Communication Association, Political Communication Division. San Francisco, 1999, May 27-31.; Heldman, C., Carroll, S.J., and Olson, S. “Gender differences in print media coverage of presidential candidates: Elizabeth Dole’s bid for the Republican nomination.” Paper presented at the meeting of the American Political Science Association, Washington, DC.; Robertson, T., Conley, A., Scymcznska, K,, and Thompson, A. “Gender and the media: An investigation of gender, media and politics in the 2000 election.” New Jersey Journal of Communication. 10(2002): 104-117. 32

avoiding similar descriptions of her male counterparts.106 Carroll also reached similar conclusions in their analysis of press coverage of female members of

Congress. In 2001 by Bystrom, Robertson, and Banwart, a study of newspaper coverage of women and men running for their party’s nomination for U.S.

Senate and governor in the 2000 primary races observed that women received more coverage than men in terms of quantity, and that the quality of their coverage-slant of the story and discussion of their viability, appearance, and personality-was mostly equitable.107 Still, these women candidates were much more likely to be discussed in terms of their role as mothers and their marital status, which can affect their viability with voters.108 Robertson and colleagues also found women received much more coverage than male counterparts, but women were much more likely than men to be described in

Piper-Aiken, Kimmerly. 1999. 107 Bystrom, Robertson, and Banwart. 2001. 108 Bystrom, Banwart, Kaid, and Robertson 2004, 19. 33

terms of their gender, marital status, and children.109 Further, the news coverage across both primary and general election races continued to define female candidates in terms of their gender, children, and marital status.110

Such news coverage can ultimately affect how voters view female candidates’ ability to hold political office by reinforcing their “other” status in the male-dominated world of politics as well as images of them as mothers and wives, who have traditionally carried less authority and competence in the public arena.'11

The 2000 campaign provided an opportunity to study not only the media coverage of women running for governor and the U.S. Senate, but also the short-lived presidential candidacy of Elizabeth Dole.112 Four studies by Aday and Devitt (2001), Bystrom (in press), Heldman, Carroll, and Olson (2000), and Heldman, Carroll, and Olson (2005) examining the newspaper coverage of

10;l Robertson, T , Conley. A., Scymcznska, K., and Thompson, A. 2002. 110 Bystrom, Robertson, and Ban wan. 2003. 111 Bystrom. Banwart, Raid, and Robertson 2004,20. 112 Banwart et al. 2003, 659. 34

Dole-the first woman to seek a major political party nomination for president since former U.S. Rep. Partricia Schroeder’s consideration in 1988-during 7 months in 1999 found that she received inequitable coverage in terms of quality and, especially, quantity compared with her male opponents. Although polls consistently showed Dole as a distant runner-up to George W. Bush for the Republican nomination for president, she received not only significantly less coverage than did Bush but also less coverage than did Steve Forbes and

John McCain, who at the time were behind her in the polls.1 n In terms of quality of coverage, all four studies found that Dole received less issue coverage than did Bush, Forbes, or McCain.114

However, according to these two studies (Bystrom, in press; Heldman et al.,

2000) that considered the types of issues mentioned. Dole’s issue coverage was balanced between such stereotypical ‘'masculine” issues as taxes, foreign

113 ibid. 114 TU• , 35

policy, and the economy and such stereotypical feminine issues as education, drugs, and gun control."5 In Aday and Devitt (2001), they found that Dole received significantly more personal coverage, including descriptions of her personality and appearance, than the male candidates.116 However, Heldman,

Carroll, and Olson (2000) noted that the media did not pay much attention to her appearance but did make reference to her personality, 117 but their study in 2005 also found that the press paid more interest to her appearance.118

The 2008 election cycle with Hillary Clinton and Sarah Palin running for

President and Vice President, respectively, has left visible cracks in the political glass ceiling pertaining to women and politics. An analysis of media coverage by Carlin and Winfrey indicates that there was a considerable amount of negative coverage of both candidates and that such coverage has potential to cast doubt on a woman’s suitability to be commander-in-chief or

115 Banwart et al. 2003, 660. 116 Aday, and Devitt. 2001. 117 However, Heldman, Carroll, and Olson. 2000. 118 However, Heldman, Carroll, and Olson. 2005. 36

in the wings.119 This paper also uncovered the common gendered stereotypes that surfaced in the 2008 campaign.

The press plays a pivotal role in presidential campaigns as the link between citizen and candidate.120As a result, the quality of the news coverage of candidates can shape citizens’ pictures of the candidates and thus their willingness to vote for a candidate.12' At present, women in other countries are earning the right to lead their countries by working their way through the political system, as men have always done.122 In the United States, people are still wringing their hands about whether women have the right hormones, the right brains, the right motivation, or the right abilities to take on the leadership challenges of the modem world.123 Specifically, in 2007 there were only 71

Carlin andWinfrey. 2009. 120 Diane J. Heith. “Footwear, Lipstick, and an Orthodox Sabbath: Media Coverage of Nontraditional Candidates.” The First Woman President. Ed, Joseph Caruso. New York: Nova Science Publishers, 2007, 35. 121 Ibid. 122 Rosalind Chait Barnett. “Women, Leadership and the Natural Order.” Women and Leadership. Ed, Deborah L. Rhode and Barbara Kellerman. San Francisco: Jossey Bass, 2007, 163. 123 Ibid. 37

women in the 435-member U.S. House of Representatives, sixteen women in the hundred-member Senate, and nine women governors in fifty states.124

While the rest of the world seems to accept the notion that women are fit to command a nation, in the United States, women who have the temerity to put themselves forward for the top job face harsh questioning.125 Further, the gender stereotype toward female candidates is alive and well.

Shifting the focus to Taiwan, in a 1992 study analyzing the relationship of news media and the women’s movement, Wong finds that the media stereotype female images and underrepresented the women’s movement,'26 which leaves no doubt about the pervasiveness of traditional gender stereotypes exist among most of the societies. However, in Taiwan, women have done quite well by international standards in winning legislative elections, and the emerged first female vice-president in 2000 made a significant

124 Ibid. 125 Ibid. 126 Clark, Clark and Chou. 1993, 494. 38

breakthrough in Taiwan’s politics. Since media can influence the fate of a candidate’s success in the election, it is motivating to see how the media portray female candidates and the differences of result between U.S and

Taiwan.

In order to develop a fuller understanding of how female and male candidates are being portrayed differently and if there is any change in gender stereotypes in media coverage between now and twenty years ago in the U.S and Taiwan’s media coverage in elections, this study will revisit Kahn’s findings by examining the amount of horserace, trait, and issues coverage of female candidates and their counterparts and to analyze the differences in both countries. Further, Based on Kanter’s four gender stereotypes: (1) sex object,

(2) mother, (3) pet, and (4) iron maiden, this research will also examine the percentage of appearance, motherhood, marriage, and capacity coverage of both male and female candidates to see if there exist disparity and biases in the media coverage of candidates in the U.S. and Tai wan. 39

Chapter 3 Method

This thesis will answer the following questions: (1) how did the media portray female candidates in the presidential elections in the U.S. and Taiwan, and (2) whether news coverage of female candidates differ from that of their male counterparts in the U.S. and Taiwanese media during their presidential elections today. This section examines systematic differences in the newspaper coverage of male and female vice presidential candidates in both nations’ elections. The study discovered that while gender stereotypes still exist in both nations, the media portrayed female candidates differently in the U.S. when compared to Taiwan. However, the observed differences in media portrayal still reinforce gender stereotypes among both nations.

