The Status of Women in North Carolina Politics

STATUS OF WOMEN IN NORTH CAROLINA POLITICS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank the Meredith College administration for the financial support that made this project possible. These funds allowed the hiring of two outstanding Meredith College students – Emily Hawkins, ’15, and Sidney Shank, ’18. Both women are committed to improving the status of women in North Carolina politics and their commitment made it possible for them to handle the many challenges we faced with this project.

President Jo Allen, Senior Vice President and Provost Matthew Poslusny, Dean Garry Walton, and History and Political Science Department Chair Dan Fountain have encouraged and supported this work. They believed in the value of this work for the College, its students, and for improving the place of women in North Carolina going forward.

The Meredith College Marketing Department also deserves special thanks. The staff used its expertise to communicate the ideas in this report to multiple audiences and developed strategies for creating publicity for the report.

I want to thank the Women’s Forum of North Carolina for supporting earlier research on women in appointed office.

David B. McLennan, Ph.D. Meredith College

Research Assistants Emily Hawkins Sidney Shank

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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Study after study finds that when women seek and serve in political office – elected or appointed – they are as successful as their male counterparts. Yet, women remain severely underrepresented in North Carolina political offices. Although women make up over 54% of the registered voters in the state, women hold

• Less than 25 percent of all appointed and elected offices • Under 20 percent of the elected positions with “taxing and spending” authority • Approximately 18 percent of the positions on “Power Boards” – those with policy-making authority • Slightly over 10 percent of leadership positions (e.g., mayor and board chair) in appointed and elected offices

In the last two decades, women have achieved many “firsts” in North Carolina politics. Elizabeth Dole was elected to the United States Senate in 2002, and Beverly Perdue was elected governor in 2008. Despite the fact that women have been elected to high profile public offices in North Carolina, the total number of women serving in appointed and elected offices has changed little over the last twenty years.

The situation is particularly acute in rural areas of North Carolina where women are not only greatly underrepresented in county and municipal offices, but many areas of North Carolina, there is no history of women ever serving in offices. There are 44 counties, for example, that have no women serving on the board of county commissions, and all are in areas of the state considered by the U.S. Census Bureau to be rural.

The main reason so few women are in appointed or elected office is not overt discrimination or structural deficiencies in the processes used to appoint or elect candidates to office, but the fact that so few women seek these offices. In an increasing frequency, when women run, women win. In the 2014 elections, for example, 25 percent of the candidates across North Carolina on the ballot were women, but 63 percent of these candidates won their races.

These findings point to the need for new solutions to the problems of underrepresentation. For the last few decades, the efforts to increase the number of women serving in political office has relied on a few underfunded nonprofit organizations that recruit or train women to run for office, political parties whose primary mission ignores gender equity, and some token efforts by government to establish commissions or study groups to examine the problem.

The solutions need to be more comprehensive and sustained across North Carolina. Educational institutions, including high schools, colleges, and universities, must take more proactive steps to reverse the trend of young women losing interest in politics as they move

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from their teens to their 20s. Organizations whose missions are about preparing women leaders must join forces and resources to make larger and more sustained efforts at getting more women into the political pipeline. Finally, there needs to be much more awareness, not just about the problem of underrepresentation, but also about the research findings regarding the differences women – Democrat or Republican – make in governing, when they serve.

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INTRODUCTION

Politics is often referred to as the last “glass ceiling” with women being vastly under- represented in political office (Kornblut, 2009). North Carolina has traditionally been a state with one of the largest gender gaps in the country. Currently, 27 percent of all elected officeholders in the state are women, while women are 51.3 percent of the state’s population (Census, 2013). Similarly, women hold about 25 percent of all appointed offices in North Carolina.

North Carolina is not unique in terms of women being underrepresented in political office. Nationally, women are underrepresented at all levels of government.

Women Officeholders in the United States 2015 Office Percent Women U.S. Senate 20.0 Members of the United States House of Representatives 19.3 State Governors 10.0 State Legislators 24.2 Mayors of the 100 Largest Cities 13.0

Source: Center for American Women and Politics, Rutgers University

The problem of women’s underrepresentation is significant and enduring. In the 1980s, the number of women running for and serving in political offices gradually increased. During the 1990s, women improved their numbers in appointed and elected offices more significantly. 1992 was declared the “Year of the Woman,” and the percentage of women serving in state legislatures increased from 18.4 to 20.5 percent after the November midterm elections. The percentage of women serving in state houses gradually increased until 2010, when the total number of women serving in office decreased by 59 women.

North Carolina experienced a similar pattern in terms of women running for and serving in political offices. During the 1992 election, North Carolina had a 12 percent increase in the number of women running for the General Assembly, which produced a net gain of six seats in the House and Senate for women. The percentage of women serving as state legislators grew until the 2010 election, when the state experienced a net decrease of six seats. Since then, the number of women running for and serving in legislative seats, as well as most other political offices in the state, has remained essentially flat.

Analyzing the data further, particularly in North Carolina, reveals that women of color and rural women are even more significantly underrepresented than their white and urban sisters. Nationally, 6.2 percent of the members of Congress are women of color and 5.3 percent of state legislators (CAWP, 2015). North Carolina has one African American woman – Alma Adams – in Congress and ten women of color in the North Carolina General

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Assembly (5.8%), but since 2004, only 2.3% of candidates for elected office in the state have been women of color. Betsy Cochrane Former member of the North Carolina House of Citizens in rural areas of North Carolina have historically had fewer women representing Representatives and them in local and state offices than do those living in the larger metropolitan areas of North Carolina Senate Charlotte, the Triad, and the Triangle. In 2004, forty counties had no women serving on the Board of County Commissioners, all of which were considered rural counties in the state. In Betsy Cochrane’s public 2015, forty-four counties have no women serving on the Board of County Commissioners, service career was filled with with all but three of these among the 85 rural counties in North Carolina. One of the issues many “firsts.” The first woman that rural counties have in terms of women serving in elected office is that significantly fewer elected to the North Carolina women candidates run in these rural counties – about 30 percent fewer candidates than in House from her district in urban counties. Davidson County in 1980, she was also the first woman elected to the North Carolina Just as the situation for women in elected office has improved relatively little over the last Senate from her district in two decades, the number of women serving on political boards and commissions in the Davie County in 1988. Not state has remained relatively low. Women hold about 25 percent of the appointed offices in satisfied with serving as a North Carolina. member of both chambers, Cochrane assumed leadership Often overlooked by many citizens, these appointed political offices play an important positions in both chambers, function in government, but also provide a significant pathway for women entering elected becoming the first woman in office. Summarizing several longitudinal studies on women entering state legislative offices North Carolina to accomplish since 1981, Sanbonmatsu, Carroll, and Walsh (2009) report that a large majority – over 65 that task as she was the percent – of women start their public service careers by having served on a local or state Republican minority leader appointed board. The researchers contrast this with the experience of men who end up in in both the House (1985-88) and Senate (1989), as well as state legislative offices, less than one-third of whom had local or state board experience. chairing the appropriations committees of both chambers. North Carolina’s underrepresentation of women in appointed offices is also reflected around the country. At the federal level, women continue to be underrepresented in key appointed Cochrane attributes her positions like the President’s Cabinet with only forty-five women having served in cabinet- success as a legislator and level positions with most serving in the recent administrations of Presidents Clinton, Bush her ascension into leadership (George W. Bush), and Obama. Despite recent gains in cabinet-level appointments for on the fact that she had “to women, gender equity remains elusive with only nine of the twenty-three cabinet-level work twice as hard as a appointments in President Obama’s current administration being women – 39 percent. woman to earn [her] place in the legislature.” Cochrane said Likewise, the gender gap for state appointed offices is significant with women holding about the most important thing is for 31 percent of the top-level appointed offices (Political Parity, 2012). women seeking elected office “to know what they believe” The issue of women’s underrepresentation does not have simple solutions. Countries and to “be assertive and around the world with the highest percentage of women serving in office, like Sweden at not aggressive,” advice she just over 45 percent of its federal offices, have political parties that enforce quotas on the followed in her two decades in recruitment of women candidates and multi-seat districts, neither of which are likely to the General Assembly. be mandated in the United States. Some states have taken proactive steps to get more Betsy Cochrane is a 1958 women into appointed offices. Several states, such as Iowa (https://openup.iowa.gov), have graduate of Meredith College. legislation requiring gender equity on political boards and commissions. Other states, such as South Carolina and Massachusetts, have bipartisan efforts underway to improve the

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status of women in these key positions. The Southeastern Institute of Women in Politics in South Carolina operates the South Carolina Gubernatorial Appointments Project (SC GAP), a project to recruit qualified women in the state for these appointed positions and forward their names to the governor’s office (http://www.scelectswomen.com/about/sc_gap/). The Massachusetts Government Appointments Project (MassGAP) is a non-partisan collaboration of women’s groups whose purpose is to increase the number of women appointed by each new governor to senior-level cabinet positions, agency heads and selected authorities, boards and commissions in the Commonwealth. The Massachusetts Women’s Political Caucus (MWPC) is the Lead Sponsor of this collaboration. Political Parity, a nonpartisan entity funded by the Hunt Alternatives Fund, has pioneered a national project to increase the number of women appointed to top government posts - The Women’s Appointments Project. The Women’s Appointments Project asks gubernatorial candidates to sign a pledge promising the appointment of women to 50 percent of high-level positions in state government. At the end of 2012, a total of eleven states were participating in the Women’s Appointment Project.

States such as North Carolina have no legislative mandate or charge from the governor to improve gender inequality. Efforts to correct the relative lack of women in appointed and elected offices rests with women’s advocacy groups like the Women’s Forum of North Carolina or the former North Carolina Center for Women in Public Service – now merged with the Institute of Political Leadership (IOPL). Likewise, nonpartisan organizations like IOPL and partisan organizations like Lillian’s List recruit and train women to run for elected office. Although the efforts of these organizations should be lauded, along with those made by other groups supporting women’s rights, the task is large and generally does not capture the public’s attention or become a priority of governors, legislative leaders, or the political parties.

Does Gender Diversity in Political Office Matter?

When Bill Clinton began his tenure as president in 1993, he vowed to make his cabinet “look like America.” Since this statement followed the well-publicized “Year of the Woman” in 1992, those who supported the idea of gender equity in the country had high hopes that the perennial problem of underrepresentation would be resolved. Although Clinton made some progress with his cabinet, the broader goal of appointed offices reflecting the demographics of the nation has yet to be realized.

Beyond the idea that a representative democracy should reflect its population, there are other arguments as to why the makeup of appointed or elected offices matters and why efforts to make this goal of gender equity a reality should be of greater importance to North Carolina citizens and political leaders. Three of the most important reasons political offices should more accurately reflect the gender makeup of North Carolina are

1. Women are role models for other women and, as such, become an inspiration to women becoming interested in public service;

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2. Women bring a different approach to public service and enrich the public discussion about important issues; and 3. Women often use a different leadership style that encourages more inclusiveness and outreach.

The United States was established as a representative democracy. Examining the data about women in appointed and elected office clearly establishes that women do not have adequate representation at the table. Women’s equity in political office should be a goal for symbolic reasons. If children grow up seeing both men and women in the public sphere, boys and girls will grow up fully understanding that public service is an option. In short, it will increase the ambition among girls to serve (Atkeson, 2003; Atkeson and Carrillo, 2007). As Fox and Lawless (2013) argue, high school and college age girls are 40 percent less likely than boys to see themselves as future political leaders. Fox and Lawless describe many reasons, such as girls taking fewer political science or civics courses, receiving less encouragement from their parents to consider politics as a career, and seeing fewer role models in political leadership positions.

Men and women enter public service in different ways. Research is very clear that women tend to develop a more careful plan for seeking a political office than do men, who can make the decision to seek political office on the spur of the moment (Lawless and Fox, 2012, Sanbonmatsu, Carroll, and Walsh, 2009). Part of the decision-making that women go through often involves talking with other women in the same office they are seeking or in a similar office. With fewer women in office, there are fewer opportunities for women with interest in public service to talk to another woman who is currently serving.

For many women, the pathway to elected office starts with appointed office. Summarizing several longitudinal studies on women entering state legislative offices since 1981, Sanbonmatsu, Carroll, and Walsh (2009) report that a large majority – over 65 percent – start their public service career by serving on a local or state appointed board. Researchers contrast this with the experience of men who end up in state legislative offices, less than one-third of whom had local or state board experience before running for the legislature.

Once women get into appointed or elected office, they often bring new approaches and perspectives to governing. Women and men continue to have different life experiences and points of reference, which can translate into a distinctive view of existing political issues and can lead to new issues being considered by political bodies. There is significant scholarly research that demonstrates that male and female legislators’ priorities and preferences differ (Burrell, 1996; Dodson, 1998; Gerrity, Osborn, and Mendez, 2007; Swers, 2002). Women’s increased presence in positions of political power, therefore, reduces the possibility that gender-salient issues will be overlooked. Studies show that the higher percentage of women in these bodies produces higher rates of bill passage of women- friendly policies (Berkman and O’Conner, 1993; Crowley, 2004, Poggione, 2004).

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More women in political offices also infuse different leadership styles to governance. Women are more likely than men to adopt an approach to governing that emphasizes congeniality, cooperation, and participation, whereas men tend to emphasize hierarchy (Weikart et al, 2006; Kathlene, 1994, 1995; Tolleson-Rinehart, 1991). This different approach to leadership often has very tangible results in legislative bodies. Bodies with a significant number of women, particularly those chaired by women, often invite more public and expert input on policy issues and spend more time deliberating issues than when men hold a significant number of the seats in the legislative body or chair the group. In addition, women often have a stronger record on constituent services (Carroll, 2003).

The question, particularly as it pertains to this report, is what kind of critical mass of women is necessary to affect the political and policy processes? Dahlerup (2007) argues that women must make up at least 30 percent of the body in order for the group to consider new policy alternatives or have a more open process by which they work. Although not all scholars agree with this 30 percent threshold, they agree that a board or legislative body with a very small percentage of women can lead to the marginalization of women’s voices. Given the historical and contemporary data on women in office in North Carolina, critical mass has not been reached and, therefore, both the way in which government works and a full range of policy alternatives have not been realized.

History

The history of women serving in North Carolina political offices in significant numbers is relatively recent – within the last thirty years. Before the 1980s, women serving in elected offices and prominent appointed offices were rare. This pattern was not unique to North Carolina. The first woman to serve in Congress was Jeannette Rankin of Montana, who was elected in 1917. It was not until the 1980s that women held a full 5 percent of the seats in Congress on a consistent basis.