The media in general, particularly newspaper articles, have been shown to provide a significant source of information for the electorate.127Most scholars have abandoned the traditional view that the media have a direct impact on

127 Banwart, Bystrom, and Robertson. 2003,660. 40

electoral behavior, yet many concede that the media have an effect on what the public learns about campaigns.128 Studies have shown that newspaper articles have a direct impact on presidential elections, but television and print media share similar patterns of coverage. Lichter and Noyes determined that voter knowledge does not increase with exposure to television but will show a modest increase when voters read a newspaper daily.129 Additional studies have indicated that newspaper coverage influences voters’ view of candidates and as such, Kahn (1991) argued that because newspaper coverage is

influential, it should be studied to see how campaigns are covered by the

media.130

Building from this perspective and to respond to the research questions that

are posed, the study examines systematic differences in the newspaper

coverage of male and female vice presidential candidates in the U.S 2008

128 Ibid 129 Banwart, Bystrom, and Robertson. 2003,661 130 Kahn. 199 41

election (Sarah Palin and Joe Biden), and Taiwan’s 2000 election (Hsiu-Lien

Lu and Wan-Jhang Siao). The data reported here are drawn from news archives from two major media sources: USA Today and New York Times.

Every story related to the candidates was collected between August 22th 2008 and November 4th 2008 that cover the 2008 presidential election in the U.S.

The study also examines a similar election in 2000 in Taiwan with male and female vice presidential candidates; each story associated with a candidate was collected between December 11th 1999 and March 20th 2000 from two major media: China Times and United Daily News. The study starts with a simple comparison on the number of news articles covering a candidate. The content

of each article has also been reviewed and categorized with specific attributes

based on the content being described such as horserace, issues and trait that

are mostly common in previous studies, appearance, family, entertainment and

capacity. The research also highlights and apples Kanter’s theory and other

studies. Based on the attributes of each article, the quality of the news 42

coverage is then determined by the percentage of news that cover certain attributes.

Quantity of Media Coverage

Because the amount of coverage a candidate receives is related to the voter’s recognition of that candidate, gender differences in press attention can be consequential.131 As discussed above, standard definitions of news may

lead reporters and editors to see female candidates as especially newsworthy and female candidates may therefore receive more attention in• the news. 132

On the other hand, if reporters and editors regard female candidates as less

viable and thus less important than their male counterparts, then female

candidates may receive less news exposure, or less issue-based exposure. 133

When examining news coverage for the election races, the data displays that

female candidate in the U.S. election race received more press attention than

131 Kahn and Goldenberg. 1991, 185. 132 TU • , 43

the male candidate and the race in Taiwan shows more attention being given to the male candidate. As the data in table 1 illustrates, the total count of Sarah

Palin’s coverage time is almost three times more than Joe Biden’s, and table 2 shows that Taiwan’s female candidate received much less coverage than her male counterpart. Sarah Palin hit the ground running as a shocking choice by the McCain campaign, and suddenly caught the attention of the media. Being the first female vice-presidential candidate in the U.S. this sparked a great deal of attention from the media. Combined with the attention she brought to the election, the press regarded her as a much more newsworthy candidate and thus gave much more attention to her than Joe Biden. On the other hand,

Hsiu-Lien Lu was not the first female vice-presidential candidate in Taiwan

and she has been in Taiwan’s government for over 30 years. As a result, the

media tend to regard her as less viable and thus less important than their male

counterpart. These results appear to confirm that the female candidate in the

U.S. is receiving more equality from the aspect of quantity news coverage. 44

However, as shown in several analyses of press coverage of groups outside the societal mainstream including social movements and marginalized groups, mere quantity of coverage is only part of this story.134 A closer look at the substance of the coverage shows that reporters portrayed Sarah Pal in differently than her male rival, and rather it is the quality of coverage which shows the disparities.

Table 1

Quantity o f Coverage in the U.S.

Media Sarah Palin Joe Biden

USA Today 954 439

NY Times 789 127

Total News Count 1743 566 Sources: stories are collected from New York Times and USA Toady between August 22th 2008 and November 4th 2008.

Table 2

Quantity of coverage in Taiwan

Media Hsiu-Lien Lu Wan-Jharig Siao

UDN News 579 1073 China Times 470 814

Total News Count 1049 1887 i i th rvrvrv Sources: stories are collected from China Times and United Daily News December 11th1 11999 and March 20th 2000.

134 Aday and Devitt. 2001, 60. 45

Quality of Media Coverage

The substance of campaign coverage may vary by male and female candidates, and this difference in emphasis may influence voters’ evaluation of the candidates.135 Besides examining gender differences in the quantity of coverage, it is significant to explore gender differences in the substance of coverage.136 If female candidates are covered differently in the news, then these differences in reporting may influence the content of voters’ evaluations of the candidates.137 Differences in the substance of coverage may be due to organizational incentives operating in news rooms or they may be due to pervasive gender stereotypes.138

Horserace, Trail, and Issue Coverage

Media studies of presidential campaign coverage show that the press spends

1,5 Kahn and Goldenberg 1991, 184. 136 Ibid. 137 Ibid. 138 Kahn and Goldenberg. 1991. 187. 46

most of their time discussing horserace aspects of campaigning.139 Horserace coverage includes any discussion of a candidate’s chances of winning, including comparisons of the two candidates’ organizations, discussion of poll results, and discussion of the candidates’ performance in campaign debates.140

This discussion of the horserace, at the expense of issue coverage, occurs in both television and newspaper coverage of presidential elections.141 This emphasis on the horserace aspects of political campaigns seems to have electoral consequences.142 Iyengar and Kinder’s experimental work on agenda setting and priming indicate that the news media by concentrating on the horserace may make the candidates’ viability more salient to voters.143 In this research, Table 3 and Table4 show that Palin’s (23.4%) horserace coverage is

Kahn and Goldenberg. 1991, 187. 140 Kahn and Goldenberg. 1991, 188 141 Graber, D. A. Mass Media and American Politics. Washington, DC: Congressional Quarterly Press, 1989.; Patterson, T. E. The Mass Media Election. New York: Praeger, 1980.; Robinson, M. J., and M. A. Sheehan. Over the Wire and on TV: CBS and UPI in Campaign’ 80. New York: Sage, 1983. 142 Kahn and Goldenberg. 1991, 187. 143 Iyengar, S., and D. R. Kinder. News that Matters. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987. 47

only slightly more than Biden (21.7%) and the margin is even smaller between

Lu (19.7%) and Siao (18.9%). These results show that horserace coverage is discussed with equal frequency for female candidates and male candidates in both countries.

Table 3 Horserace, Issue and Trait coverage in the U.S.

Candidates Sarah Palin Joe Biden

News Attributes (N) % of Coverage (N) % of Coverage

Horserace 407 23.4% 123 21.7%

Issues 385 22.1% 179 31.6%

Female Issues 148 38.4% 34 19.0%

Male Issues 237 61.6% 145 81.0%

Trait 287 16.5% 82 24.4%

Female Traits 167 58.2% 21 24.4%

Male Traits 120 41.8% 61 75.6% Sources: stories are collected from New York Times and USA Toady between August 22th 2008 and November 4th 2008. 48

Table 4 Horserace, Issue and Trait coverage in Taiwan

Candidates Hsiu-Lien Lu Wan-Jhang Siao

News Attributes (N) % of Coverage (N) % of Coverage

Horserace 207 19.7% 357 18.9%

Issues 223 21.3% 454 24.1%

Female Issues 67 28.7% 130 6.9%

Male Issues 165 71.3% 325 17.2%

Trait 165 15.7% 305 16.2%

Female Traits 57 34.5% 69 22.6%

Male Traits 108 65.5% 236 77.4% Sources: stories are collected from China Times and United Daily News December 1 l lith' ’h 11999 A A A and March 20,h 2000.

Because the public depends on news media for information about candidates, the lack of issue information in the press may make it more difficult for people to make policy evaluations of the candidates running for office.144 Since issue information can be consequential, it is important to see whether issue coverage in campaigns is different for male and female

144 Kahn and Goldenberg. 1991, 191. 49

candidates.145 Despite the similarity between Palin and Biden in the focus of their horserace coverage, important differences were found in the content of their respective issue coverage. Between New York Times and USA Today, a notably smaller percentage of coverage about Palin was framed in terms of issues than Joe Biden. The data reveals that Joe Biden received 31.6% of issue coverage compared to Sarah Palin’s 22.1% (see table 3). A contrast to

Taiwan’s issue coverage where Wan-Jhang Siao was only leading slightly with

24.1% compared to Hsiu-Lien Lu’s 21.3% (see table 4). This finding in the

U.S. is consistent with previous studies demonstrating that female candidates generally receive less issue coverage than their male counterparts. On the other hand, although Taiwan’s female candidates receive less coverage in general, the media still express interest in their issue information when compare to their male rivals.

Based on past stereotyping research, issues were divided into ‘‘male” and

145 Kahn and Goldenberg. 1991, 191. 50

“female” issues. “Male” issues include those issues where men are seen as being more competent (e.g., foreign policy, defense, economics, and agriculture); “female” issues are those where women are considered more capable (e.g., minority rights, environment, abortion, school prayer, drugs, and discussions of social programs).146 Past studies noted that when the media does talk about women’s issue positions, they tend to frame them as

“feminine” issues rather than as “masculine” issues.147 As the data in table 3 and 4 indicates, “male” issue coverage is much more prevalent than “female”

issue coverage in both countries. However in the U.S., male issues are

associated more frequently for Biden (27.4%) than for Palin (13.7%), and

female issues are discussed more frequently for Palin (8.5%) than for Biden

(6.7%). By contrast in Taiwan, the male and female issues coverage between

Lu and Siao are relatively close 15.7% vs. 17.2% respectively, and 6.4% vs.

146 Gallup Report. 228 (1984): 2-14.; Sapiro, 1982.; National Women’s Political Caucus Survey (NWPC). 1987. Washington, DC: NWPC.; Rosenwasser, 1987.; Kahn and Goldenberg. 1991, 191. 147 Carlin and Winfrey. 2009, 329. 51

6.9% respectively as a whole in gender specific issues.

The coverage of personality traits is prevalent in campaigns, and past voting studies suggest that voters’ assessments of candidate traits can influence overall candidate evaluations.148 In Kahn’s paper, she wondered whether the coverage of candidate traits is more prevalent for female Senate candidates because female candidates are still somewhat novel and their personal characteristics may be especially interesting to reporters and readers.149 If this is the case, trait-based evaluations may be more common for female candidates.150 However, the amount of trait coverage is not different for male and female candidates in both countries. In terms of the percentage of articles that mention candidate’s trait, the research (table 3, 4) found that traits are discussed with equal frequency for Sarah Palin (16.5%) and Joe Biden (14%), and Hsiu-Lien Lu (15.7%) and Wan-Jhang Siao (16.2%). These results are

148 Kahn and Goldenberg. 1991,194. 149 i . • , 52

entirely consistent with Kahn’s study.

While there were no gender differences found in the amount of trait coverage, the substance of trait coverage may differ between male and female candidates.151 Based on gender stereotypes, trait can be distinguished by

“male” traits vs. “female” traits. “Male” traits are those that are consistently associated with men (e.g., independent, objective, competitive, strong leader, insensitive, aggressive, unemotional, ambitious, and tough) while “female” traits are linked towards women (e.g., dependent, noncompetitive, passive, gentle, emotional, weak leader, and compassionate).152 Just as with issues, we might expect reporters’ coverage of candidates’ personality traits to reflect these sex stereotypes. If the substance of trait coverage in the news is different for male and female candidates, then these differences may lead to different evaluations of the candidates.1^3 Tables 3 and 4 illustrate that Palin received

151 Kahn and Goldenberg. 1991, 194. 152 Kahn and Goldenberg. 1991 195. 153 Ibid. 53

60% coverage on female traits and 40% coverage on male traits compared to

Biden who received 75% on male traits and 25% on female traits; whereas,

Hsiu-Lien Lu received 65% on male traits and only 35% on female traits compared to Wan-Jhang Siao who received 78% on male traits and 22% on female traits. The result shows that the press in Taiwan is more likely to associate Hsiu-Lien Lu with male traits, and described that she is not feminine enough. In contrast, the media in the U.S. tend to characterize Sarah Palin in a highly feminine, and less threatening manner.

Appearance, Motherhood, Marriage, and Capacity Coverage

As mentioned above, political women often believe that the press focuses

far too much on their appearance, personality, and private lives and too little

on their issue agendas.154 In comparing the mentions of candidates’

appearance, motherhood (children), and marital status, the study revealed

154 Heldman, C., Carroll, S.J., and Olson, S. 2005,323. 54

significant differences in how media framed female candidate in the U.S. By contrast, no significant differences were found in these proportions in Taiwan.

When examining the appearance (includes clothing and hair style) coverage in both countries’ presidential elections, table 5 and table 6 indicates Sarah Palin received more appearance coverage than Joe Biden {5.1% vs. 1.6%), whereas

Hsiu-Lien Lu and Wan-Jhang Siao is discussed with equal frequency (0.2% vs.

0.2%). There were also notable differences in motherhood (includes children and family) and marriage coverage. Palin received 18.1% media focus on her mother status versus Biden’s 10.4%, and 7.7% focus on her marital status versus Biden’s 4.9% (Table 5). On the other hand, Hsiu-Lien Lu and

Wan-Jhang Siao maintain likely the same percentage in these news attributes

(Table 6). 55

Table 5 Appearance, Motherhood and Capacity coverage in the U.S.