Likewise, the first woman elected as a state’s governor, Nellie Tayloe Ross of Wyoming, was elected in 1925 to replace her deceased husband. Yet, it wasn’t until 1975 that the first woman was elected on her own – Ellen Grasso of Connecticut – instead of as a replacement for her spouse. Even in 2015, 23 states have yet to elect a woman chief executive.

North Carolina’s history of electing women to office mirrors that of the nation and, in many ways, the state is typical of the struggle of women, particularly in the Southeast, to achieve a critical mass necessary to fundamentally transform the governing or policy-making processes.

Some of the early pioneers in women’s politics in North Carolina came from its mountain counties. Lillian Exum Clement of Asheville was the first woman elected to the General Assembly in 1920, winning her primary contest before the 19th Amendment passed, thus giving women in North Carolina and the nation the right to vote. The first woman elected

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to a state legislature in the South, Clement became a one-term Democratic member of the North Carolina House of Representatives, where she introduced 17 bills. Like several other women pioneers in elected office, Clement’s tenure was very short, as she chose not to run for reelection, in part as a result of marrying E. Eller Stafford in 1921.

Also from Western North Carolina, Jackson County native Getrude Dills McKee was the first woman elected to the North Carolina Senate in 1930. McKee had a long history of public service before being elected to the General Assembly; she served on the Jackson County Board of Education and the North Carolina Commission on Education, as well as many other civic organizations. McKee served three full terms and was elected to the fourth in 1948, but passed away soon after the election.

At the federal level, Eliza Jane Pratt was the first woman from North Carolina to serve in Congress, winning a special election in 1946 to replace Representative William Burgin, who passed away in office. A Democrat, Pratt had previously worked as a legislative assistant to Burgin, and she chose not to run in the 1946 general election. After serving six months in the House, Pratt returned to administrative assistant positions in the federal government and eventually became the legislative assistant for Representative A. Paul Kitchen from North Carolina’s 8th district.

After Pratt ended her short tenure in Congress, it was almost a half century before Eva Clayton was elected to the United States House of Representatives. Clayton, who won a special election to succeed the unexpired term of Walter Jones, Sr., was the first African American elected to represent North Carolina in Congress since Reconstruction and served until 2003. It was during Clayton’s tenure in office that other women from North Carolina were elected to Congress.

Republican Elizabeth Dole became the first women to serve in the US Senate from North Carolina, winning election in 2002. She brought a long history of public service into her role as senator, having served as Secretary of Transportation in the Reagan Administration and Secretary of Labor in the George H.W. Bush administration. In 2008, she lost her reelection bid to Democrat Kay Hagan.

North Carolina became one of 26 states to have a woman governor in 2008, when it elected Democrat Beverly Perdue as the state’s chief executive. She succeeded Mike Easley, with whom she served as Lt. Governor for two terms. In serving in the state’s executive branch, Perdue joined seven other women who have served in a variety of Council of State positions. It was Elaine Marshall who became the first woman elected statewide to a Council of State position when she beat Richard Petty in 1996 and won the Secretary of State position, where she still serves.

In the judiciary, Rocky Mount native Susie Sharp was a pioneer for women in North Carolina and the nation. The only woman in her University of North Carolina School of Law class, Sharp was appointed to the Superior Court by Governor Kerr Scott in 1949, making her the

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first woman in the state to be a judge. In 1962 Governor Terry Sanford appointed Sharp as Susan Johnson Associate Justice on the North Carolina Supreme Court, another first, and in 1974, Sharp Sheriff of Currituck County garnered 74 percent of the statewide vote to become the first woman elected to a Chief Justice role for a state court in the country. Senator Sam Ervin even recommended to Susan Johnson from Currituck County occupies a unique President Richard Nixon that Sharp become the first woman appointed to the United States position in North Carolina Supreme Court, but Nixon rejected his suggestion (Hayes, 2008). politics—she is the only woman serving as a sheriff in These are but a few of the political milestones for women in North Carolina politics. At North Carolina. A Democrat, the local level, Isabella Cannon was elected as mayor of Raleigh in 1977 at the age of 73. Johnson was elected for the Known as “the little old lady in tennis shoes,” Cannon was the first woman mayor of a major first time in 2000, when she city in North Carolina. joined Barbara Pickens of Lincoln County as the only These and other women who have blazed political trails throughout North Carolina are women serving as the chief remarkable in their own right. The larger story is that, despite the successes of these and law enforcement officer at the other women and North Carolina’s reputation as a progressive state for much of the 20th county level. Pickens retired Century, progress has been slow for achieving equality. in 2006 and no other woman, except Johnson, has served as sheriff since. Asked why she has run for reelection three times, Johnson said “I remain as dedicated to the duties of the office of sheriff today as I was when I began this challenging and rewarding adventure.” Johnson believes that she brings a different perspective to the office of sheriff. “My perspective as a woman in situations differs from my male counterparts because I lean more toward the idea of working toward the root of the problem than just affecting an arrest and solving the current incident,” Johnson said. The citizens of Currituck County clearly see the benefits of Johnson’s perspective and have kept her as sheriff through four elections.

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WOMEN AS VOTERS IN NORTH CAROLINA

When the future 19th Amendment was being debated in North Carolina, many groups were aligned against giving women the right to vote. Democrats, particularly in eastern North Carolina, many churches, and the textile industry thought that giving women the right to vote would have many consequences, such as suffrage being fully extended to African Americans or damage to the institution of marriage. A sign hanging over the Hotel Raleigh in the summer of 1920 expressed the sentiment of these groups: “Politics are bad for women and women are bad for politics.”

Beginning in the middle and latter parts of the 20th Century, women have become a numerical majority of voters in North Carolina and have become a political force at the ballot box, often determining the outcome of key elections in the state. Voting is the major way in which women shape public policy in the state.

Two concepts are important to understand women as voters in contemporary elections: voter turnout and gender gap. Both concepts speak to the power of women as voters and, indirectly, to women serving in elected office.

Voter Registration

It has long been the case that women of voting age have outnumbered men in North Carolina. Voter registrations reflect this fact:

Source: NC Board of Elections

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Voter turnout is the percentage of those registered that actually vote. At the national level, the turnout for women has exceeded that of men in every presidential election since 1980. In non-presidential election years, or midterm election years, women have turned out at a higher percentage than have men. This is not true in North Carolina, where voter turnout for men has exceeded that of women since 2008.

Despite the recent trend of men turning out to vote at a higher rate than women, the increasingly large number of women registered voters means that more women than men have voted in every election since 1980. In recent years, that gap has become very pronounced:

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Gender Gap in Voting Behavior

Not only is the number of women voting relative to men important, but it is also important to look at voting tendencies. Over the last twenty years, there has been discussion and research into the gender gap in voting. Since the election of Bill Clinton to the presidency in 1992, there has been a profound schism in voting behavior with a majority of women supporting Democratic presidential candidates and a majority of men supporting Republican presidential candidates.

The gender gap has many causes, but research supports the perception that Democrats favor policy positions held by a majority of women. In a recent Pew Research poll (2012), there were significant gender differences in terms of women favoring a more activist government, more social programs for the disadvantaged, fewer restrictions on abortion, support of same- sex marriage, and protections for the environment. Furthermore, the women who supported these policy positions felt that Democratic candidates held positions on these and other issues that were similar to their own.

In North Carolina, the profound gender gap has been more recent with the majority of women voting for Barack Obama for president in 2008 and 2012, rather than the Republican opponent.

Percentage of Men and Women Voting for Presidential Candidates 2004 2008 2012 Men Bush 60 McCain 56 Romney 54 Kerry 38 Obama 43 Obama 45 Women Bush 54 McCain 44 Romney 49 Kerry 46 Obama 55 Obama 51

The 2008 election demonstrated the importance of women in North Carolina voting, as they turned the state into a battleground state. Since 1976, a majority of North Carolina voters had supported Republican presidential candidates, but in 2008, Obama used a 22-point advantage in unmarried women voters to earn a narrow victory over John McCain by approximately 10,000 votes. Women of color also helped reverse the four decade trend, as almost 98 percent of African American females voted for Obama for president.

In the 2008 United States Senate race between incumbent Elizabeth Dole and Democratic challenger Kay Hagan, the gender gap in voting, particularly among unmarried women, propelled Hagan’s victory over the incumbent. Hagan’s advantage with unmarried women was thirty points (62%-32%), while her overall advantage among all women was 14 percentage points.

In 2014, Kay Hagan lost her reelection bid to Republican challenger Thom Tillis, in part because she did not retain the support of women voters, as was suggested by many polls

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leading up to election day. Hagan’s advantage among women voters was 13 percent, but because fewer women voted than in a Presidential election year, she was unable to sustain her reelection bid given Tillis’s 14 percentage point advantage among male voters. In a September 2014 Elon University poll, Hagan was found to have a lead of almost 20 points among women. Had this gap remained on Election Day, Hagan could have narrowly defeated Tillis and retained her Senate seat.

Despite Hagan’s recent loss, the women’s vote in North Carolina is the cornerstone of Democratic candidates’ support for the foreseeable future. Republicans have worked hard to cut into the gender gap in voting, particularly during midterm elections, like 2014, but this voting gap continues and poses major concerns for GOP candidates as demographic projections show that the total number of women voters is expected to grow faster than the total number of men voters.

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WOMEN AS CANDIDATES IN NORTH CAROLINA Ronda Jones Stokes County Board of Commissioners The Challenges of Getting Women into Public Service One of the first women to be The number of women entering appointed and elected office has slowly increased over elected to any political office time, but not to the same degree as women entering professions such as law or medicine. in Stokes County, Ronda In these areas many structural barriers have been reduced or removed, such as those Jones is a strong believer related to admissions practices of law and medical schools. There are no such structural that women must persevere barriers to women seeking public service offices, but there are many factors affecting to achieve gender equity women considering a career, or even part-time service as an elected or appointed in political offices. Jones, a officeholder. Women still bear most of the child and senior care responsibilities in society, Republican, lost her first race making it difficult to find the time to squeeze public service into their busy lives. Also, for the Stokes County Board of County Commissioners. because women tend to find professional success somewhat later in their lives and relatively After winning election in few political positions in the state pay a full-time salary, the economic realities of running November 2010, Jones is and serving are real. These realities, however, do not explain fully why few women seek now the Chair of the Board appointed and elected office in North Carolina. of County Commissioners. When asked what gave her A generation ago, there were widely held beliefs about why so few women ran for office. Up the perseverance to run again until the late 1970s and early 1980s, there was evidence that there was overt discrimination after losing, Jones said that against women running for office and that electoral gatekeepers made it very difficult for she had many female role women to run for office (Githens and Prestage, 1977; Kirkpatrick, 1974). The climate of overt models, including a “paternal discrimination is increasingly uncommon (Woods, 2000). Even some of the most widely held great-grandmother who stereotypes, such as the idea that women cannot raise money to the same degree as men, worked outside the home in an important indicator of electoral success, has been disproven (Cook, 1998; Fox, 2010; a textile mill and a paternal Lawless and Pearson, 2008). grandmother who worked over 50 years for Burlington Industries.” These family Given that many barriers to electoral success have been reduced or eliminated, there are influences made her realize still challenges that women must overcome to achieve gender equity in office holding. that running for political office The most obvious reason for slow growth in the number of women officeholders is the was possible because she incumbency advantage. The facts that men hold a significant majority of political offices had already “broken from in the country and state and that, historically, incumbents win 70-95 percent of the time, the traditional stereotypes depending on the office, make it difficult for women to quickly change the numbers. Also, for women of my generation” women are just recently moving into the professions considered to be the natural pipelines and that she felt she “owed it to political office; thus, there is a lag between more women becoming lawyers, business to all women to do what she executives, and other occupations that more likely lead to political careers and running for could for her community.” offices (Lawless and Fox, 2010). As the only woman serving on the Board of County The largest challenge, however, is in the motivation women have to enter politics. Political Commissioners, Jones feels that her voice “inspires other scientists Jennifer Lawless and Richard Fox argue that women are successful in achieving young women to see their political office if they actively seek out offices (Lawless and Fox, 2012). Their research on the value and potential.” political pipeline demonstrates that women are half as likely as men to see themselves in office and half as likely again to take any steps to seek the office.

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One issue is women’s self-perception. Men are 60 percent more likely to see themselves as well qualified for political office. Even highly qualified women often do not see themselves as suitable for office as even less qualified men. This self-perception, coupled with the research finding that women are encouraged to run for office about 40 percent less frequently than equally qualified men – by elected officeholders, party officials, friends, and family members – illustrates another reason why women across the nation and in North Carolina are outnumbered on the ballot by a 3-to-1 margin.

For the last two decades, however, women have won offices at an increasing rate, particularly in open seat elections. To put it bluntly, in a majority of cases, when women run, women win.

The 2014 Ballot in North Carolina

The situation described by Lawless and Fox delineates the difficulty for increasing the number of women in elected office in North Carolina. Women were 25 percent of the office- seekers in the 2014 general election, or 525 out of 2,097 candidates on the ballot. These women, however, won almost two-thirds of the races.

Office Women as a percentage Percentage of women of candidates winning the race Federal 20 50 North Carolina Senate 27 54 North Carolina House 23 59 District Attorney 19 77 County Offices 24 62 Judicial 30 74 Average 25 63

The percentage of women on the North Carolina ballot has declined since the 2010 midterm election, a trend reflected in many states around the country. It also led to the decline in the number of women serving.

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Further analysis of the data about women who run for office in North Carolina indicates that there is a disparity in women’s representation between urban and rural areas of the state. In the 15 urban counties in North Carolina, women hold just over 31 percent of all the ballot positions, while in the 85 remaining counties, women comprise just 23 percent of the candidates3. Of these rural counties, Brunswick and Granville had no women on the ballot other than those for federal or statewide judicial seats. Eleven other rural counties had only one or more women running for either Clerk of Superior Court or Register of Deeds, two elected offices with little or no policy-making authority and long considered to be more administrative offices4.

3 The 15 urban counties, as determined by the US Census Bureau, are: Buncombe, Cabarrus, Cumberland, Durham, Forsyth, Gaston, Guilford, Iredell, Johnston, Mecklenburg, New Hanover, Orange, Pitt, Union, and Wake.

4 The counties with only one or more women as candidates for Clerk of Superior Court or Register of Deeds are: Bladen, Cleveland, Davie, Edgecombe, Gates, Hyde, Jackson, Person, Robeson, Surry, and Wilkes.