Candidates Sarah Palin Joe Biden

News Attributes (N) % of Coverage (N) % of Coverage Appearance 100 5.7% 9 1.6%

Motherhood 316 18.1% 59 10.4%

Marriage 134 7.7% 28 4.9%

Capacity 211 12.1% 31 5.5% Sources: stories are collected from New York Times and USA Toady between August 22th 2008 and November 4th 2008.

Table 6

Appearance, Motherhood and Capacity in Taiwan

Candidates Hsiu-Lien Lu Wan-Jhang Siao

News Attributes (N) % of Coverage (N) % of Coverage

O Appearance Z. 0.2% 4 0.2%

Motherhood 1 0.7% 36 1.9% Marriage 2 0.2% 14 0.7% Capacity 10 1.0% 24 1.3% Sources: stories are collected from China Times and United Daily News Decembert x i 11th-i -« t h 11999 r\nr\ and March 20th 2000. 56

Emphasis on Palin’s physical appearance began when news sources revealed she had participated in beauty pageants followed by money spent on her wardrobe. Furthermore the view of her as a motherly figure started when

John McCain introduced her as a devoted wife and a mother of five. Later on in the campaign when the story broke that her 17-year-old daughter was pregnant, numerous rumors began to surface in the news. While the findings were drastic in the U.S., Hsiu-Lien Lu was treated relatively equal by the press, and her single status might be one of the reasons that the media did not focus much on her mother and marital status. According to the findings in the U.S., which could apply to Kanter’s sex object and mother gender stereotypes, the findings also suggest that reporters treated Palin differently than the way they treated her male counterpart.

One of female candidate’s hardest obstacles to overcome is the media’s skepticism towards a female's ability to hold public office and make tough 57

decisions.155 Women candidates are often stereotyped as less competent than their male counterparts and this tendency is often reinforced by media coverage of women candidates that focus on their competency rather than their issue positions.156 The stereotypes seem consistent with the findings of Palin’s capacity coverage in this study. The data in table 5 shows that the focus on the capacity coverage weighed in more significantly for Sarah Palin at 12.1% compared to Joe Biden’s 5.5%. Whereas in Taiwan, the percentage between Lu and Siao are relatively close (1.3% vs. 1.0%). Although there are major differences between Palin and Biden, it is not surprising from the expectations that the quality of coverage would be so divergent. During the course of the election, Sarah Palin began to gain more and more media attention through interviews with the first being a one-on-one interview with Charles Gibson of

ABC news. As a result of her media coverage, the public fa9ade for Sarah

155 Braden, M. 1996,8. 156 Kahn and Goldenberg. 1991.; Pippa Norris. 1997. 58

Palin began to change. It was easy for the media to portray to the public that

Palin was unprepared and totally unqualified to be anywhere near the seat of

Presidency. These findings suggest that while the press in Taiwan gives less coverage to female candidates in general, the media in the U.S., gives more coverage to women candidates. However the U.S. media tends to pay much more attention to personal information and focus on capacity coverage of a female candidate. 59

Chapter 4 Analysis

This study of the newspaper coverage of female candidates in the presidential elections in the U.S. and Taiwan provides a unique comparative analysis of the treatment of female and male candidates in the media. Overall, the findings suggest that women candidates continue to face stereotypical biases with varying levels of news coverage of their campaigns in both countries. In the U.S. the media paid much more attention to Sarah Palin, but the quality of the coverage was not equal compared to Joe Biden’s. On the other hand Taiwan’s candidate Hsiu-Lien Lu received less coverage than her male counterpart although the media paid more attention to demonstrate she is not feminine enough. However the overall quality of her coverage was more balanced compared to the U.S.

Extending the findings of Kahn’s study, it is evident in this study that female and male candidates were treated more equally in certain aspects; however, there are still differences of gender stereotypes in other 60

characteristics. For instance, Kahn’s paper indicates that female candidates consistently received less coverage than their male rivals. However, it appears the media favored Palin in the 2008 election and her quantity of coverage was almost three times that of Biden’s. This result is consistent with Bystrom’s studies in 2001 and 2003 which indicated that female candidates started to receive more coverage than male candidates.lj7 Furthermore continues to contradict prior research which indicated that women running for either U.S.

Senate or gubernatorial seats receive less than or equal coverage compared to men.158 In contrast, Taiwan still faces the lack of coverage towards women candidates and the press is persistent on viewing female candidates as less viable and less important than their male counterparts. This result in Taiwan suggests that voters will have relatively more difficult time acquiring

information about female candidates.

157 Banwart etal. 2001, 2003. 158 Kahn, 1994b; Kahn and Goldenberg, 1991; Devitt, 1999; Smith 1997; Banwart et al, 2003. 61

Along with the quantity of the news coverage, the quality of news coverage towards female candidates is just as important as the quantity of coverage they receive. In this research the horserace coverage of both countries’ candidates are comparable with their male counterparts. This shows that the press treated women equally when compared to Kahn’s study which found that women received much more horserace coverage than men. However, when it comes to the issue stories, the findings indicate that gender biases still influence the media’s view towards female candidates. From Kahn’s research in 1991 to

Bystrom's in 2006, several studies reveal female candidates often receive less issue coverage than males and more on appearance, personality, and family.159

When the media does talk about women’s issue positions, they tend to frame them as “feminine” issues rather than as “masculine” issues.160 In this study, the finding of Sarah Palin appears to be consistent with previous research. The

159 Aday and Devitt, 2001; Bystrom, 2006; Devitt, 2002; Heldman et al., 2005; Kahn 1994; Kahn and Goldenberg, 1991. 160 Carlin and Winfrey. 2009, 329. press focused on stories regarding her appearance and family (motherhood and marital status) instead of her issue coverage, and associated Palin with

“feminine” issues and “feminine” traits more often when compared to her rival

Joe Biden. Since the public depends on the news media for information about candidates, the lack of issue information in the press may make it difficult for people to make policy evaluations of the candidates running for office.161

Further, according to previous study by Aubin, Haak, and Mangini, when the media do discuss about women running for leadership positions, the main focus is whether or not a female is fit to govern.162 For the most part, the images relayed by the media focus on how female candidates can not solve tough issues.163 One reason generally used is a female candidate will be too emotional or too feminine, and another approach that the media discusses

161 Kahn and Goldenberg. 1991,191. I6:: Jessica Aubin, Michelle Haak and Andrew Mangini. 2007, 117. 63

female candidates is to focus only on the “female” issues.164 Such coverage will affect the public perception of her leadership abilities and skills as a leader. Further, it becomes even more difficult for the public to hear the opinions of the candidate and becomes frustrating for the candidate because she is unable to communicate her position

On the other hand, there are no significant differences between Hsiu-Lien

Lu and Wan-Jhang Siao in the proportion of issue, appearance, and family coverage. When the press describes Lu’s traits they tend to associate her to maie traits much more than female traits (65.5% vs. 35.5%). A closer look shows the common frame for Hsiu-Lien Lu was that she was not feminine enough. The press portrays her with terms such as “over ambitious,” “scary,”

“tough,” “intimidating” and further reiterated her single status to these unfeminine traits. People are more likely to notice and recall information that confirms their prior assumptions than information that contradicts those

164 it • j Ibid. 64

assumptions.165 When the press noticed Lu’s single status they naturally associate it with her performance at work as a tough image which depict her with lots of “male traits” and unpleasant words. This not only demonstrates the media’s negative reporting and biases against female candidates, but also affects the voters’ perception by sending negative images to the public.

According to Kanter’s iron maiden stereotype, women who exhibit too many masculine traits are often ridiculed and lose credibility because they are going against the expected role or play into male political stereotypes that voters are rejecting.166 This kind of stereotype not only happens in Taiwan, but also in the U.S. An analysis of “the media’s negative attitudes about Hillary Clinton as a career-oriented woman” by media critic AshleighCrowther (2007) identified the following common terms to describe Clinton: “calculating,”

“could,” overly ambitious” “and scary.”167 When Clinton nearly cried in New

165 Deborah L. Rhode arid Barbara Kellerman. 2007, page 9. 166 Carlin and Winfrey. 2009, 337. 167 Carlin and Winfrey. 2009, 337. 65

Hampshire when asked how she did it every day, the incident grabbed headlines and was reported as breaking news largely because it went against

1 the tough image Clinton projected. Sarah Palin, on the other hand was portrayed as more feminine and managed to get away with it better than

Hsiu-Line Lu and Clinton. The main reason is explained by the dominant frames for Palin as sex object and mother that characterized her in highly feminine, less threatening ways.169 The New York Times articles included examples of hiring friends, firing people who disagreed with her and her policies, making decisions in secrecy, and refusing to turn over various e-mail massages.170 All of these actions are not uncommon among male politicians, but the articles presented Palin as a contrast to the more ideal and idealistic portrayals of her that were in keeping with feminine stereotypes.171

In general most leadership roles are occupied by men and leaders are

168 Ibid. 169 Carlin and Winfrey. 2009,338. 170 New York Times; Ibid. 171 Ibid. 66

thought to have more agentic than communal qualities.172 As a result,

1 71 stereotypes about leaders match quite well with stereotypes about men.

Because of this similarity between people’s mental associations about men and leaders, men can seem usual or natural in most leadership roles.174 Therefore, men usually do not need to worry as much about appearing to be too masculine or too feminine and have more freedom than women to execute leadership as they see fit.175 In contrast, women leaders are at a disadvantage because associations about women are typically inconsistent with those about leaders.176 The challenge for female leaders is further complicated by the fact that gender stereotypes are not merely descriptive but prescriptive as well. 77

Consequently, people not only expect women to be warm, kind, and sensitive,

172 Virginia E. Schein. “A Global Look at Psychological Barriers to Women's Progress in Management." Journal of Social Issues. 57(2001): 675-688. 173 Carli and Eaglv. 2007, 128. 174 Ibid.

177 Alice H Eagly and Steven J Karau. '‘Role congruity Theory of Prejudice Toward Female Leaders” Psychological Review. 109(2002): 573-598. 67

they prefer women to behave in such communal ways.178 Women who fail to show a warm, sensitive side may be seen as difficult and unlikable.179 The iron maiden frame also provided the clearest example of the double bind during the elections for both Hsiu-Lien Lu and Sarah Palin. While Hsiu-Lien

Lu had been described as not feminine enough, Palin’s femininity did not spare her criticism for doing her job and being tough.

Another notable finding in this study is that the press places much more emphasis on Sarah Palin’s appearance than Joe Biden’s (5.7% vs. 1.6%) which certainly leads to the sex object gender stereotype category. The portrayals of

Palin stemmed from her beauty queen background, youthful appearance, wardrobe, and her unabashed feminine nonverbal communication such as winking.180 For example, Maureen Dowd of New York Times often referred to Palin as a Barbie, calling her “Caribou Barbie” to emphasize her

178 Carli and Eagly. 2007, 128. 179 Ibid. 180 Carlin and Winfrey. 2008, 330. 68

Alaskan and National Rifle Association links and '‘Valentino Barbie” when the

Republican National Committee’s $150,000 shopping spree was revealed.181

Before Sarah Palin, Geraldine Ferraro was the first woman on a major party ticket in 1984. She “was described as ‘feisty’ and ‘pushy but not

182 threatening,’ and was asked if she knew how to bake blueberry muffins.

When she stood before the Democratic National Convention in San Francisco, anchor Tom Brokaw announced: ‘Geraldine Ferraro...The first woman to be nominated for vice president...Size 6!”183 Condoleezza Rice, mentioned as a

Republican nominee for president, is often commented for her single status as if her ambition was somehow not feminine. There’s also an inordinate amount of attention to her clothes, her style, her pearls, her southern accent, her size-six dresses, and her high-heeled “dominatrix” boots.184 A Study from

Shanto Iyengar and Donald Kinder in 1987 discovered that the media

181 Maureen Dowd. New York Time. 2008f, paragraph. 28; 2008g. paragraph 2. 182 Carlin and Winfrey. 2008, 329 183 Ibid 184 Rosalind Chait Bameti. 2007, 164. 69

influences people through both agenda setting and priming (focusing on only certain aspects of a story).185 While media coverage does not tell us what to think, it tells us what topics to think about and how tothink about them.186

Therefore, differences in election coverage along the linesof gender can shape public perceptions and, ultimately, influence the fate of a candidate’s campaign. 1 87

In her 1978 study of the campaigns of men and women running for political office, Susan Gluck Mezy found that women were asked about their familial responsibilities more often than their male counterparts.188 Today, more than

30-years later, this attitude is still prevalent. As shown in the 2008 election, the media focuses much more attention on Sarah Palin’s motherhood and marital status than her counterpart Joe Biden (18.1% vs. 10.4%). When John McCain

185 Iyengar, S., & Kinder, D R. News that matters: Television and public opinion. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987. 186 Heldman, Carroll, and Olson. 2005,316. 187, Heldman, Carroll, and Olson. 2005,317. 188 Susan Gluck Mezy. “Dose Sex Make a Difference? A Case Study of Women in Politics." Western Political Quarterly. 3 1( 1978), 492-501. 70

introduced Palin in Dayton, Ohio, he referred to her as “a devoted wife and a mother of five” and numerous news sources featured that fact.189 What is notable is that not simply being a mother was mentioned, but that it was prominently and repeatedly included in news stories.190 An article appearing in The New York Times exemplifies this trend:

As word of the Palin choice spread, some women said they were

intrigued by what they saw as her unusual mix of last-frontier

pioneer and suburban supermom. She is a ...self-described

hockey mom and PTA member. She has five children, the oldest

a teenager in the Army who will leave for Iraq in September and

the youngest a 4-month-old with Down syndrome.

Because voters were thinking of her as a mother, the media justified its focus.191

However, a career woman who has children and displays them so prominently often invites questions about whether it is possible to juggle

189 Carlin and Winfrey. 2009,332. 190 Ibid. ru • , 191 Kanter, R. M. 1977, 233-236,; Carlin and Winfrey. 2009,333. 71

roles.192 Once the media’s initial infatuation with “supermom” ended, questions surfaced about Palin’s ability to be a good mother and vice president.