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It is worth noting, however, that women win their electoral races in urban and rural counties at almost the same frequency.

In terms of candidate success, there is little question that fundraising is critical. Very few candidates enjoy the process, especially considering that the amount of money necessary to be successful in a competitive legislative or statewide race has increased so much in recent years. The average amount raised by both candidates, for example, in the ten most competitive state legislative races in 2014 was over $600,000 with one race – the NC Senate District 18 race – approaching almost $2 million in funds raised by both candidates.

There continues to be a belief among some prospective women candidates that men have the advantage in raising money, despite scholarly research to the contrary. The fundraising totals from 2014 support the findings of research across the nation that women are as good, if not better, at fundraising than their male counterparts. In examining the 28 most competitive races across the state (i.e., a margin of victory less than 10%), women outraised men by almost 30 percent.

The large margin can be somewhat attributed to the incumbency advantage of candidates such as US Senator Kay Hagan, but even when looking only at open seat races where there is no incumbency advantage, women outperform men in fundraising by over 20 percent.

20 MEREDITH COLLEGE STATUS OF WOMEN IN NORTH CAROLINA POLITICS

The primary reason for the large gap between the number of men and women who run for office in North Carolina is a significant gap in political ambition. Put briefly, men and women do not have equal interest in seeking elected office. As Fox and Lawless (2014) argue, while men’s interest in running for political office has remained steady over the last decade, women’s interest has dropped. According to their research, only 14 percent of women express any interest in running for political office at some point in the future, while over 23 percent of men state a similar ambition. As Fox and Lawless point out, these differences hold across political party, income level, age, race, profession, and region.

This decrease in women’s political ambition in the state and nation must be examined against the political realities that most voters seem to have no political biases against women running for office and that women can perform the tasks necessary for being a successful candidate, such as raising money, as indicated above.

Fox and Lawless identify three significant barriers to women’s candidate emergence:

1. Gendered perceptions of the qualifications to run for office and of the electoral environment. Men are 60 percent more likely than women to assess themselves as “very qualified” to run for office. Women are twice as likely to consider themselves as “not at all qualified.” These differences exist even when women report equal knowledge of the political process and policy issue, have similar experience in volunteering for political campaigns or attending public meetings, and have equivalent experiences such as serving on nonprofit boards. In addition to differences in perceived qualifications to run for office, women are more likely to perceive the electoral environment as biased against women, even when voters suggest otherwise.

2. Gendered patterns of political recruitment. Women are encouraged to run signifi- cantly less often than men. Overall women are 40 percent less likely to be encouraged by political actors — elected officials, party official, or political activists — than are men.

MEREDITH COLLEGE 21 STATUS OF WOMEN IN NORTH CAROLINA POLITICS

Equally important, according to Fox and Lawless, is that women are 25 percent less Elaine Marshall likely to be encouraged by friends, professional colleagues, and family members to run N.C. Secretary of State for office than are men.

Longtime Secretary of State 3. Gendered household roles and responsibilities. Women continue to bear most of Elaine Marshall is one of the the household and childcare responsibilities in relationships and, as scholar Duerst-Lahti most well-known women in (2005) argues, “women may now think about running for office, but they probably think North Carolina politics. She about it while making up the bed.” made history when she was the first woman elected to Other research reveals a variety of other factors that affect this difference in political an executive branch position ambition. Fox and Lawless (2013) state that men and women are exposed to less political statewide, beating NASCAR information and discussion while in high school and college and are, therefore, socialized legend Richard Petty in the 1996 race for the Council of to be less interested in seeking political office. This finding reflects the research of political State position. Marshall has scientist Bruce Bimber (1999) who argues that women 18-24 see a significant decline in been reelected four times and their interest in and exposure to politics, leading to a “lost generation” of women who do not is the longest serving elected regain their political interest until their mid-to-late 30s. member of the executive branch in North Carolina. Prior As reflected in the next section of this report, fewer women serve in elected offices in rural to her election as Secretary of parts of the state. As Fox and Lawless and other researchers suggest, places in North State, Marshall served in the Carolina without many women serving in elected office are unlikely to have many women North Carolina Senate and was step forward to run for office, thus creating a vicious cycle. long involved in the county and state Democratic Party. As The academic research and data from the candidacies of women in North Carolina the first woman elected to the elections demonstrate that existing practices for getting more women to run are simply Council of State, Marshall has been joined over the years by not enough. There needs to be a concerted effort to change the political culture of North seven other women, including Carolina, and recommendations for beginning this process will be made at the end of this current officeholders June report. Atkinson (Superintendent of Public Instruction), Cherie Berry (Commissioner of Labor), Janet Cowell (State Treasurer), and Beth Wood (State Auditor). A strong advocate for women in politics, Marshall’s decision to get involved in public service was rooted in her childhood. “When I grew up I witnessed instances of inequity and discrimination in my community, directed at men, women, children, and families who would have little chance of realizing their dreams…I stood up for people without a voice,” Marshall said.

22 MEREDITH COLLEGE STATUS OF WOMEN IN NORTH CAROLINA POLITICS

WOMEN IN ELECTED OFFICES IN NORTH CAROLINA

There are almost five thousand elected officeholders in North Carolina. A few, such as governor and United States Senator, are prominent and get a great deal of attention from citizens. Most, however, are at the county or city level, and those who occupy the offices are known to relatively few.

Across the spectrum of political offices in North Carolina, some elected offices, such as county sheriff, are virtually barren of women, while other offices, such as Clerk of Superior Court or Register of Deeds, have strong majorities of women. This lack of uniformity of representation also extends to the urban and rural areas of the state. Urban areas, like the Triangle and Charlotte, have a good number of women serving in almost every type of elected office. Rural areas are often a different story with few, if any, women serving in offices, especially policy-making positions.

The data about women serving in elected offices in North Carolina point to the need for more women candidates for all offices in the state. Women candidates – both Democrat and Republican – do well when they run, especially in statewide races. As the previous section on women candidates demonstrates, there are places and races in which no women run, and new solutions are needed in these locations.

Congress

Since North Carolina elected Eliza Jane Pratt to the United States House of Representatives in 1946, eight women have served in Congress. Although the first two women elected to Congress were Democrats, the history of women in the North Carolina delegation demonstrates that North Carolina is indeed a “purple state” in terms of being almost equally divided between voters who favor Democrats or Republicans. On the statewide level, voters elected Republican Elizabeth Dole to the U.S. Senate in a midterm election and Democrat Kay Hagan in a presidential election year.

Kay Hagan (D) US Senator 2009-2015 Alma Adams (D) US House 2014 present Renee Ellmers (R) US House 2011-present Virginia Foxx (R) US House 2005-present Sue Myrick (R) US Representative 1995-2013 Elizabeth Dole (R) US Senator 2003-2009 Eva Clayton (D) US Representative 1992-2003 Eliza Jane Pratt (D) US Representative 1946-1947

MEREDITH COLLEGE 23 STATUS OF WOMEN IN NORTH CAROLINA POLITICS

North Carolina’s three-woman delegation in Congress slightly exceeds the national average (20 percent v. 19.4 percent), and relative to most Southeastern states, North Carolina compares favorably. As discussed earlier, women still constitute a small minority in Congress, not coming close to the 30 percent threshold that researchers suggest will dramatically affect how Congress functions.

In this era of extreme polarization in Congress, more women could increase the chances for actual bi-partisanship on some issues. As Swers (2013) argues, women are more aggressive advocates for legislation affecting women, children, and families, even across party lines. She goes on to argue that the presence of more women in a deliberative body on all issues affects the quality of debate and decision-making, even among men. Consequently, legislators rely less on their talking points and ideological positions and have more substantive debates on the merits of issues when more women are present. This effect is supported by other researchers who studied legislators’ deliberations about abortion, defense, and social welfare programs (Hawkesworth, 2003, Dodson, 2006, Swers, 2007).

The issue of increasing women in North Carolina’s congressional delegation is similar to that of increasing women’s representation in other political offices. Six of the thirty candidates for Congress on the General Election ballot in 2014 were women. This fact illustrates the fundamental issue in the state that relatively few women run for elected offices, but they are likely to win when they run. Given the incumbency advantage for U.S. House races and the politically gerrymandered districts in these races, it is not likely that significantly more women will run until retirements or resignations create open seat elections, as they did this year in the 6th and 12th Districts. The best scenario for women to enter Congress is through the U.S. Senate because women of both parties perform better in statewide races. Also, as we have seen over recent decades, the incumbency advantage is not nearly as strong in these races.

24 MEREDITH COLLEGE STATUS OF WOMEN IN NORTH CAROLINA POLITICS

Executive Branch

North Carolina has a strong recent history of electing women to statewide executive leadership positions. Elaine Marshall was the first woman elected to the Council of State in 1996 when she won the Secretary of State office. Since then, seven other women have been elected or appointed to executive positions, including governor.

There are ten elected positions in the executive branch of North Carolina3.

Janet Cowell (D) State Treasurer 2009-present Beth Wood (D) State Auditor 2009-present June Atkinson (D) State Superintendent of Public Instruction 2005-present Cherie Berry (R) Commissioner of Labor 2001-present Elaine Marshall (D) Secretary of State 1997-present Beverly M. Perdue (D) Governor 2009-2013 Lt. Governor 2001-2009 Patricia N. Willoughby (D)4 State Superintendent of Public Instruction 2004-2005 Meg Scott Phipps (D) Commissioner of Agriculture 2001-2003

Over the last 15 years, North Carolina has exceeded the national average in terms of having women elected to offices in the executive branch of state government.

Source: Center for American Women in Politics

3 Governor, Lt. Governor, Secretary of State, Attorney General, Commissioner of Agriculture, Commissioner of Insurance, Commissioner of Labor, State Auditor, State Treasurer, and Superintendent of Public Instruction.

4 Patricia N. Willoughby was appointed to fill the unexpired term of Mike Ward.

MEREDITH COLLEGE 25 STATUS OF WOMEN IN NORTH CAROLINA POLITICS

The success of women being elected to Council of State offices in North Carolina can be attributed to the fact that more women run for these offices than they do for legislative offices – 35 percent v. 24 percent – and that women have a greater chance of winning in statewide races than in some districts in the state.

Legislative Branch

Between 1979 and 1993, the number of women serving in the 50 U.S. state legislatures doubled. Although North Carolina did not see the same growth in the number of women legislators, the percentage of women in the General Assembly grew by over 50 percent. Since 1993, both at the state and national levels, the growth rate of women serving as legislators slowed. At the national level women gained 3.2 percentage points, while in North Carolina they gained 4.6 percentage points.

These slow gains have happened at the same time that women earned graduate and professional degrees at an increasing rate and/or were moving up the corporate ladder. By 2012, women were 44 percent of those graduating from law school.

As stated earlier in this report, there are many reasons for this slowdown in women serving in the state legislature. The incumbency advantage and women’s reticence in becoming candidates for legislative seats (just over 24 percent of the candidates for General Assembly seats in 2014 were women) have been discussed.

Two other issues are related to the slowing growth rate of women serving as legislators.

1. The loss of multi-member districts in North Carolina – Until the redistricting after the 2000 Census, North Carolina, like other states had multiple representatives elected from one geographic region. These districts have been consistently demonstrated to be associated with higher numbers of women state legislators (Arceneaux, 2001; Carroll; 1994; Hogan, 2001). Darcy, Welch, and Clark (1994) argue that parties and voters in multimember districts use this opportunity to seek representational balance by sex.

2. The increased strength of the Republican Party in North Carolina politics – Although Republicans in North Carolina have elected women at all levels of government in the state, Democrats in the state and nation continue to elect more women.

26 MEREDITH COLLEGE STATUS OF WOMEN IN NORTH CAROLINA POLITICS

As the following charts demonstrate, the number of women in the General Assembly peaked between 2007-09, and the percentage of women legislators is now the same as Susan Myrick U.S. House of it was 10 years ago. This trend mirrors that of women office holders in other states, as the Representatives percentage of elected women nationally peaked at the same time it did in North Carolina. U.S. Representative Sue Myrick made history when she was elected as the first and (to date) only female Mayor of Charlotte in 1987. She continued setting milestones in 1995, when she became the first Republican woman to represent North Carolina in Congress. She then won re-election nine times and served her Charlotte-area district until January 2013. During her tenure, she served on the Energy & Commerce Committee and the Intelligence Committee. Myrick was particularly known for being one of the more conservative members of the chamber and was active in well-known caucuses that matched her beliefs, including the Republican Study Committee and the Tea Party Caucus. She became well known in her later congressional years for her strong views about protecting the country from terrorists. Myrick considered former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher to be her political role model because . she thought that “[Thatcher] stood up for what she believed and fought for for what is right, no matter the odds stacked against her.”

MEREDITH COLLEGE 27 STATUS OF WOMEN IN NORTH CAROLINA POLITICS

An examination of the geographic homes of women serving in the North Carolina General Assembly reveals that far more women serve from urban or suburban legislative districts than from rural districts.

In the North Carolina House, women from urban and suburban counties – particularly Durham, Guilford, Forsyth, Mecklenburg, and Wake counties – outnumbered women legislators from rural counties over 2.5 to 1. The women serving are also heavily concentrated within the I-85 to I-95 areas of the state, as demonstrated by the following figure.