Her ability went under even greater scrutiny when it was announced that her

17-year-old daughter was pregnant.193 As the New York Times stated: “with five children, including an infant with Down syndrome and, as the country learned Monday, a pregnant 17-year-old, Ms. Palin has set off a fierce argument among women about whether there are enough hours in the day for her to take on the vice presidency, and whether she is right to try”194 Lost in all of the analysis was the presence of a father toshare theresponsibilities.195

When men run for office and have young children, it is immediately expected that there will be a “first” or “second” mom.196 However, Todd Palin’s role with the children was often dismissed.197

192 Carlin and Winfrey. 2009,333. 193 Carlin and Winfrey. 2009, 333. 194 Kantor and Swarns. New York Times. 2008 paragraph 2. 195 Carlin and Winfrey. 2009,333. we ; . 72

This maternal stereotype not only exists in Palin’s case, but also occurred to

Massachusetts Lt. governor Jane Swift during her 1998 election. Campaigning for this office while pregnant became a political issue and required substantial responses more than two-years later when Swift became Governor, replacing

Paul Cellucci, who accepted an appointment as U.S. Ambassador to

Canada.198According to the November 13, 1998 issue of the Boston Herald,

“when Jane Swift was elected lieutenant governor last week; the first question many people asked was not “what are her plans for governing?’" but “what are her plans for day care?””199 Surely, these types of questions would never be directed towards male politicians. After Jane Swift, Elizabeth Dole was the female candidate who received serious consideration representing a major presidential party nomination. Research on her campaign showed that voters were more likely to learn about her appearance or character than her issue

198 Ann Gordon and Jerry Miller. “Does the Oval Office have a Glass Ceiling? Gender Stereotypes and Perceptions o f Candidate Viability.” The First Woman President. Ed, Joseph Caruso. New York: Nova Science Publishers, 2007, 18. 199 Ibid. 73

positions, and many stories were of her were negative.200 Her role as Bob

Dole’s wife was mentioned in numerous stories and was usually mentioned in the first third of the story. Overall references to her family outpaced those of her opponents 201

The maternal stereotype proved to be powerful in Palin’s campaign but ended up negatively. While there were undoubtedly voters who were attracted to her because they viewed her as a superinom who understood normal people’s issues, the majority of media sentiment was not positive and served to diminish Palin’s credibility.202 The focus on female candidates’ family and marital status can ultimately affect how voters view female candidates’ ability to hold political office and reinforce the gender stereotypes among the public.

Furthermore, while comparing the mentions of capacity, Sarah Palin and Joe

Biden have significant differences on these items (12.1% vs. 5.5%). Women

200 Aday and Devitt.2001, 55. 201 Heldman, Carroll and Olson. 2005, 313-315. 202 Carlin and Winfrey. 2009,335. 74

candidates are often stereotyped as less competent than their male counterparts,203 and this tendency is often reinforced by media coverage of women candidates that focus on their competence rather than their issue positions.204 In no time Governor Palin, who used to be the star of the

Republican Party, lightened the stodgy atmosphere portrayed by the senior

Senator John McCain. While she was initially popular with not only the core of the Republican base, but also with moderates and women voters the charm soon faded as Governor Palin stepped further out into the spotlight, away from

Mr. McCain and started to speak on her own outside of rallies and town hall meetings . After disastrous interviews with Charles Gibson and Katie Couric, the public facade for Sarah Palin began to change, the media began portraying

Sarah Palin as an unfit candidate who lacked the ability to serve as a vice president. According to Kanter’s “pet” or “child” stereotype, a woman being

203 Jeffrey Koch. “The Effect of Candidate Gender on Citizen Evaluation of Senate Candidates.” Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, New York, 1994. 204 Kahn and Goldenberg, 1991.; Pippa Norris. Women. Media and Politics. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997. 75

seen as too weak, naive or unprepared to handle a difficult task without men’s help results in childlike treatment and diminishes a woman’s capacity to fulfill leadership functions.

Media portrayals do transmit messages that women are not as competent and are unsuited to certain offices-whether they have the qualifications or not.205 There is no denying that Palin had strikes against her that contributed to her lack of success, and there are a number of analyses that point out a flawed campaign and inexperience/06 But those strikes were unrelated to her being a woman. Palin was inexperienced and naive much like Dan Quayle was but no one made sexist comments about Quayle and related his lack of qualifications to sex role stereotypes/07 However, when this happened to

Palin, the media easily sold to the public that she was unprepared and totally unqualified to be anywhere near the seat of Presidency. Although recent polls

205 Kanter. R. M. 1977, page, 233-36.: Carlin and Winfrey. 2009, 333. 206 TUM 76

find that 97 percent of Americans say that they would vote for a qualified woman for presidency, the media often distorts the female image and send it to the public.208

The analysis in this study demonstrates that the media did portray female candidates differently than their male rivals in both countries on quantity and quality coverage, which was also evident that Kanter’s four common gender stereotypes can be applied together to both nations. Women candidates also experienced what Jamieson described as a double bind: “Women who are considered feminine will be judged incompetent, and women who are competent, unfeminine...who succeed in politics and public life will be scrutinized under a different lens from that applied to successful men”.209 One assumption for further research is that the public might tend to accept female politicians being portrayed as competent with a tough or masculine image

208 Rhode and Kellerman. 2007, 8. 209 Jamieson. 1995, 16. 77

rather than being portrayed as incompetent or too feminine. Hsiu-Lien Lu who has been elected for the vice president for eight years and is still active among

Taiwan’s politics is an example of this assumption. Along with Hillary Clinton who became the secretary of United States can be described as someone who is not considered feminine enough in the U.S.

Coverage of Palin and Lu reflects the serious challenges this poses for many female candidates, not just those running for the presidency. However, this research offers a starting point for improving coverage, changing the media mindset and a different way to report on female candidates. The process requires continued social movements to reshape social norms and support the participation of female candidates in the public sphere, so that women who launch future presidential bids can enter a more equal news climate. 78

Chapter 5 Conclusion

The findings suggest that female candidates in the recent presidential elections in the U.S. and Taiwan do not receive the same press treatment as male candidates. Sarah Palin, received much more coverage than Joe Biden, but less issue coverage, and the media focused much more on her appearance, family, and capacity coverage. Furthermore, the media associated her with

“female traits” and “feminine issues” when compare to Joe Biden. Hsiu-Lien

Lu received less coverage than Wan-Jhang Siao, but there are no significant differences on issues, appearances, family, and capacity coverage when compared to Wan-Jhang Siao. However, the press continued to associate Lu with “male traits” and described her as not feminine enough and held biases against female candidates in framing her image. Both candidates experienced gender biases from the media during their elections, but in comparison, Sarah

Palin received a higher degree of gender stereotyping than did Hsiu-Lien Lu with the quality of coverage. A possible explanation for this result is that the 79

• • 210 media still has a hard time seeing females outside of their traditional roles.

These findings could also apply to Aubin, Haak and Mangini’s conclusion in

2007:

The media judge female candidates as long shots, so they do not

include them in their coverage. When the media do discuss female

candidates, it is usually negative coverage. The media will highlight

the qualities a candidate lacks, emphasize personality traits or

concentrate only on “female issues.” By concentrating on certain

issues and leaving out others, journalists create “misleading

impressions” about the candidates. This impression is then given to

potential voters, who may disregard the candidates. The issues

highlighted by the media may not be the dominant issues for that

campaign, which makes the female candidates appear out of touch

with the voters.

Over the years females have broken the barrier and entered into various fields of employment. Nevertheless, politics has remained a male-dominated

210 Aubin, Haak and Mangini. 2007, 116. 80

profession and this lack of success could be a result of negative media coverage.211 In fact, when it comes to evaluating candidates “coverage is more influential than gender”.212 Media sources is the major way the public learns about candidates, but the biased positions of the media steers voters toward male candidates and away from female candidates.213 To ensure fair and unbiased media coverage, journalists and editors need to discard old stereotypes of women and concentrate on their issues and not their gender.214

Moreover, Bystrom also notes that it is important for female candidates to build a positive relationship with the media in order to achieve equality within this realm of politics.215 If media coverage becomes more equitable when covering female candidates on quantity and quality coverage, this could be beneficial to women running for executive office in the future. This will provide the opportunity for their issue positions to be taken seriously by the

211 Aubin, Haak and Mangini. 2007, 116. 2,2 Kahn. 1992, 508. 213 Aubin. Haak and Mangini. 2007,117. 2,4 Ibid. 215 Bystrom et al. 2001, 2003.; Alicia Jencik. 2007,135. 81

media, and therefore the general public, on both domestic and international issues. 216

Kanter published her study thirty-three years ago, Kahn and Jamison developed their studies almost twenty years ago. These three studies however complement each other in this recent research, for each to emphasize a different aspect of gender stereotypes in the media. The study not only confirms Kanter’s gender stereotype theory but also Jamison’s double bind, various Kahn’s findings and furthermore reveals that male ideological values still dominate the political field. The media coverage of Sarah Palin and

Hsiu-Lien Lu has been significant, which, for better or for worse, has laid the foundations for higher activity of women in politics.

An area of future research that should be considered is the correlation of the audience’s perception to media coverage and how gender stereotyping influences the public’s view toward female politicians. In addition, researchers

216 Ibid. 82

could conduct empirical studies on political reporters and editors to comprehend if they adopt these gender biases when covering female politicians. Preliminary research in the area of female media coverage in the

U.S. is already being undertaken by researchers, but more work in the global, empirical, and comparative researches are still needed. It is recommended to analyze how the media of different countries portray female politicians and if there are any cultural differences that would influence reporters’ coverage in various countries. Additional research focusing on these aspects would be of great interest and value in understanding the role of media and its influence on female politicians. 83

Bibliography

Aday, S., and Devitt, J. “Style over substance. Newspaper coverage of female candidates: Spotlight on Elizabeth Dole.” The Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics. 6(2001), 52-73. Alexander, Deborah and Andersen, Kristi. “Gender as a Factor in the Attribution of Leadership Traits.” Political Research Quarterly. 46(1993): 527-546. Aubin, Jessica. , Haak, Michelle and Mangini, Andrew. “Media Coverage of Women Candidates.” The First Woman President. Ed, Joseph Caruso. New York: Nova Science Publishers, 2007, 113. Barnett, Rosalind Chait. “Women, Leadership and the Natural Order.” Women and Leadership. Ed, Deborah L. Rhode and Barbara Kellerman. San Francisco: Jossey Bass, 2007, 149-173. Bernstein, R. “Why Are There So Few Women in the House?” Western Political Quarterly. 39 (1986), 155-64. Bowman. A. “Physical Attractiveness and Electability: Looks and Voters.” Women and Politics. 4 (1984): 55-65. Braden, M. Women politicians and the media. Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1996. Braden, Maria. Women Politicians and the Media. 1th Ed. Kentucky: The University Press of Kentucky, 1996. Bystrom, D. G., Robertson, T. A., and Banwart, M. C. “Framing the fight: An analysis of media coverage of female and male candidates in primary races for governor and U.S. Senate in 2000. American Behavioral Scientist. 44 (2001). Bystrom, D. G., Robertson, T. A., and Banwart. M. C. “From the Primary to the General Election: A comparative Analysis of Candidate Media Coverage in Mixed-Gender 2000 Races for Governor and U.S. Senate.” 84

American Behavioral Scientist. 46 (2003): 658-675. Bystrom, Dianne G, Banwart, Mary C., Kaid Lynda L., and Robertson, Terry A.. Gender and Candidate Communication. New York: Routledge, 2004. Carli, Linda L. and Eagly, Alice H. “Overcoming Resistance to Women Leaders: The importance of leadership style.” Women and Leadership. Ed, Deborah L. Rhode and Barbara Kellerman. San Francisco: Jossey Bass, 2007, 127-148. Carlin, Diana B. and Winfrey, Kelly L. “Have You Com a Long Way, Baby? Hillary Clinton, Sarah Palin, and Sexism in 2008 Campaign Coverage.” Communication Studies. 40 (2009): 326-343. Catalyst. Women Take Care. Men Take Charge: Stereotyping of Business Leaders. New York: Catelyst, 2005. CAWP Fact Sheet. Women in elective Office 2006. New Brunswick, NJ: Center for American women and Politics, 2006. Chen, Yi-Ting. “Female Politicians in the Media: Hillary Rodham Clinton and Hsiu-Lien Lu, An Examination of Patriarchal and Feminist Word Usage in Political News, Case analyses of The Post-Standard (Syracuse, NY) and China Times (Taiwan). Morgantown, 2006, 2. Clark, Cal., Clark, Janet, and Chou, Bih-er. “Ambition, Activist Role Orientations, and Alienation among Women Legislators in Taiwan: The Impact of Countersocialization.” Political Psychology. 14 (1993): 494. Deber, R. B. “‘The Fault, Dear Brutus’: Women as Congressional Candidates in Pennsylvania.” Journal of Politics. 144 (1982): 463-79. Devitt, J. Framing gender on the campaign trail: Women’s executive leadership and the press. Report for the White House project Education Fund, 1999. Duerst-Lahti, G “Rreconceiving theories of power: consequences of masculinism in the executive branch.” The other elites. Ed, M. Borrelli and J. M. Martin. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner. 1997, 85