Districts for the N.C. House

Alleghany Ashe Northampton Gates Surry C Currituck Stokes 91 Warren a 90 Rockingham 65 Caswell 32 m 93 Person d Vance Hertford P e 2 27 a n 94 5 sq Watauga Granville Halifax uo ta Wilkes 74 Forsyth 62 Guilford n Yadkin k 72 50 Perquimans 57 63 7 Mitchell Avery 73 59 Franklin 75 Durham Bertie Cho 87 71 58 Orange wan 1 79 60 Alamance 31 Nash C 40 Yancey aldwell Davie 25 Madison Alexander 61 64 23 85 84 56 2930 49 Edgecombe Tyrrell 118 35 86 Davidson 70 34 Martin Washington 96 11 38 115 Iredell 81 Randolph 39 Buncombe McDowell Burke 80 Chatham 33 are 77 41 36 24 114 Catawba Rowan Wake Wilson Haywood 89 95 54 26 8 Swain 116 78 37 Pitt 76 6 Lincoln 9 119 Rutherford 98 Lee Greene Beaufort Graham 117 97 Johnston Hyde Mecklenburg 67 Cabarrus 51 Jackson 112 Harnett 28 Henderson Cleveland 110 108 107 82 Wayne Polk Gaston 101 106 Stanly Montgomery Moore 53 120 113 Cherokee Macon 111 99 83 Lenoir Transylvania 109 103 12 Craven Clay 102104 52 10 3 Pamlico 92 66 42 105 69 43 Sampson 4 Hoke Jones 100 88 55 Richmond 44 45 68 Union Anson Cumberland 21 Duplin 13 Scotland 22 14 Carteret 48 = Districts Represented by Women 47 Onslow Robeson 16 Bladen 15 Pender

46 20 Columbus 18 New Hanover

Brunswick 19 17

Districts for the N.C. Senate

Alleghany Gates C Ashe Northampton am Currituck Surry Stokes Warren de Rockingham Caswell Person n 30 Vance P 45 Hertford a 26 Granville sq Watauga 22 Halifax uo 4 ta Wilkes n Forsyth 20 Perquimans k Yadkin 31 Guilford Avery Franklin Bertie Mitchell 32 27 Orange Chowan 28 Alamance Durham 3 Caldwell 15 Nash Yancey Alexander Davie Wake 18 Tyrrell be Madison 24 Edgecom Washington Iredell 16 Martin Davidson 1 42 34 23 11 14 are 49 McDowell Burke Randolph Chatham Wilson Catawba 47 Rowan 33 17 Pitt Haywood Buncombe Swain 46 5 Greene Lincoln 44 Lee Johnston Beaufort Hyde Rutherford 29 12 Graham Henderson 41 Cleveland Cabarrus Harnett Wayne 50 Jackson 48 43 Polk 36 Stanly Montgomery Moore Gaston 38 Lenoir Cherokee Transylvania 40 Macon Mecklenburg 7 Craven Pamlico Clay 37 39 21 10 35 Hoke Jones Anson Richmond Sampson Union 19 2 25 Cumberland Duplin

Scotland 6 Carteret

Onslow = Districts Represented by Women Robeson Bladen Pender

8 13

Columbus 9

New Hanover Brunswick

Although the urban-rural disparity is not as pronounced in the North Carolina Senate, the number of women serving from urban and suburban counties is twice that of women from rural counties.

The North Carolina legislature is important for shaping public policies that affect daily lives of North Carolinians. Women in the General Assembly have important roles in shaping

28 MEREDITH COLLEGE STATUS OF WOMEN IN NORTH CAROLINA POLITICS

policies such as education, transportation, and social welfare. Studies have shown that women influence the policymaking and decision-making processes of state legislatures. Their presence in the legislature even affects the political participation of women in the state (Burns, Schlozman, and Verba, 2001).

For these reasons, the slowing of growth in the number of women in the General Assembly underscores the importance of continuing recruitment efforts to encourage women to run for these offices, particularly in the rural parts of the state.

Judicial Branch

Judges Presidential, congressional, gubernatorial, and state legislative races command most of the attention from the media and voters, but in recent election years, some of the most hotly contested races in North Carolina have been for judicial offices. In 2012 and 2014, races for the Supreme Court attracted a great deal of money and attention. As in North Carolina, 37 other states elect judges. These officials make important decisions every day about public policies in North Carolina, and these offices have been the place where women have made the greatest strides toward gender equity in elected offices in the state.

Nationally, women made up 29 percent of all state judgeships in 2014 (NAWJ 2014) with 24 states, including North Carolina, exceeding a 30 percent threshold and only two states with 15 percent or less of their judgeships filled with women.

• The North Carolina Court System has elected judges in four types of courts – two at the trial level and two at the appeals level.

• There are 285 district court judges in North Carolina and these judges hear cases in criminal, smaller civil, juvenile, and family law. Of the district court judges in North Carolina, 101 are women.

• More serious criminal matters – primarily felonies – are heard by 100 superior court judges in the state as well as larger civil cases. Only 15 of these judges are women.

• The first level in the appellate court system is the North Carolina Court of Appeals, where 7 of the 15 judges are women.

• The top appellate court in the state is the North Carolina Supreme Court, where 3 of the 7 justices are women.

MEREDITH COLLEGE 29 STATUS OF WOMEN IN NORTH CAROLINA POLITICS

The higher percentage of women serving on the Supreme Court and Court of Appeals reflects the relative success of women running for statewide races, as opposed to districts.

District Attorneys District Attorneys are elected representatives of the state and prosecute criminal and some juvenile cases in District and Superior Court. There are 39 district attorneys in North Carolina, 7 of whom are women.

Clerks of Superior Court Voters elect a Clerk of Superior Court in each county of North Carolina. Although clerks are primarily responsible for the administrative functioning of the superior and district courts, the clerks have a number of judicial functions, such as hearing probate cases and, in some situations, adoptions and competency hearings. Historically in the state, women have held a larger percentage of these elected positions than most others in the state, primarily because of the stereotypical association of women to administrative positions.

Of the 100 Clerks of Court, 60 are women in North Carolina.

Sheriff The county sheriff in North Carolina is an elected official who serves as the top law enforcement officer of a county. The only requirement for running for sheriff is that the person cannot be a felon.

Historically, few women have sought the position of county sheriff in North Carolina. Currently, Susan Johnson, a Democrat, serves as Sheriff of Currituck County. In 2014, only one other woman, Sandra Edwards Peterson of Union County, ran for sheriff (and lost).

30 MEREDITH COLLEGE STATUS OF WOMEN IN NORTH CAROLINA POLITICS

Local Offices

As women have increased their educational and occupational credentials for politics, according to eligibility pool theory (Assendelft 2014), women are more likely to enter politics. A basic premise of this theory is that women’s entry-level political participation expands the eligibility pool of women prepared for and interested in pursuing positions at the state or national levels.

This idea of creating a pipeline for women seeking higher office has been challenged by researchers (Deckman, 2007; Carrol and Sanbonmatsu, 2010). These and other scholars argue that there is a gender difference in terms of the motivation men and women have for seeking office that makes this “stepping stone” idea less relevant to women. Most women decide to run for office because they want to fix a problem in their community, not necessarily because they are striving for the power of higher office. Women in local offices have much longer tenures in these offices than do men, often serving their entire public service careers on, for example, the county school board without ever desiring to seek a higher office.

Barriers to elected office at the local level are often considered to be less significant than those at the state or federal level. First, there are more opportunities in North Carolina. Almost 90 percent of the elected offices in North Carolina are at the county or municipal level. In addition, many of these races are nonpartisan, have little media coverage, and are less expensive than races for other offices. Most of the positions are part-time and do not require women (or their families) to relocate.

However, despite the lower barriers to running, underrepresentation is still a significant issue for women in local offices. In some instances, the number of women serving in these offices has stalled or even declined over the last decade. It is also the case that the clearest divide between urban and rural North Carolina exists. In urban areas, women are well represented on boards of county commissioners, city and town councils, and school boards. In some rural areas of North Carolina, women are completely absent in these local offices.

County Offices The legislative branch of local government in all 100 North Carolina counties is the board of county commissioners. These boards are very powerful in the state as they set property tax rates and approve spending on a wide range of services including safety and public education. Across the state, the boards range in size and how the commissioners are elected – at-large or by district – and even in terms of how the board chair is selected.

Women are estimated to hold between 25-30 percent of council positions – county, as well as city and town – across the nation. Women are greatly underrepresented on the boards of county commissioners in North Carolina, and there has been a decline over the last ten years.

MEREDITH COLLEGE 31 STATUS OF WOMEN IN NORTH CAROLINA POLITICS

Even starker is the number of counties that have no women serving as county commissioners. In 2005, 40 counties had no women on boards of county commissioners. In 2015, 44 counties have no women serving on boards of county commissioners.

The question of gender equity at the county level is particularly important given the nature of the issues that boards of county commissioners debate. Spending on education, health, public safety, child and senior care are just some of the issues where women are not shaping the debate in almost half of North Carolina’s counties.

Board of County Commissioners

Camden Alleghany Northampton Currituck Ashe Surry Gates Stokes Rockingham Caswell Person Warren Pasquotank Hertford Mitchell Watauga Wilkes Vance Halifax Perquimans Yadkin Forsyth Chowan Avery Guilford Orange Granville Franklin Bertie Yancey Caldwell Davie Nash Madison Alamance Durham Edgecombe AlexanderIredell Dare Burke Davidson Martin WashingtonTyrrell Randolph Chatham Wake Wilson Buncombe Mcdowell Catawba Rowan Haywood Pitt Beaufort Swain Hyde Rutherford Lincoln Johnston Greene Graham Henderson Cabarrus Lee Jackson Gaston Moore Harnett Wayne Polk Cleveland Stanly Craven Cherokee Macon Lenoir Clay Montgomery Pamlico Transylvania Mecklenburg Cumberland Union Anson Hoke Sampson Jones Duplin Richmond Onslow Carteret Scotland Robeson Bladen Counties with no women on Pender

Board of County Commissioners Columbus New Hanover Counties with 30-50% women on Brunswick Board of County Commissioners

Counties with a majority of women on Board of County Commissioners

32 MEREDITH COLLEGE STATUS OF WOMEN IN NORTH CAROLINA POLITICS

Register of Deeds Each county in North Carolina has a register of deeds, an elected official that oversees Justice Sarah Parker Former Chief Justice of the recording and keeping important records for citizens of the county. The office manages vital North Carolina Supreme records – births, deaths, marriages, etc. – and also property transactions. Court

Candidates for register of deeds are elected through partisan elections, although the Justice Sarah Parker served in office rarely deals with partisan issues. Historically, this office has attracted more women the North Carolina judiciary for candidates because it is perceived as less prestigious than other elected offices and is not over 30 years. First appointed a stepping-stone to higher office in most cases. to the Court of Appeals in 1984 by Governor Jim Hunt, Of the 100 registers of deeds in North Carolina, 75 percent are women. Parker was elected to the Supreme Court in 1992. She became Chief Justice of the Soil and Water Conservation District Supervisor Supreme Court in 2006 and After the Dust Bowl of the 1930s, there was pressure on North Carolina to pass legislation remained in that position until setting up a government agency and independent political unit to oversee soil and water her retirement in 2014. Parker conservation efforts. The N.C. General Statute 139 established the political office of Soil was only the second woman, and Water Conservation District Supervisor, an elected position in 96 districts. There are 95 after Susie Sharp, to serve as county districts in North Carolina, along with a five-county district – the Albemarle District the state’s top jurist. Parker with the remaining counties – Camden, Chowan, Currituck, Pasquotank and Perquimans. also served during a time in There are three elected positions per district, as well as two appointed positions. which the court made many The exception is the Albemarle District with 15 elected supervisors. These races are decisions about controversial nonpartisan, and the supervisors establish conservation priorities for the district and advise issues and in which funding how to spend federal, state, and local funds on these priorities. was cut to the court system because of economic downturns. However, it was Historically, these offices get little media or public attention, and the campaigns tend to be not just the thousands of conducted with little publicity. cases that Parker heard or the more than 100 opinions she After the 2014 elections, women held 9.5 percent of the 200 elected supervisor positions in wrote during her years on the North Carolina. Supreme Court that made her legal career so memorable. Municipal Offices Parker had many obstacles to As with boards of county commissioners, city and town councils in North Carolina would overcome before she made appear to be good opportunities for women to serve in elected offices. Most municipal it to the bench. One of very elections in North Carolina are nonpartisan. City and town councils have nonpartisan few women in her law school reputations, attracting a diverse group of less experienced politicians who want to work on class in the 1960s, Parker issues in which ideology plays a smaller role than in state legislative offices. Issues such as became the first woman to join economic development, public safety, and quality of life issues are often seen as attractive her Charlotte law firm in 1969. Always known for keeping to community leaders with no aspirations for higher office (Beck, 1991). party politics out of her judicial duties, Parker became a Nationally, women comprise approximately 28 percent of city council members (National symbol for other women who League of Cities, 2012) with more women serving on the councils of medium and larger aspired to the judiciary. cities and fewer in small communities. In North Carolina’s cities and towns, 23 percent of the Parker attended Meredith council members are women, but there is a gap between the larger cities and smaller ones. College from 1960-62.

MEREDITH COLLEGE 33 STATUS OF WOMEN IN NORTH CAROLINA POLITICS

Women Council Members Throughout the State

Chapel Hill Greensboro 33.3% Raleigh 55% 37.5% Asheville 28.5%

Greensboro Chapel Hill Greenville Raleigh Asheville Gastonia

Charlotte Fayetteville Gastonia 14.2% Charlotte Wilmington 33.3% Fayetteville Greenville 10% 42.8%

Wilmington 28.5%

Mayors The vast majority of municipalities in the United States and North Carolina have the position of mayor. Municipalities vary in their selection of the mayor based on the size and structure of the city council and whether there is a hired city or town manager. Mayors are often characterized as “strong” or “weak” depending on their formal powers. Strong mayors are elected to their position and often have the power to hire and fire city department heads. Weak mayors are elected from the council’s membership and have an equal vote with other council members.

34 MEREDITH COLLEGE STATUS OF WOMEN IN NORTH CAROLINA POLITICS

In January 2014, of the 1,351 mayors of U.S. cities of over 30,000 residents, 249 or 18.4 percent were women (CAWP, 2015). In North Carolina, of the 28 mayors of cities over 30,000 residents, 6 or 21.4 percent are women.

Asheville Esther Manheimer Greensboro Nancy Vaughn High Point Bernita Sims Huntersville Jill Swain Raleigh Nancy McFarlane Wake Forest Vivian Jones

Among the cities and towns of under 30,000 residents, there are 51 other women mayors in the state.

School Board Most school boards in the United States are elected, including all 105 school boards in North Carolina. Historically, in the country and state, school boards have been elected offices that have had a higher percentage of women serving than in other offices.

Two theories suggest that women will have greater opportunities and successes running for school board positions than other elected offices. First, school board positions are less prestigious, thus making the seats less desirable and less competitive (MacManus et al., 2006). Second, women are considered to have natural credibility in the area of education policy as mothers, teachers, and childcare providers (Bers, 1978). Typically, school board positions are seen as attracting a different sort of officeholder – those interested more in policy or social impact than politics or a political career (Deckman, 2007).

Deckman argues that school board positions, because they are typically perceived as “apolitical,” do not become a pipeline for women seeking other political offices. Her research demonstrates that 76 percent of the women serving on school boards have no interest in running for higher office.

Nationally, about 40 percent of school board members are women. In North Carolina, 41 percent of school board members are women.

Despite the relatively long history of women serving on school boards in North Carolina and the perception that women are more credible in educational policy, there remains a gap between the number of women serving on school boards in urban counties and women serving on school boards in rural counties, as the figure below shows.

MEREDITH COLLEGE 35 STATUS OF WOMEN IN NORTH CAROLINA POLITICS

Although women do not make up a majority of the total school board members in North Carolina, 79 percent of the school boards in the state have women comprising at least 30 percent of their members, meeting the threshold established by Dahlrup for women’s leadership style and policy perspectives to potentially influence how the boards operate.

School boards are the only policy-making bodies in North Carolina where women reach the 30 percent threshold. Only 17 percent of the boards of county commissioners reach that level, and 37 percent of the city and town councils reach that level of women’s membership.

On the other end of the spectrum, 19 percent of N.C. cities and towns have no women on their councils, and 44 percent of the counties have no women making policy on their boards of county commissioners.

It is clear that there is much work left to be done to get women elected to all offices in North Carolina, but for certain offices and in certain locations, the work is just beginning.

Women in Appointed Offices in North Carolina

Appointed offices exist at the local and state level in North Carolina. Counties have a wide range of boards and commissions ranging from the Alcohol Beverage Control Board to the Historic Preservation Board. Wake County, for example, has over sixty appointed boards or commissions. The State of North Carolina has almost 400 boards and commissions. Some advise the governor or leaders in the General Assembly, while others regulate professions, such as dentists, lawyers, or certified public accountants; still others make policy, such as the University of North Carolina Board of Governors.

36 MEREDITH COLLEGE STATUS OF WOMEN IN NORTH CAROLINA POLITICS

Most of these boards and commissions are advisory. They are important for lawmakers as these appointed officeholders make recommendations for new laws, regulations, and budgets in the areas they oversee. Many of these boards and commissions have relatively small demand for appointments, and some have unfilled seats from year-to-year.

A much smaller group of boards and commissions, often referred to as “Power Boards,” have policy-making authority. These are highly sought-after appointments and are often reserved for political allies to the appointing officials. These boards and commissions get a great deal of public and media scrutiny.

In comparing these two types of boards and commissions in North Carolina, the Power Boards are dramatically more underrepresented by women than are the other advisory boards and commissions.

MEREDITH COLLEGE 37 STATUS OF WOMEN IN NORTH CAROLINA POLITICS

Examining the Power Boards in North Carolina from 2000, 2009, and 2015 reveals that little Jenna Wadsworth has changed in terms of the gender composition. Indeed, the percentage of women serving Wake County Soil and Water on these boards is essentially the same today as it was in 2000, with only a marginal District Conservation Board improvement shown in 2009. of Supervisors

While still a student at North If anything, the trend of the number of women serving on Power Boards reflects the same Carolina State University trend as women holding elected offices in North Carolina, both showing a decline around in 2010, Jenna Wadsworth 2010. Although no accurate data exist on the number of women applying for appointed decided to run for public boards and commissions in the state, including Power Boards, it is reasonable to assume office. Elected to the Wake that there was a drop-off of women applying for political appointments, just as North Carolina County Soil and Water experienced a decline in women deciding to run for elected office around the same time. District Conservation Board of Supervisors that year, Historically, the two Power Boards with the highest percentage of women members have Wadsworth became the been the Board of Education and the Social Services Commission. Both of these appointed youngest woman ever elected groups deal with issues more stereotypically associated with women, as opposed to to political office in the state. economic development or transportation. When Wadsworth ran, she recognized that she had many barriers to overcome: “So few women run for public office. It wasn’t just my age that could have caused some to dismiss my candidacy,” Wadsworth said. After serving her first four-year term as supervisor, Wadsworth was reelected in 2014. As a public servant, Wadsworth believes in the work of a soil and water supervisor in helping the environment. She also believes in getting more young women to consider the path she took. “Young people have a lot to offer,” Wadsworth said. “We have different ways of thinking. We bring a different perspective. We are passionate and have a lot of energy to effect change.”

38 MEREDITH COLLEGE STATUS OF WOMEN IN NORTH CAROLINA POLITICS

Only two boards and commissions, the Education Board and the Social Services Commission, consistently exceed the 30 percent threshold that researchers like Dahlerrup and others suggest is the tipping point for women to significantly affect the appointed body. Granted, the Governor’s Crime Commission and the Utilities Commission are just beneath that threshold, but a majority of the Power Boards do not come close to that figure, suggesting that women are not fully using their preferred leadership styles or getting all points of view completely vetted.

The results demonstrate some consistent truths about women on Power Boards. First is that men are overrepresented on Power Boards. Second, appointment patterns and membership on Power Boards have changed little, which demonstrates a fundamental weakness in the system across time and different political parties in charge of appointments. Third, there have been few changes in terms of the types of Power Boards most likely to have more women members, suggesting that even among Power Boards, there is a pecking order.

The situation involving other state boards and commissions, although better in terms of the overall representation of women, is still far from reflecting the demographic makeup of the state.

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CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Conclusion

Appointed and elected offices remain heavily populated by men, despite the advances made by women in other areas of society. The number of women serving has edged up since the “Year of the Woman” in 1992, but in the last few years, the numbers have fallen back. Fewer women are running for and serving in elected offices than in 2010. The situation in rural areas of North Carolina is even more dire with almost half the counties and municipalities being served on city or town councils or boards of county commissions almost exclusively by men.

In appointed offices, such as the Power Boards of North Carolina, the number of women serving has remained low, despite the fact that the chief appointing officials – Governor, Speaker of the House, and President Pro Tempore of the Senate – have all changed. There is no discernable difference between when Democrats were appointing these boards and when Republicans were appointing these positions in terms of gender composition.

Many issues make seeking and serving in political office difficult for women. Some, such as the disproportionate burden of taking care of children or aging relatives, will take generations to solve and major cultural shifts. Other issues, such as the limited number of qualified women who choose to seek appointed and elected office in North Carolina, can be remedied through the intentional practices of a number of groups or organizations in the state.

Recommendations for doubling the number of women seeking appointed and elected office by 2026

Getting more women into the political pipeline to seek appointed and elected office will take the combined efforts of groups throughout the state.

Educators As research indicates, young women are less inclined to consider a political career than their male counterparts, and the way high schools and colleges expose young people to government and politics contributes to this motivation gap.

Educators have an important role and should consider the following:

1. Advise more young women into political science classes. Research by Fox and Lawless (2013) suggests that young women who take just one political science course in college are 40 percent more likely to consider a career in the public sector.

2. High schools and colleges need to expose young women to women candidates and elected officials through class visits, forums, and formal mentoring programs. Baer and Hartmann (2014) argue that mentoring is especially important to developing ambition in

40 MEREDITH COLLEGE STATUS OF WOMEN IN NORTH CAROLINA POLITICS

women to seek public office. They also state that mentoring is an important reciprocal relationship for both the officeholder and woman being mentored. Women in office often report feeling isolated. Having another woman to mentor reduces these feelings in the public official and helps the woman being mentored see public office as more attainable and rewarding.

3. The women’s colleges in North Carolina – Bennett, Meredith, and Salem – and the women’s programs on other college and university campuses in the state – need to develop more programming specifically tailored to female students in political leadership.

Women’s Advocacy/Training Groups Many groups throughout the state have specific goals to increase the number of women serving on appointed boards and commissions or in elected office. The Women’s Forum of North Carolina and the Institute of Political Leadership are two long-standing organizations that directly seek to get women into these positions, while groups such as the North Carolina League of Women Voters use more indirect means to get women into public leadership roles.

Although these groups do good work and have encouraged and trained women to enter the public sphere, the task of doubling the number of women seeking appointed and elected office over the next decade requires more collaborative effort and resources devoted to the recruitment and training programs.

Advocacy and training organizations should consider

1. Partnering with one another and sharing resources to create more programs aimed solely at women. In the Achieving Parity Study by the Institute for Women’s Policy Research (2013), findings indicated that additional training programs were seen as the single most effective tool for converting potential candidates to declared candidates. They stated that coeducational programs did not deal with the specific issues that women face in deciding whether to run and actually running a successful campaign for office.

2. Affiliating with colleges and universities in North Carolina to create a stronger pipeline for the next ten years. Leadership development and mentoring is critical for young women and, as research demonstrates, women have a longer planning horizon for entering appointed and elected offices. Partnerships between these organizations and colleges and universities can keep young women connected with public service until they are able to run for office.

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Appointed and Elected Officials/Political Parties Gale Wilkins Research clearly demonstrates that people in office and party officials do not approach Executive Director, N.C. women to become candidates for office to the same degree as they do men. People in Council for Women these positions should

Gale Wilkins has often 1. Reach out through civic (e.g., PTAs, Jr. League) and political organizations (e.g., Surry- defied stereotypes. An Stokes Republican Women’s Club of North Carolina) to identify and approach women African American woman, in every county to seek appointed or elected offices. she has long been involved in the Republican Party at 2. Use local activists and women professional organizations to target their members as the state and national level, future officeholders. including serving on the 3. Fund nonpartisan training programs for women wanting to seek appointed or elected inauguration committee for office. (It is in the best interest of local and state governments, as well as both major President George W. Bush political parties, to get more women into the political pipeline.) These funds could be in 2004. She completed a matching grant program for nonprofit organizations that conduct candidate training her undergraduate degree programs for women to help build their programs’ capacities. as an adult, after forming a nonprofit organization—the Family Education Initiative— Media and Opinion Leaders that teaches high school The issue of underrepresentation of women in appointed and elected offices in North and college students about Carolina gets little public attention or scrutiny. There is far too much attention to issues preventing domestic and like hyper-partisanship in Congress or the General Assembly without much analysis about sexual violence. In 2009 how the composition of these elected bodies affects these symptoms. Likewise, there is a Wilkins was appointed by great deal of public frustration about issues like education and health care without many Governor Pat McCrory to head new proposals in these and other areas that affect women and families. There is little the North Carolina Council for understanding of how legislative bodies made up predominantly of men tend to focus on Women, the state’s leading other issues. Finally, there is too much focus on prominent or presumed candidacies of voice in issues impacting certain women, like Hillary Clinton, and not enough on the many races with other women women. The advice that or, in fact, without any women. This gives the misguided impression that women occupy a Wilkins has always followed more prominent space in politics than they actually do. in public service is: “Be bold, courageous, and speak up. Trust your inner voice.” Wilkins Journalists and opinion leaders across the state should strongly believes in women 1. Create more buzz about the value of women in the democratic process. Media stories seeking appointed and elected should focus on underrepresentation, particularly in rural areas of North Carolina, not offices in North Carolina, as just on the prominent women who are in or are considering office. Stories should also she says that more women focus on the value that women bring to governing. need to “act as if they belong and boldly ask questions.” 2. Prominent leaders can use their positions to make symbolic and tangible statements about the importance of women in the state. Governor McCrory, for example, could make the North Carolina Council for Women a more prominent part of his administration by broadening its stated mission from a focus on reducing domestic violence to one that is more comprehensive.

3. Prominent women who have served or are serving in political office need to be more vocal about the importance of bringing more women into the pipeline. While many of these women, such as Elaine Marshall, have supported programs like the former North

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Carolina Center for Women in Public Service, more women, of all political parties, should make a bipartisan statement about the importance of having more women in office and create specific action plans to make it so.

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INDEX OF ELECTED WOMEN Howard, Julia R-79 Hurley, Pat R-70 Insko, Verla D-56 US House of Representatives: Johnson, Linda R-83 Adams, Alma D-12 Martin, Susan R-8 Ellmers, Renee R-2 McElreft, Pat R-13 Foxx, Virginia R-5 Presnell, Michele R-118 Richardson, Bobbie D-6 Council of State: Shaeffer, Jacqueline R-105 Atkinson, June State Superintendent Stevens, Sarah R-90 Berry, Cherie Secretary of Labor Terry, Evelyn D-71 Cowell , Janet State Treasurer Turner, Rena R-84 Marshall, Elaine Secretary of State Wood, Beth State Auditor NC Supreme Court: Beasley, Cheri Wake North Carolina Senate: Hudson, Robin Wake Barringer, Tamara R-17 Jackson, Barbara Wake Bryant, Angela D-4 Foushee, Valerie D-23 NC Court of Appeals: Harrington, Kathy R-43 Bryant, Wanda Durham Krawiec, Joyce R-31 Calabria, Ann Marie Wake Parmon, Earline D-32 Geer, Martha Wake Randleman, Shirley R-30 Inman, Lucy Wake Robinson, Gladys D-28 McGee, Linda Currituck Smith, Jane D-13 Stephens, Linda Wake Smith-Ingram, Erica D-3 Stroud, Donna Wake Waddell, Joyce D-40 Wade, Trudy R-27 NC Superior Court: Adams, Gale Cumberland North Carolina House of Representatives: Archie, Carla Mecklenburg Adcock, Gale D-41 Bell, Lisa Mecklenburg Avila, Marilyn R-40 Bray, Susan Guilford Carney, Becky D-102 Bushfan, Elaine Durham Conrad, Debra R-74 Evans, Yvonne Mecklenburg Cotham, Tricia D-100 Gorham, Phyllis New Hanover Cunningham, Carla D-106 Gullett, Julia Lynn Mooresville Earle, Beverly D-101 Hill, Claire Cumberland Farmer-Butterfield, Jean D-24 Hinnant, Patrice Guilford Fisher, Susan D-114 Hinton, Alma Halifax Gill, Rosa D-33 Lewis, Ola Brunswick Hamilton, Susi D-18 Tally, Mary Ann Cumberland Harrison, Pricey D-57 Wagoner, Anna Mills Rowan Holley, Yvonne D-38 Wallace, Tanya Richmond

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NC District Court: Houston, Jeanie Yadkin Alexander, Karen Carteret Howard Wells, Mary Johnston Balance Moody, Vershinia Northampton Hoyle, Angela Gaston Banks-Payne, Camille Forsyth Hutchins, Laurie Forsyth Best, Kimberly Mecklenburg James, Ericka Wayne Bousman, Monica Wake Joe, Regina Hoke Branch, Brenda Halifax Johnson, Donna Cabarrus Brewer, Jacqueline Wake Jones, Joy Johnston Brooks, Alicia Mecklenburg Jones Wilson, Carol Onslow Brooks, Athena Henderson Kauffman Young, Patricia Buncombe Brown, Betty Guilford Kepple, Julie Buncombe Brown, Deborah Iredell King, Toni Cumberland Brown-Williams, Charlotte Mecklenburg Knox, Jennifer Wake Burch, Susan Guilford Lee, Jacquelyn Johnston Christian, Lori Wake Leslie, Monica Haywood Covington, Mary Davidson Luther, Lindsey New Hanover Cowan, Emily Henderson Maness, Jayrene Randolph Crouch, Melinda New Hanover Mann, Christy Mecklenburg Crump, Avery Guilford McKoy-Mitchell, Rickye Mecklenburg Culler, Jena Mecklenburg McThenia, Paige Mecklenburg Davis-Malarney, Amber Dare Menefee, Lisa Forsyth Devan, Laura Cumberland Milsap Daniels, Judith Robeson Dixon, Beth Rowan Morey, Marcia Durham Dotson-Smith, Susan Buncombe Overby, Kathryn Alamance Dray, Andrea Buncombe Parker, Regina Martin Eady-Williams, Karen Mecklenburg Powell, Laura Rutherford Eagles, Margaret Wake Prince, Sherry Columbus Earwood, Kristina Haywood Puckett, Angela Stokes Elliot, Sherri Catawba Rawls, Addie Johnston Enochs, Wendy Guilford Ray Criner, Sandra New Hanover Evans, Pat Durham Reaves, Jeannette Cleveland Falls, Linda Guilford Reid, Eula Pasquotank Fields Strader, Christine Rockingham Robinson, Robin New Hanover Fletcher, Kimberly Guilford Roemer, Victoria Forsyth Forga, Donna Haywood Sasser, Debra Wake Foster, Angela Guilford Scarlett, Beverly Orange Fox, Angela Guilford Seaton, Sarah Onslow Freeman, Teresa Halifax Shelton Sellers, Tessa Cherokee Hands, Tyyawdi Mecklenburg Shuford, Meredith Lincoln Hankins, Pauline Brunswick Sigmon Walker, Amy Catawba Hartsfield, Denise Forsyth Siler-Mack, Cheri Cumberland Heath, Elizabeth Lenoir Smith, April Cumberland Hilburn, P. Gwynett Pitt Stevenson, Amanda Granville Holliday, Tabatha Guilford Stewart, Caron Harnett

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Thacker, Lisa Anson Slade, Joan Caswell Thorne Tim, Rebecca Mecklenburg Tucker, Beth Forsyth Thrower, Pennie Gaston Wadsworth, Jenna Austin Wake Trosch, Elizabeth Mecklenburg Trotman, Yolanda Mecklenburg County Register of Deeds: Underwood, Christine Iredell Adcock, Kathy Granville Vincent, Teresa Guilford Alston, Yvonne Warren Walczyk, Christine Wake Beasley, Tammy New Hanover Walker, Doretta Durham Bradshaw, Eleanor Sampson Wilhelm, Christy Cabarrus Bullock, Kandance Columbus Wilson, Amanda Richmond Carpenter, Robin Edgecombe Wood, April Davidson Cipriani, Rebecca Rockingham Worley, Anna Wake Comer, Carolyn Surry Yancey, Carolyn Granville Cooper, Elizabeth Burke Crump, Crystal Union District Attorneys: Davis, Brandi Franklin Asbell, Valerie Hertford Dellinger, Renee Avery Cook, Brandy Rowan Dockery, Daphne Cherokee Doyle, Susan Johnston Douglas, Linda Richmond Freeman, Lorrin Wake Evans-Barbee, Judy Halifax Robb, Kimberly Pitt Frierson, Jacqueline Perquimans Vaneekhoven, Roxann Cabarrus Garrett, Amanda Person Welch, Ashley Macon Gilliard, Lynn Chowan Gray, Susan Jones Sheriff: Hall, Denise Currituck Johnson, Susan Currituck Hampton, Tonia McDowell Hargrove, Kimberly Harnett County Soil and Water Supervisors: Hicks Spencer, Donna Catawba Bell, Pam Macon Holcomb, Debra Scotland Carpenter, Nichole Anson Horton, Cathy Gates Carter, Nancy Mecklenburg Huntley, Joanne Anson Coleman, Ann Avery Hurst, Camille Hoke Gallion, Erica Harnett Huskey, Faye Rutherford Hamilton, Mittie Tyrrell Jobe, Willoree Yancey Hamm, Betty Vance Kight, Peggy Camden Hanson, Louise Dare Kirkland, Diana Swain Herring, Ann Duplin Laws, Kathy Mitchell Howard, Marion Onslow Lear Willoughby, Sharon Pender Israel, Elise Buncombe Lewis, Lynn Pamlico Locklier, Katie Durham Locklear, Vicki Robeson Parnell, Laura Catawba Lockridge, Susan Gaston Porter, Victoria Cabarrus Lowder, Suzanne Stanly Raye Jones, Donna Madison Lowe, Krista Randolph Rhodes, Gerda Washington Maney, Phyllis Clay

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Manning, Tina Martin Burnette Chastain, Patricia Franklin Martin, Judy Moore Chinn Gary, Elisa Mecklenburg McInnis, Mollie Lee Clark, Kim Caldwell McMurran-Smith, Vanzolla Dare Cook, Janet Mitchell Melvin, Anne Nash Cornett Deal, Diane Watauga Mercer Clemmons, Brenda Brunswick Creech Ball, Michelle Johnston Mooring, Lois Wayne Daniel, Vickie Richmond Murphy, Nancy Greene Daniels, Lisa Avery Nichols, Lisa Pitt Dennis, Niki Bladen Norris, Kaye Montgomery Drechsler, Ellen Davie Ownbey, Cindy Transylvania Etheridge Sexton, Angie Tyrrell Parks, Beverly Bladen Finch, Deborah Vance Pecora, Carolyn Vance Fulford Rhodes, Sarah Beth Pitt Phillips, Robin Northampton Gambill, Susie Alleghany Pollard, Becky Onslow Gasperson-Justice, Kim Henderson Pritchard, Joyce Pasquotank Green Cooper, Laquitta Northampton Rector, Susan Madison Green Hyder, Pam Polk Reece, Bonnie Cleveland Handy, Janet Wilkes Reeves Roupe, Lizabeth Alleghany Hanson, Pam Carteret Reynolds, Gene Tyrrell Harrison, Paula Camden Rich, Pam Lenoir Hicks, Susan Moore Richard, Sherri Craven Hill, Pam Randolph Riddick, Laura Wake Holland Adams, Melissa McDowell Riggs, Tammy Caswell Holloway, Tammy Graham Riggsbee, Lunday Chatham James, vVasti Bertie Rogers, Sherri Haywood James Thornley, Connie Pasquotank Roten, Deaett Ashe Johnson, Shirley Hertford Spencer, Merita Hyde Johnson, Marsha Harnett Stewart, Carolyn Graham Johnson-Tonkins, Lisa Guilford Stith, Lisa Wilson Joyner, Rachel Nash Storey, Melanie Hertford Kelly Tucker, Kim Cumberland Townsend, Joann Watauga Kennedy, Jan New Hanover Whitehurst, Jennifer Leggett Beaufort Knox, Jennifer Wake Whitmire, Sheila Polk Leggett, Tonya Martin Wilson, Annie Bertie Lowman, Mabel Burke Young, Kathy Stokes McGraw Johnson, Mitzi Cleveland McLeod, Evelyn Hoke County Clerk of Court: Melton, Ann Jackson Allen White, Carol Edgecombe Minshew, Pam Wayne Ashe, Rita Transylvania Moulden, Denise Washington Barker, Deborah Person O’Dell, Teresa Surry Barlow, Pam Ashe Pugh, Brandy Hyde Beaman, Sandy Greene Quinn Harrell, Katie Duplin Brown, Lisa Onslow Ray, June Haywood

MEREDITH COLLEGE 51 STATUS OF WOMEN IN NORTH CAROLINA POLITICS

Richards Sigmon, Kim Catawba Greene, Fannie Northampton Riddle McEntyre, Tammy Yancey Greene, Vicki Jackson Sharp, Terri Craven Hales, Diana Chatham Smith, Shelena Robeson Harmon Laws, Maxine Avery Speaks Frye, Susan Forsyth Harris, Viola Edgecombe Spragins, Becky Halifax Heir-Williams, Million Onslow Stroud, Dawn Lenoir Hicks, Martha Avery Thomas, Susie Lee Hofler, Linda Gates Wiggins, Nell Gates Holmes, Jessica Wake Williams Holcomb, Beth Yadkin Honeycutt, Diane Cabarrus County Howard, Karen Chatham County Commissioners: Howerton, Brenda Durham Alexander Holton, Ann Pamlico Hux, Rachel Halifax Allen, Susan Cleveland Ikner, Barbara Onslow Atkinson, Leslie Wilson Ipock Riggs, Sondra Jones Austin, Jill Yancey Jacobs, Wendy Durham Baker, Bertadean Warren Johnson, Carolyn Halifax Barnes, Kitty Catawba Johnson, Tracey Washington Barnes, Lisa Nash Jones, Holly Buncombe Baucom, Anna Anson Jones, Ronda Stokes Bazemore, Byrd Bertie Jordan, Jennifer Warren Beatty, Barbara Catawba Klusman, Judy Rowan Blanks, Delilah Bladen Lacey, Faye Avery Blizzard, Susan Greene Leake, Vilma Mecklenburg Blue Gholston, Betty Scotland Lee, Sue Sampson Boswell, Beverly Dare Lee, Tammy Bertie Brown, Deborah Vance Lemel, Page Transylvania Brown, Jackie Lenoir Leys, Karen Alleghany Cashion, Kay Guilford Lowder, Jann Stanly Cole, Janice Perquimans County Martin, Cecelia Lincoln Coleman, Carolyn Guilford Massey, Linda Alamance Cotham, Pat Mecklenburg McCall, Carol Scotland Council, Jeannette Cumberland McKoy, Barbara Harnett Crittenton, Elaine Carteret Mele, Christie Pamlico Dalrymple, Amy Lee Midgett Umphlett, Margarette Dare Dawson, Beth New Hanover Mynatt, Grace Cabarrus County Day Burroughs, Mia Orange Orr, Connie Graham DeBruhl, Miranda Buncombe Parker, Bettie Pasquotank Duckwell, Sandra Camden Parks, Frances Duplin Edmonds Butler, Sherry Catawba Pelissier, Bernadette Orange Foster, J. Carlvena Guilford Perkins Williams, Mary Pitt Frost, Ellen Buncombe Poole, Liz Cabarrus County Gilbert, Marion Currituck Pope, Cookie Johnston Graham, Catherine Moore Powell, Evelyn Edgecombe

52 MEREDITH COLLEGE STATUS OF WOMEN IN NORTH CAROLINA POLITICS

Powers, Anita Duplin Boone, Glendale Gates Prescott, Pat Pamlico Booth, Eltha Beaufort Price, Renee Orange Bordley, Leah Durham Reckhow, Ellen Durham Bottomley, Amy Alleghany Rich, Penny Orange Boyd, Leslie Union Richardson, Lou Nash Boyd-Williams, Barbara Beaufort Rouse Sutton, Linda Lenoir Boyette, Beverly Wilson Scarborough, Ella Mecklenburg Bradsher, Margaret Person Spruill, Virginia Northampton Branch, Teresa Caldwell Sturdivant, Vancine Anson Brayboy, Barbara Warren Sullivan, Caroline Wake Brewer, Linda Roanoke Rapids Sykes, Pat Brunswick Bright, Sherry Rutherford Ward, Beth Pitt Brodie, Debra Franklin Ward, Betty Lou Wake Brogan, Tamara Lee Wells, Mary Nash Brown, Brenda Nash Whisenhunt, Gloria Forsyth Brown, Mary Sampson Brown, Sandra Lee School Board Members: Brownstein, Michelle Chapel Hill-Carrboro Adams, Pat Greene Brzykcy, Caryn Alexander Aldridge, Kathey Avery Buchanan, Doris Kannapolis Alexander, Sandra Guilford Buffington, Rebecca Guilford Allen, Lucinda Polk Buie, Barbara Hoke Allen Wilson, Jane Chatham Bulluck, Evelyn Nash Almond, Mitzie Stanly Bunch, Jean Edenton-Chowan Appler, Kate Mt. Airy Burden, Patricia Wayne Arrowood, Wanda Cherokee Burgin, Candy Lincoln Avery, Joan Lincoln Burns, Mellie Swain Aydlett, Sissy Camden Byers-Bailey, Thelma Mecklenburg Babson, Shirley Brunswick Byrd-Robinson, Tanya Weldon City Bailey Burleson, Angela Mitchell Carpenter, Carolyn Cabarrus Balmer, Barbara Weldon City Carriker, Wendy Mt. Airy Banks, Theresa Madison Carter, Heidi Durham Barnes, Velma Wilson Caudill Jones, Dana Forsyth Basnight, Bea Dare Cavenaugh, Janice New Hanover Bedford, Jamezetta Chapel Hill-Carrboro Champion, Rosemary Franklin Bell, Amanda Rockingham Chandler, Myra Hyde Bennett, Marilynn Anson Chavis-Battle, Doneva Nash Bennett, Vivian Harnett Cherry, Dot Gaston Beyer, Natalie Durham Chisolm, Alicia Cumberland Bledsoe, Amy Mt. Airy Churchill, Amy Buncombe Blount-Williams, Mary Pitt Clark, Belinda Thomasville Boles, Becky Stokes Clark, Lois Washington Bonham, Anna Iredell Coffey, Donna Orange Boomer, Frances Craven Coffey, Linda Caldwell

MEREDITH COLLEGE 53 STATUS OF WOMEN IN NORTH CAROLINA POLITICS

Cole, Jackie Alamance Evans, Melissa Macon Coltrane, Emily Randolph Evans, Susan Wake Cooke, Catherine Brunswick Fairley-Ferebee, Brenda Robeson Cooper, Elizabeth Jackson Falls, Kathy Cleveland Corley, Rhonda Polk Farren, Kathy Moore Corn, Mary Louise Henderson Felton, Zora Wake Correll, Julie Hickory Fisher, Mary Frances Roanoke Rapids Cotton, Wanda Clay Fitch, Christine Wilson Council, Barbara Martin Forte-Brown, Minnie Durham Council, Mildred Pitt Fox, Sue Transylvania Covil, Tammy New Hanover Franklin, Ann Buncombe Cox, Aleta Hyde Fulcher, June Carteret Cox, Sonya Stokes Gaddis, Darnell Currituck Cox, Susan Perquimans Gant, Allison Alamance Cox, Susan Rowan Garland, Gladys Caswell Craft, Dwan Currituck Garrett, Darlene Guilford Cranford, Linda Asheboro Gates, Pat Scotland Dailey, June Caswell Gay, Faye Sampson Dalman, Peggy Asheville Georgina, Georgina Clinton Dancy-Brown, Alicia Mt. Airy Gibson, Carol Ann Anson Darsie, Dottie Caldwell Goins Clark, Lori Forsyth Davidson, Janice Edgecombe Grant, Precious Asheville Davis, Cathy Lincoln Greene, Alberta Weldon City Davis, Lisa Anson Guthrie, Dot Gaston Davis, Valencia Roanoke Rapids Hagan Massey, Lori Madison Davis Waddell, Joyce Mecklenburg Hale, Tiffany Weldon City Deese, Jane Roanoke Rapids Hall, Beverly Newton-Conover DeFreece, Loistine Robeson Hall, Mary Jones Dicken, Olga Edgecombe Hall, Millie Kannapolis Doherty, Caroline Pitt Hallum, Jacquelyn Asheville Dudley, Tarsha Bertie Hampton, Jackie Rutherford Dunbar, Robin Tyrrell Hardy, Debbie Halifax Edna, Edna Burke Harrell, Sharon Union Edwards, Lucy Northampton Harrington, Joyce Asheboro Edwards, Marjorie Northampton Harris-Ramseur, Angie Newton-Conover Edwards, Pam Duplin Hartness, Ruth Vance Edwards, Sharon Graham Hawkins, Carolyn Halifax Edwards, Lisa Henderson Hayes, Anna Lexington Edwards Batts, Leisa Greene Hayes, Deena Guilford Elliot, Glorious Edenton-Chowan Haynes, Cindy Iredell Ellis, Margaret Vance Helms, Christina Union Ellis-Stewart, Ericka Mecklenburg Hemric, Jennifer Yadkin Estep, Lisa New Hanover Herring, Katherine Pender Etheridge, Karen Currituck Hogan, Debbie Cherokee

54 MEREDITH COLLEGE STATUS OF WOMEN IN NORTH CAROLINA POLITICS

Hoover, Virginia Rockingham Livingston, Ophelia Lee Horne, Wendy Davie Long, Ann Montgomery Houston, Virginia Elizabeth City Lowder Oliver, Tracy Stanly Pasquotank Lowery, Jo Ann Robeson Howard, Karen Chatham Lynch-Evans, Susie Halifax Hudson, Donna Caswell Lynn Holt, Amy Henderson Huffman, Sharron Wilkes Maynor, Della Hoke Hughes Carlyle, Wendy Lee Mays, Beatrice Pamlico Humphries, Judy Pamlico McAllister McRae, Rosa Hoke Hunter, Donna Halifax McCall, Stephanie Macon Hunter, Janice Lexington McCollum, Elaine Rockingham Jackson, Judy Polk McCoy, Tawny Transylvania Jarrett, Jeanne Newton-Conover McCray, Mary Mecklenburg Johnson, Dorothy Johnston McDuffie, Angela Lexington Johnson, Emma Bertie McKinney, Lorie Rockingham Johnson, Evenlyn Edgecombe McMahon, Cindy Buncombe Johnson, Jo Davis Bertie McRae, Margaret Jackson Johnson, Sallie Hickory McRee, Marilyn Catawba Johnson, Sylvia Caswell Merrell, Melissa Union Johnson-Hostler, Monika Wake Messick, Pat Stokes Jones, Joanne Hertford Metcalf, Jeannie Forsyth Jones, Polly Ashe Miller, Sandra Montgomery Kafer, Jennifer Person Miller, Shearra Cleveland Keeter, Cathy Roanoke Rapids Mills, Angela Stanly Keever, Carolyn Rutherford Milner, Lynn Haywood Keith, Elizabeth Franklin Monroe, Amy Hickory Kennedy, Jean Rowan Moomaw, Amy McDowell Kent, Ann Edgecombe Mosley, Terri Surry Kidd, Gidget Asheboro Motsinger, Elisabeth Forsyth Kinsey, Barbara Watauga Munn-Goins, Ophelia Bladen Kushner, Christine Wake Musgrave, Judy Cumberland Laird-Large, Ali Jackson Nichols, Jeannette New Hanover Lane, Shirley Granville Ormsby, Bobbie Sue Richmond Lashley, Joyce Halifax Owens, Barbara Davie Lassiter, Lynne Warren Oxendine, Darlynn Vance Laura, Laura Moore Page, Sherry Polk Lawler, Margaret Dare Peed, E.C. Beaufort Lay, Kimberly Swain Petit, Cindy Transylvania Leah, Leah Asheville Pickett, Irish Hoke Leggett, Addie Martin Pittman Aiken, Irene Richmond Lennon, Rhonda Mecklenburg Pope, Margaret Hickory Linebeger, Enola Moore Porter, Sheila Hertford Little, Bobbie Anson Powell, Debora Wilson Livengood, Carol Davie Powell, Sonya Sampson

MEREDITH COLLEGE 55 STATUS OF WOMEN IN NORTH CAROLINA POLITICS

Pratt, Beulah Anson Tillman, Freda Person Pureza, Pamela Elizabeth City Trail, Vicki Davidson Pasquotank Turner, Del Chatham Redding, Jane Asheboro Tuttle, Lynn Rockingham Reese, Brenda Watauga Tyner, Jeanne Yancey Rhyne, Brigette Alexander Vaughn, Sherry Stanly Richard, Synthia Franklin Viser, Diane Clinton Rickard, Danita Kannapolis Walker, Andrea Thomasville Roberts, Catherine Gaston Walker, Bonnell Bladen Rogers, Kandle Whiteville Walsh, Vicki Graham Rose, Nell Rockingham Warden, Sharon Elizabeth City Rouse, Karen Pender Pasquotank Routh, Nancy Guilford Washington, LaShawda Nash Sartin, Betty Caswell Weatherman, Angie Yancey Satterfield, Lois Graham Welborn, Linda Guilford Savage, Marce Union West Murphy, Tina Greene Sayles, Paige Franklin White, Anne Perquimans Schandevel, Rhonda Haywood White, Charlotte Dare Scott, Marva Edgecombe White, Donna Johnston Scott, Roberta Warren White, Gloria Vance Sellars, Wendy Thomasville Whitehurst, Claire Gates Shaw Wilson, Evelyn Edgecombe Wilkins-Chavis, Peggy Robeson Simpson, Patsy Alamance Williams, Charlotte Hickory Smith, Beatrice Craven Williams, Dorothy Vance Smith, Kim Craven Williams, Rosa Orange Smith, Peggy Johnston Williams, Susan Cumberland Spaugh, Amy Perquimans Wilson, Sue Mooresville Spencer, Janie Tyrrell Woody Young, Kathy Mitchell Spruill, Mackie Pamlico Worley, Carol Clinton Stanley, Summer Scotland Wright, Kay Edenton-Chowan Starnes, Cathy Catawba Wright, Ophelia Rockingham Stephens, Brenda Orange Wyatt, Barbara Madison Stokes Streater, Annetta Chapel Hill-Carrboro Yates, Arlene Perquimans Strickland, Jennifer Wayne Yates, Barbara Columbus Sutphin, Mamie Surry Sutton, Carrie Cumberland City and Towns Councils: Swain, Beverly Tyrrell Abel, Patti Franklin Taylor, Deanna Forsyth Abuzuaiter, Marikay Greensboro Taylor, Rhonda Northampton Adams, Denise Winston-Salem Thomas, Catherine Burke Adams, Mary Jo Laurinburg Thomas, Linda Craven Adams, Susie Weldon Thomas, Pamela Onslow Ahlers, Deborah Caswell Beach Thompson, Pamela Alamance Albury, Nelva Surf City Threadgill, Shirley Montgomery Alexander, Karen Salisbury

56 MEREDITH COLLEGE STATUS OF WOMEN IN NORTH CAROLINA POLITICS

Allen, Kelly Haw River Bright, Dee Dee Forest City Allen, Mary Jamesville Bright, Mary Grace Grifton Alston, Sylvia Littleton Brinkley, Shirley Mount Airy Anderson, Karen Pine Level Britt, Margaret Warrenton Anderson, Stacey Davidson Brown, Minie Navassa Armstrong, Cordie Pilot Mountain Brown Matute, Wanda Parkton Ashley, Gwen Jefferson Buccilli, Daria Calabash Auditori, Jill Mebane Buchanan, Judy Burnsville Avery, Luci River Bend Bundren, Cathera Alamance Ayers, Jacky Robbinsville Burke, Vivian Winston-Salem Baker, Janet Maysville Burns, Caryl Granite Falls Baker, Jean Elizabeth City Burris, Martha Lowell Baldwin, Mary Ann Raleigh Burton, Gwen Wilson Baldwin, Pamela Pittsboro Bush, Lori Cary Bales, Melinda Huntersville Butler, Alice Roseboro Balock, Melissa Randlman Byers, Mary Ann Plymouth Banks, Brenda Hildebran Byrd, Fleta Wilson’s Mills Banks, Janet Maggie Valley Cagle, Shirley Bermuda Run Banks, Ruth Burnsville Cahoon, Renee Nags Head Bare, Christy Rutherfordton Cain, Sandra St. Pauls Barnes, Dena Summerfield Cameron, Mary Clemmons Barrett, Diane Lake Lure Campbell, Linda Norwood Barton, Mavis Bear Grass Campbell, Martha Montreat Batleman, Pat Leland Campbell, Sylvia Elizabethtown Batt, Ann Atlantic Beach Carpenter, Barbara Red Cross Begley, Kolleen Forest Hills Carpenter, Norma Marshville Behringer, Kathy Garner Carraway, Catherine Hookerton Bell, Donna Chapel Hill Carroll Miller, Chris Rocky Mount Berry, Dianne Kannapolis Carson, Patsy Erwin Birch, Barbara Newton Grove Carter, Ann Beaufort Bivens, Margaret Marshville Carter, Linda Asheboro Blackburn, Linda Ahoskie Casey, Carolyn Minnesott Beach Blackburn, Marion Greenville Cashion, Beth Davidson Blackwell, Maggie Salisbury Catotti, Diane Durham Blain Johnson, Ghee St. Pauls Caviness, Nancy Duck Blanton, Janice Webster Chambers, Brenda Ellerbe Blevins, Derelne Sawmills Chambers, Deloris Badin Boy Freeman, Julia Waynesville Chaney, Bethany Carrboro Boyd, Betty Rowland Childs, Mary Southport Bozeman, Brenda Leland Clanton, Julia Harmony Bragg, Rena Holly Ridge Clay, Charlene Bunn Bray, Cindy Siler City Clements, Karin Jackson Breeden, Judy Lillington Cochran, Deborah Mount Airy Breyare, Carolyn Mount Holly Coffey, Sara Henderson

MEREDITH COLLEGE 57 STATUS OF WOMEN IN NORTH CAROLINA POLITICS

Coffey, Valerie Mineral Springs Edwards, Carole Canton Cogburn, Fran Biltmore Forest Edwards, Pat Hope Mills Coker-Craig, Suzanne Pinetops Ehlinger, Kay Seven Devils Cole-McFadden, Cora Durham Ellis Norman, Patti Earl Coletta, Anne Flat Rock Emory, Christene Butner Coletta, Theresa Burnsville Enoch, Remonia Green Level Conaway, Sharon Walnut Cove Ester, Karen Catawba Conner, Evelyn Wentworth Evans Armstrong, Lori Stoneville Conrad, Benita Harrisburg Evonovich Jones, Nancy St. Helena Cook, Virginia Hildebran Ferguson, Debbie North Wilkesboro Cooper, Shirley Salemburg Fields, Patricia Oxford Cordrey, Mary Stem Flowers, Alicia Summerfield Corpening, Tammy East Spencer Fonveille, Miona Tabor City Coughlin, Sandra Lake Park Fowler, Deborah Pineville Covington, Paula Mount Gilead Frank Fleming-Adkins, Mary Cleveland Cowen, Carol Roanoke Rapids Franklin, Carroll Drexel Craig, Brenda Gastonia Franklin, Sheila Fletcher Craven, Evon Ellerbe Franklin, Sherry Faison Crawley, Mary Ann Jackson Frazier, Debbie Trinity Credle, Lois Mesic Frazzini, Christina Marvin Crisp, Janine Bryson City Friede, Sarah Carolina Beach Critz, Janet Mineral Springs Frusco, Leslie Foxfire Crowder, Jane Leland Fuller, Anita Franklinton Crowder, Kay Raleigh Furman, Louise Chocowinity Cureton, Lundeen Mineral Springs Furr, Lori Mount Pleasant Daniels, Barbara Jean Halifax Gantt, Linda Trinity Darnell, Anita Jonesville Gardner, Daune Waxhaw Davenport, Mary Alice Ayden Garvey, Brenda River Bend Davies, Sheila Kill Devil Hills Gelbaugh, Mary Sylva Davis, Cherrye Middlesex Giezentanner, Debbie Woodfin Davis, Cynthia High Point Gilchrist, Margaret Maxton Davis, Gloria Williamston Gist, Jacquelyn Carrboro Davis-Oliver, Monta Yadkinville Glidden, Barbara Boiling Spring Lakes Davy, Kady-Ann Fayetteville Glover, Rose Greenville Dawson, Janet Burgaw Gobble Martin, Regina Holden Beach Debnam, Clara Littleton Goodwin, Elease Aberdeen DeBolt, Abbe Whispering Pines Graham, Catherine Carthage Dingler, Anita Holly Ridge Graves, Carissa Green Level Doggett, Juanita Marion Gravett, Darlene Boiling Springs Dozier, Nicole Apex Gray, Virginia Wendell Driver, Betty Yadkinville Green, Nikki Robbins Duncan, Debra Monroe Green, Renee Stem Duncan, Ramona Connelly Springs Green Fallon, Claire Charlotte Dus, Rebecca St. James Greene, Paula Elizabethtown

58 MEREDITH COLLEGE STATUS OF WOMEN IN NORTH CAROLINA POLITICS

Greene, Sally Chapel Hill Hollinshed, Marianna Beaufort Griffin, Charlotte Bear Grass Holloman, Diane Grimesland Grouse, Sharon Franklinville Holman, Lillian Hertford Grubb, Deanna Denton Holt, Terri Robbins Gwynn, Odessa Yanceyville Hudson, Cheryl Eastover Hackney, Sharon Hobgood Hughes, Martha Albemarle Hadley, Pamela Weddington Hummer, Anita Elizabeth City Hall, Martha Sue Albemarle Hunt, Doris Elizabeth Rowland Halligan, Chris Atkinson Hunt Williams, Linda Holly Springs Hamilton, Barbara Sylva Hunter, Mary Warrenton Hammond, Dolores Laurinburg Hurley, A. C. Franklinville Hampton, Angela Eden Hutchens, Lestine Elkin Handley, Joyce Franklin Jack, Pam Lake Park Harding, Darla Spruce Pine Jamerson, Sheryl Flat Rock Harding, Kimberly Warrenton Jarman, Kelly Kinston Hardy, Marti Caswell Beach Jaynes, Valerie Newland Harrell, Elizabeth Bear Grass Johnson, Beverly Norwood Harrington, Janet Broadway Johnson, Cindy Wallburg Harris, Joan Wilson’s Mills Johnson, Cynthia Maxton Harris, Maxine Clinton Johnson, Dianne Lillington Harris Shelton, Pat Thomasville Johnson, Liz Morrisville Harrison, Barbara Weddington Johnson, Michelle Carrboro Hart, Kerry Stanley Johnson, Phronice East Spencer Harvey, Georgia Oakboro Johnson, Yvonne Greensboro Harwood, Anne Badin Joines, Agnes Sparta Hasty, Laura Peachland Jones, Arlene Chocowinity Haven-O’Donnell, Randee Carrboro Jones, Doris Hookerton Hawkins, Brenda Simpson Jones, Ophelia Sedalia Haynes, Margaret Wilmington Jones, Vivian Wake Forest Haynie, Billie Jean Marshall Jordan, Deborah Tarboro Herman, Cecilia Calabash Joyner, Tracey Enfield Hess, Jodi Southern Shores Katalinic, Judith St. Helena Hicks Cates, Vicky Butner Keller, Cindy Beech Mountain Hightower, Sharon Greensboro Kellis, Rora Vass Hildebran, Francis Valdese Kenary, Jeannine Wesley Chapel Hill, Alyce High Point Kenyon, Caroline Faison Hill, Robin Parkton Keziah, Lynn Monroe Hill Murphy, Winifred Garland King, Elizabeth Wrightsville Beach Himbry, Vennie Bayboro King, Milta Kenansville Hinton, Louise Nashville Kinsey, Patsy Charlotte Hoffmann, Nancy Greensboro Kirkland, Cathy Stanley Hogan, Barbara Denton Kitts, Kathy Midland Hogan, Heidi Littleton Klutz, Emilie Kitty Hawk Hollingsworth, Ann Brevard Knight, Mary Louise Calabash

MEREDITH COLLEGE 59 STATUS OF WOMEN IN NORTH CAROLINA POLITICS

Knowles, Kay St. Helena Martin, Carlyn Jamesville Koonce, Kandy Richlands Mason, Lynne Boone Lacy, Jackie Selma Maurer, Barbara River Bend Lamm, Peggy Lucama Mayfield, LaWana Charlotte LaMonica, Melody Mineral Springs McAulay, Sarah Huntersville Lance-Stone, Bert Archdale McCathen, Kay Bessemer City Lanier, Tonya Lexington McClellan, Elizabeth Summerfield Lasky, Bonnie Boonville McCulloch, Cicely Elkin Laughlin, Dianne Summerfield McFarlane, Nancy Raleigh Lavelle, Lydia Carrboro McGee, Joyce Tobaccoville Lawing, Mary Bess Newton McKinney, Donetta Newland Lawrence, Tammy Cramerton McLean, Amelia Ann Fairmont Lawson, Kim Ellenboro McLean, Sally Maxton Leak-McKenzie, Carol Fairmont McLeod, Happy Tryon Ledford, Sue Bakersville McMurray, Pat Ann Aberdeen Lee, Cheri Ann Holly Springs McNeill, Eula Red Springs Lee, Sandy Four Oaks McRae, Barbara Franklin Lee, Veronica La Grange McRary Kirby, Trena Saratoga Lee Lavender, Elizabeth Earl Meacham, Julia Weldon Leight, Molly Winston-Salem Mease, Carroll Clyde Lemel, Page Rosman Melahn, Sandy Calabash Leonard, Michelle Bethania Meliski, Barbara Chimney Rock Lewis, Ann Middlesex Melvin, Carolyn Garland Lewis, Anne Fremont Mennella, Dona Laurel Park Lewis, Karen Havelock Mercer, Sherry Bunn Lewis, Kim Walnut Cove Metcalf, Margaret Columbus Lewis, Lynn Walnut Cove Michael, Trina Maiden Lexo, Michelle Whispering Pines Miller, Sandy Holden Beach Locklear, Effie Ranlo Miller, Virginia Gail Swepsonville Locklear, Theresa Pembroke Mims, Del Creedmor Loflin, Julie Denton Mock, Sandra Lewisville Long, Ann Wade Montgomery, Lynn Jamestown Long, Betty Kenansville Moore, Cheryl Wentworth Long, Elizabeth Fairview Morgan, Dawn Kernersville Loomis, Doris Biltmore Forest Morgan, Virginia Marshville Love, Jean Rowland Morrow, Darlene Dallas Lowe, Martha Lake Waccamaw Moss, Laladge Earl Lowman, Barbara Hildebran Mull, Gail Canton Lucas, Denise Spring Lake Myers, Elaine Ahoskie Lyerly, Brenda Banner Elk Nash, Dottie Monroe Lyles, Vi Charlotte Needham, Linda Pilot Mountain Malker Duff, Stacey Dallas Neiil King, Mary Raeford Mallett, Barbara East Spencer Neill, Peggy Mineral Springs Manheimer, Esther Asheville Nelson, Veronica Sedalia

60 MEREDITH COLLEGE STATUS OF WOMEN IN NORTH CAROLINA POLITICS

Newell, Merilyn Roxboro Redd, Catt Youngsville Nixon, Mary Plymouth Reeve, Anne Wake Forest Nixon-Roney, Georgia Jamestown Reid, Joyce Fremont Noblitt, Sue Brookford Revels, Veronica Gibsonville Odum, Gloria Murfreesboro Rheubottom, Brandi Kill Devil Hills Ogletree, Midge Columbia Rhyne, Linda Ranlo Oliver, Cheryl Selma Richardson, Vera Mount Gilead Oliver, Doris Pollocksville Riley, Jean Carthage Oliver, Kelly Yadkinville Roberson, Roxanna Newland Owens, Sandra Columbia Roberson, Veronica Winterville Padgett, Laura Wilmington Robinson, Jennifer Cary Painter, Carol Oak Island Robinson, Kimberly Weldon Pait, Vickie Whiteville Robinson, Linda Coats Palmer, Maria Chapel Hill Rodes, Tracy Webster Pangle Brooks, Janet Robbinsville Rogers, Joyce Harmony Parker, Elizabeth Bridgeton Rogers, Patricia Nashville Parsley, Jennifer Concord Rogers Davis, Melissa Pineville Patterson, Amy Hillsborough Romanow, Deborah Stallings Patterson, Jeanette Shelby Rosoff, Elaine Wesley Chapel Patton, Jill Hickery Ross, Katrina Mint Hill Payne, Aileen Marshall Ross, Phyllis Ayden Peace-Jenkins, Brenda Henderson Roy Fiorillo, Nancy Pinehurst Peele, Nancy Manteo Rudd, Ann Pollocksville Pena, Jennifer Boone Ruffin, Carol Tarboro Pender, Florence Pinetops Rumley, Lynn Cooleemee Philipps, Patty Mebane Russel Jordan, Linda Butner Phillips, Claire Pinehurst Saunders, Doreen Cape Carteret Pierce, LeAnn Carolina Beach Scarbrough, Suetta Roanoke Rapids Pigford, Janice Beulaville Schaible, Patricia New Bern Piland, Sara Eastover Schardien, Donna Belville Pippin, Linda Bunn Scott, Carol Sunset Beach Pitchford, Gerleen Littleton Scroggins-Johnson, Vicki Morrisville Platt, Brenda Madison Senehi, Rose Chimney Rock Plyler, Becky Wesley Chapel Sergent, Jackie Oxford Ponds, Mary Granite Quarry Shackleford, Geraldine Snow Hill Poole, Mary Ellen Southport Sharpe, Naydine Alamance Pope Bryson, Jackie Woodfin Sherrill, Dottie Weaverville Potter, Susie Newland Shifflette, Tracey Kernersville Powell, Iris Wentworth Shore-Smith, Lori Tobaccoville Price, Sarahlyn Maggie Valley Sigmon, Kim Connelly Springs Pritchard, Cheryl Cajah’s Mountain Silvey, Mary Ann Lake Lure Puett, Jill Cherryville Simmons, Barbara Enfield Quails, Lisa Mooresville Simmons, Fearldine Henderson Quinn, Kimberly Pilot Mountain Simpson, Norma Edenton

MEREDITH COLLEGE 61 STATUS OF WOMEN IN NORTH CAROLINA POLITICS

Sinclair Mason, Etsil Farmville Thomas, Crissy Lenoir Slattery, Noreen Belville Thompson, Clara Simpson Slaughter, Myra Alamance Thompson, Sara Whiteville Small, Ella Mae Concord Toler, Denise Garland Smiley, Natalie Walnut Cove Tolson, Joyce Pinetops Smith, Ann Hudson Truax, Minnie Cape Carteret Smith, Becky Bessemer City Turlington, Jean Clinton Smith, Debbie Ocean Isle Beach Turner, Beth Pittsboro Smith, Kandie Greenville Turner, Donna Eden Smothers, Rebecca High Point Turner, Pat Swansboro Snead, Jean Cooleemee Tuttle, Maggie Black Mountain Sossamon, Lynda Sylva Tyson, Elaine Burgaw Sottille, April Chimney Rock Underwood, Doris Parkton Spivey, Darlene Trenton VanCamp, Teresa Southern Pines Spivey, Kerry Hamilton Vann, Gwendolyn Magnolia Spraker, Wendi Danbury Vaughan, Nancy Greensboro Stack, Casandra Benson Vaughan-Jones, Amy Mocksville Standaert, Mary Montreat Venturi, Barb Oriental Stanley, Carolyn Holly Ridge Vicknair, Barbara Murphy Starnes, Christy New London Vines, Leah Pinetops Staton, Mamie Hamilton Vinson, Ann Montreat Stedman, Anne Newton Virgil, Linda Sharpsburg Steele, Shawna Stallings Volk, Barbara Hendersonville Stevenson, Susan Valdese Wade, Gail Conway Stewart, Emma Louisburg Walker, Christine Manteo Stilwell, Mary Boiling Spring Lakes Walker, Nancy Spring Hope Stinnett, Margaret Wake Forest Walker, Sherri Reidsville Stipe, Linda North Topsail Beach Wall Clark, Beverly Zebulon Stipe, Linda Wagram Wallace, Betty Oak Island Stoltz-Thompson, Deborah Bethania Wallace, Sarah Murfreesboro Stowe, Martha Belmont Walters, Regina Bear Grass Strawbridge, Marsha Bunn Walters, Susie Nags Head Strickland, Carla Pleasant Garden Ward, Ivana Robersonville Sullivan, Denise Rockingham Ware, Sandra Cramerton Sumpter, Sandy Murphy Warner, Jackie Hope Mills Sutherland, Fredricka Spring Lake Warren, Ashley Haw River Swain, Jill Huntersville Warrender, Dianne Morehead City Swearingen, Emilie Kure Beach Washington, Angelia Jacksonville Sweeting, Sue Blowing Rock Washington, Lorrine Snow Hill Taylor, Letta Jean Montreat Watkins, Lois Rocky Mount Taylor, Peggy Wingate Watson, Karen Murphy Testerman, Robin Dobson Weeks, Lisa Wrightsville Beach Thackerson, Ann Earl Weeks, Sandra Ellenboro Thibodeau, Monica Duck Welch, Kate Bryson City

62 MEREDITH COLLEGE STATUS OF WOMEN IN NORTH CAROLINA POLITICS

Wells, Marsha Elm City Jaynes, Valerie Newland West Green, Lynn Broadway Johnson, Beverly Norwood Whaley, Marsha Rose Hill Jones, Ophelia Sedalia Whedbee, Debbie Winfall Jones, Vivian Wake Forest Wheeler, Cindy Whitsett Kitts, Kathy Midland Whitaker, Bety Rolesville Knight, Mary Louise Calabash White, Elaine Maysville Lavell, Lydia Carrboro White-Lawrence, Vicki Stokesdale Lewis, Lynn Walnut Cove Whitley, Shannon Rolesville Long, Betty Kenansville Whitt, Janet Danbury Long, Elizabeth Fairview Wickre, Martha Manteo Lyerly, Brenda Banner Elk Wilkes, Rosa Snow Hill Mallett, Barbara East Spencer Wilkie, Denise Apex Manheimer, Esther Asheville Williamson, Betty Ocean Isle Beach Mason, Etsil Farmville Williamson, Bonnie Kenly McFarlane, Nancy Raleigh Wilson, Brenda Havelock McLean, Sally Maxton Wilson, Cathy Windsor Meacham, Julia Weldon Wilson Foley, Bett Pittsboro Meliski, Barbara Chimney Rock Winfrey, Sandy Oriental Morgan, Dawn Kernersville Winkler, Janet Hudson Murphy, Winifred Garland Wisler, Gwen Asheville Newell, Marilyn Roxboro Wrenwick, Shinita Sedalia Oliver, Cheryl Selma Wright, Maripat Emerald Isle Rogers, Joyce Harmony Wyhof, Rebecca Sanford Roy Fiorillo, Nanacy Pinehurst Young, Sheila Holden Beach Rumley, Lynn Cooleemee Sergent, Jackie Oxford Female Mayors: Simmons, Barbara Enfield Begley, Kolleen Forest Hills Smith, Becky Bessemer City Birch, Barbara Newton Grove Smith, Debbie Ocean Isle Beach Bozeman, Brenda Leland Spivey, Darlene Trenton Bundren, Cathera Alamance Stedman, Anne Newton Campbell, Sylvia Elizabethtown Stoltz-Thompson, Deborah Bethania Carson, Patsy Erwin Strawbridge, Marsha Bunn Cochran, Deborah Mount Airy Strickland, Carla Pleasant Garden Coletta, Theresa Burnsville Swain, Jill Huntersville Cook, Virginia Hildebran Taylor, Letta Jean Montreat Davies, Sheila Kill Devil Hills Vaughan, Nancy Greensboro Dingler, Anita Holly Ridge Volk, Barbara Hendersonville Dus, Rebecca St. James Wallace, Betty Oak Island Gardner, Daune Waxhaw Warner, Jackie Hope Mills Green, Renee Stem Whitt, Janet Danbury Griffin, Charlotte Bear Grass Winkler, Janet Hudson Hunt, Doris Elizabeth Rowland Hutchens, Lestine Elkin

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