Eagly, Alice and Karau, Steven “Role congruity Theory of Prejudice Toward Female Leaders” Psychological Review. 109(2002): 573-598. Epstein, C. F. “Women and Power: The Role of Women in Politics in the United States.” Access to Power: Cross-National Studies of Women and Elites. Ed. C. F. Epstein and R. L. Closer. Boston: George Allen and Unwin, 1981. Female Heads OF State and Government Currently in Office. 25 May 2010. Martin K.I. Christensen. 17 June 2010. http:/7www.guide2womenleaders.com/Current-Women-Leaders.htm. Gordon, Ann and Miller, Jerry. “Does the Oval Office have a Glass Ceiling? Gender Stereotypes and Perceptions of Candidate Viability.” The First Woman President. Ed, Joseph Caruso. New York: Nova Science Publishers, 2007, 18. Graber, D. A. Mass Media and American Politics. Washington, DC: Congressional Quarterly Press, 1989. ; Patterson, T. E. The Mass Media Election. New York: Praeger, 1980. Heith, Diane J. “Footwear, Lipstick, and an Orthodox Sabbath: Media Coverage of Nontraditiona! Candidates.” The First Woman President. Ed, Joseph Caruso. New York: Nova Science Publishers, 2007, 35. Heldman, C., Carroll, S.J., and Olson, S. “Gender differences in print media coverage of presidential candidates: Elizabeth Dole’s bid for the Republican nomination.” Paper presented at the meeting of the American Political Science Association, Washington, DC. 2008, August. Heldman, C„ Carroll, S.J., and Olson, S. “She brought only a skirt: Print media coverage of Elizabeth Dole’s bid for the Republican presidential nomination.” Political Communication. 22 (2005): 315-335. Hochschild, Arlie. The Second Shift: Working Parents and the Revolution at Home. New York: Viking Penguin, 1989. Reissued in 1997 with new afterword. Published in Great Britain by Piatkus Press. 86

Huddy, Leonie and Terkildsen, Nayda. “The Consequences of Gender stereotypes for Women Candidates at Different Levels and Types of Office.” Political Research Quarterly. 46(1994): 503. Iyengar, S., and D. R. Kinder. News that Matters. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987. Jamieson, K. H. Beyond the double bind: Women and leadership. New York: Oxford University Press, 1995. Johnston, M. “Owen, Schoettler spring from different states, stock.” The Denver Post. 1998, October, 25th, 20. Kahn, K. F. “Does being male help? An investigation of the effects of candidate gender and campaign coverage on evaluations of U. S. Senate candidates.” Journal of Politics. 54(1992): 497-517. Kahn, K. F. “Does gender make a difference? An experimental examination of sex stereotypes and press patterns in statewide campaigns.” American Journal of Political Science. 38(1994b): 162-195. Kahn, K. F. “Senate elections in the news: Examining campaign coverage.” Legislative Studies Quarterly. 16(1991): 349-374. Kahn, K. F. “The distorted mirror: Press coverage of women candidates for statewide office.” Journal of Politics. 560 994a): 154-173. Kahn, K. F. The political consequences of being a woman: How stereotypes influence the conduct and consequences of political campaigns. New York: Columbia University Press, 1996. Kahn, K. F., & Goldenberg, E. N. “Women candidates in the news: An examination of gender differences in U.S. Senate Candidates.” The Public Opinion Quarterly. 55 (1991): 180-199. Kanter, R. M. Men and women of the corporation. New York: Basic Books, 1977. Kennedy, Carole. “Is America Ready For A Woman President? Is the Pope Protestant? Does A Bear Live In A City?” The First Woman President. 87

Ed, Joseph Caruso. New York: Nova Science Publishers, 2007, 8. Keohane, Nannerl O. “Crossing the Bridge.” Women and Leadership. Ed, Deborah L. Rhode and Barbara Kellerman. San Francisco: Jossey Bass, 2007, 65-91. Kimmerly, Piper-Aiken. “Gender Factors in News Media Coverage of Madeleine K. Albright: A Comparative Content Analysis.” Presented at the annual meeting of the International Communication Association, Political Communication Division. San Francisco, May 27-31. Koch, Jeffrey. “The Effect of Candidate Gender on Citizen Evaluation of Senate Candidates.” Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, New York, 1994. Leeper, Michael S. “The Impact of Prejudice on Female Candidates: An Experimental Look at Voter Inference.” American Political Quarterly. 129(1991): 248-261. Matland, Richard. “Putting Scandinavian Equality to the Text: An Experimental Evaluation of Gender Stereotyping of Political Candidates in a Sample of Norwegian Voters.” British Journal of Political Science. 24(1994): 273-292. Mezy, Susan Gluck. “Dose Sex Make a Difference? A Case Study of Women in Politics.” Western Political Quarterly. 31(1978): 492-501. National Women’s Political Caucus Survey (NWPC). 1987. Washington, DC: NWPC. Norris, Pippa. Women. Media and Politics. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997. Rausch, J. D. Jr., Rozell, m. J., and Wilson, H. L. “When women lose: A study of media coverage of two gubernator ial campaigns.” Women and Politics. 20(1999): 1-17. Rhode, Deborah L. and Kellerman, Barbara. “Women and Leadership: The State of Play.” Women and Leadership. Ed, Deborah L. Rhode and 88

Barbara Kellerman. San Francisco: Jossey Bass, 2007, 1-62. Robertson, T., Conley, A., Scymcznska, K., and Thompson, A. “Gender and the media: An investigation of gender, media and politics in the 2000 election.” New Jersey Journal of Communication. 10(2002): 104-117. Robinson, Gertrude, and Armande Saint-Jean. “The Portrayal of Women Politicians in the Media.” Gendered Politics in Contemporary Canada. Ed. Francois-Pierre Gingras. Toronto, Canada: Oxford University Press, 1995. Robinson, M. J., and M. A. Sheehan. Over the Wire and on TV: CBS and UPI in Campaign’ 80. New York: Sage, 1983. Rosenwasser, S. M., R. Rogers, S. Fling, K. Silvers-Pickens, and J. Butemeyer. “Attitudes toward Women and Men in Politics: Perceived Male and Female Candidate Competencies and Participant Personality Characteristics.” Political Psychology. 8 (1987): 191-200. Rossiter, C. The American presidency. New York: Flarcourt, Brace, & World, 1963. Rudman, Laurie A. and Kilianski, Stephen E.. “Implicit and Explicit Attitudes Toward Female Authority.” Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin. 20(2000): 1315. Sapiro, V. “If U.S. Senator Baker Were a Woman: An experimental Study of Candidate Images.” Political Psychology. 2 (1982): 61-83. Schein, Virginia E.. “A Global Look at Psychological Barriers to Women’s Progress in Management.” Journal of Social Issues. 57(2001): 675-688. Shi, Chyun-Fung,. “Representation of Gender in Mass Media in the Light of Bourdieu's Capital: News Coverage of Female Candidates in Political Campaign. A Case Study of Newspaper Reporting on Legislature Campaigns in Taiwan from 1969 to 1992.” ProQuest Dissertations and Theses, 1995, 6. Sivard, R. Women: A world survey. New York: Ford, Rockefeller, and 89

Carnegie, 1985. Smith, K. B. “When all’s fair: Signs of parity in media coverage of female candidates.” Political Communication. 14 (1997): 71-81. Wilson, Marie C.. “It’s Woman Time.” Women and Leadership. Ed, Deborah L. Rhode and Barbara Kellerman. San Francisco: Jossey Bass, 2007, 273. “Women in National Parliaments.” Inter-Parliamentary Union. January 31, 2007. Available online: