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THE TRANSFORMATION OF ZOROASTRIAN MESSIANISM IN MUGHAL

From the Advent of Zoroastrian Holy Emperor to the Change of -(1)

Takeshi AOKI*

I. Purpose and Assumption Modern Zoroastrianism took a new turn abruptly in the 16th and 17th century in Safavid and Mughal India. In earlier papers, I clarified the new turn's contents on three points; namely (1) how Zoroastrian priests split into three main groups in the 16th century, (2) how among them, the "Shirazian Zoroastrians" inherited the Neo-Platonic philosophical aspect of medieval Zoroastrianism and (3) the life of their leader Azar Kayvan (1533-1618) and Islamic mysticism's influence upon him(2). But the question remains an unsettled question: what was the primary cause(s) which drove some Zoroastrian priests to open up such a new turn in the history of Zoroastrianism? The purpose of this paper is to investigate this question. I should like to propose as a reasonable hypothesis that one of the main causes of this new turn in Zoroastrianism was the transformation of their messianism in the 16th century. Generally speaking, a messianism with its own eschatology changes markedly in correspondence with the relationship between the religion concerned and the statepower. (Cf. Christianity in the Roman Empire and Isma'ilism in the Fatimid Dynasty,(3) etc.) This tendency of oriental thought may apply also to the case of Zoroastrianism. In particular, given that the main cause for the change in Zoroastrianism after the fall of the Sasanian dynasty (226-651) was the passionate hope for a Zoroastrian messiah among Muslim surroundings, I can explain why they split into three groups and some priests developed a unique ideology in the 17th century. That is what I hope to show in this paper.

* Ph . D. Student, University of Tokyo

136 ORIENT THE TRANSFORMATION OF ZOROASTRIAN MESSIANISM IN MUGHAL INDIA

II. Methodology and Materials The first strategy for investigating the background of the activity of some of the Zoroastrian priests would be to examine some features of Zoroastrian messianism between the Muslim conquest and the 17th century and to obtain a clear grasp of its transformation. However, there is not much material to decide the matter within this term. The material I have at hand is quite scanty and falls into three main groups listed in chronological order below. (1) Some parts of the Pahlavi (and Pazand) books concerning Zoroastrian messianism: those materials serve as evidence of Zoroastrian messianism just after the fall of the Sasanian dynasty, namely the seventh to tenth centuries. (2) Some parts of the Persian Rivayats concerning Zoroastrian messianism: those materials serve as evidence of the messianism of the "- Kermanian Zoroastrians," especially in the 17th century. (3) Some documents by three generations of a Gujaratian priestly family: those materials serve as evidence of the messianism of the "Gujaratian Zoroastrians" in the 17th century. Discussion based on the above materials will be done in sections III to V. Next. I will go on to the next question: did this transformation of messianism have any influence on the ideology of the 17th century priests or not? If I can confirm that the transformation of their messianism greatly influenced their other thought(s), there is considerable validity to my hypothesis. For this purpose, I have relatively much materials at hand, namely Persian books by the "Shirazian Zoroastrians" as below. (4) Dasatir-e Asmani: this book is of central importance among the "Shirazian Zoroastrians ," but its date is very controversial. Although many Iranists put its date at during the 1600's(4), according to the colophon of one of its oldest manuscripts, H. P. 131 at the K. R. Cama Oriental Institute, it was written by Mobed Farazin Hush Davar in 357 A. H. ( = C. E. 966/967). Therefore, I treat this book as a work between the tenth and 17th centuries with some reservations. (5) Sharestan-e Chahar Chaman by Farzane ebn-e Farhad (d. 1624): this book is a good illustration of Azar Kayvdn's personal views on various things. (6) Jam-e : Sharh-e Mokashefat-e Azar Kayvan by Mobed Khodajuy ebn-e Namdar (d. 1631): this book provides many examples

Vol. XXXVII 2002 137 of Azar Kayvan's mysticism. (7) Dabestan-e Mazaheb by Mobed (d. after 1659): in this paper, I take some examples of the political views of the "Shirazian Zoroastrians" from this book. Discussion of what this material shows about the influence of the transformation of Zoroastrian messianism in the 17th century appears in section VI.

III. Features of Zoroastrian Messianism before the 16th Century First of all, I collected all references to Zoroastrian messianism in Pahlavi books. Fortunately E. W. West(5), Jehangir C. Tavadia(6), (7) and J. Duchesne-Guillemin(8) had already researched in full detail such books and fragmentary references. Among such Pahlavi books, I can point out two features: "Secularization of the Messiah" and the "Indian illusion."

III - A. The "Secularization of Messiah": Ancient Zoroastrianism's messianism is represented by Yask 19: the Zamyad Yast(9). I can identify in •˜•˜88

90 of this chapter an intense eschatology that expects the advent - of the messiah in the very near future. At the same time, I can understand here that this ancient concept of the Zoroastrian messiah Saosiiant did not contain any political intention at all in its beginning. However, in my opinion, the Zoroastrian messiah, who was interpreted chiefly as a religious figure in the , was converted after the downfall of the Sasanian dynasty into a "secular messiah," who would settle the actual crisis in Iran. For example, it is useful to examine a Pahlavi book written down in the tenth century : Zand-i Wahman Yasn, Chapter VII,•˜•˜1-7 in the following(10).

(Transcription) •˜ 1: pursid Zarduxst az Ohrmazd ku Ohrmazd <-i> menog <-i> abzonig,

Dadar-i gehan <-i> astomandan ahlaw, Dadar, ka awesan edon was marag

hend, pad ce abzar be sayind abesihenidan.

2: guftas Ohrmazd ku Spitaman•˜ Zarduxst ka dew-i wizarat-wars-i Xesm

tohmag o paydagih ayed, pad kust-i Xwardsan, nazdist nigan-i sya paydag

bowad. Zdyed Ugedar-i Zarduthan pad war-i Frazdan, had ke pad zreh <-i>

Kayansih guft. Had bud ka pad Kaburistan guft.

3: si salagih, o ham pursagih <-i> man Ohrmazd•˜ rasid, Spitaman Zarduxst.

Had bud ke pad kust-i Chinistan guft, had bud ke andar Hindugan guft.

138 ORIENT THE TRANSFORMATION OF ZOROASTRIAN MESSIANISM IN MUGHAL INDIA

•˜ 4: zayed Kay-e. Had pid-i oy Kay az Kayan tohmag, pad ayarih o

xwargedar <-i> Hindugan sawad.

•˜ 5: pad e sad salagih, kamag o zanan bowad, azis zayed Kay-e i Denig

Wahram-i Warzawand nam xwaned, had bud ke Sapur guft.

•˜ 6: ku an sab ka an Kay zayed, nisan o gehan rased, setarag az

wand, ka oy Kay zayed setarag nisan namaed had Dad-Ohrmazd guft ku

Awan ud Wad roz. Pidar-i oy Kay frazam bowad, pad kanigan-i Sah

parwarend. Xwaddy zan-e bowad. •˜ 7: Oy Kay. Ka si salag bowad, had bud ke anbam guft, pad amar drafs

spah, spah-i Hindug ud Cinig- ul gereft drafs-omand, ce drafs ul girend,

abrastag drafs-omand, pad tazisn ul tazend ta Weh rod, bud dah

guft, ta andarag bar <-i> bahr <-i> Bahran. Spitaman Zarduxst.

(Translation) •˜ 1: Zarduxgt asked Ohrmazd. "Oh! Spiritual and bountiful Ohrmazd, the

creator of the material world, the supporter of the justice. They [=Arabs]

are too many, by what kind of mean can they be destroyed?"

•˜ 2: He, Ohrmazd, answered. "Oh! Spitaman Zarduxgt. When the devils

with the disheveled hair of the Xesm clan [=a devil of rage in Zoroastrian

demonology, but implicitly means the Hashimite family of Prophet

Muhammad] come out, first the black banner appeared in the direction of

Xwarasan, then Usedar-i Zarduxstiyan will be born on the lake Frazdan." - or it was said on the sea Kayansih or at Kabolestan.

•˜ 3: "At 30 years old, he will come to me Ohrmazd to ask some questions.

Oh! Spitaman Zarduxst." -or it was said on the direction of China or at

India.

•˜ 4: "And one Kay will be born. The father of this Kay is from the family

of the Kayan dynasty. He went to Xwarsedar [?] of India for help."

5: "After 100 years, he will have a desire for women and will•˜ beget a son

named religious Kay or in the holy name Wahram-i Warzawand." - or he

was called Sapur.

•˜ 6: "On the night of Kay's birth, an omen will reach the world: stars will

rain from the heaven. - In other words, when Kay is born, stars are called

an omen. And Dad Ohrmazd said it was on the Wad day of the

. The father of Kay ended and [people] brought up [him] by the

daughter of the king. Then a woman will become a ruler."

Vol. XXXVII 2002 139 •˜ 7: "When Kay will be 30 years old, somebody said, a troop with

innumerable banners, that is to say, the Indian and Chinese troops with

flying banners - since they flied banners - surges till the river Weh with

banners and arms. - In other words, it is said till the earthly village. -

and till the shore of the Bahran sea. Oh! Spit-dm-an Zarduxst."

In this quotation, we notice the Zoroastrian priest (1) was burning with the spirit of revenge on Arab-Muslims, (2) had a high expectation of a political messiah from India. It appears that the "religious messiah" (Saosiiant) has worn to a shadow in comparison to the "secular savior" (Wahram-i Warzawand), who will liberate Iran from Muslim domination. It seems reasonable to say that, at this phase, in the tenth century, the interests of Zoroastrian priests shifted from religious salvation to the political recovery of Iran. Next, it is instructive to examine the contents of the Pazand text Jeimiispi, which was drawn up by Rana Jesang in A. D. 1504, namely at the eve of the foundation of the (11).

(Transcription) Chap. V: . . . Saida Saherydr dah sal. AZ ani faraz patanent osa, hat pa hat

bai vasainenda. Pas biainda tazigani ujarat varas aza tuxmae Haesem. Pa

andak zor va zovar erani saher faraz giremda hasat hagtat du sal nah mah

haft roza cihar saata.

Chap. VI: Pursit Wastaspa Sah ku pas aja ani ku mainyo dastura oi era

aher aeanda ani hent azdis zanemt gehan aja avadiavas oi pakas padidviss

bant. Ci angama zamana raset andar hazara e iak cont haƒÂa u ƒÂainpat bant

gehan. Cin rainent dat dadagtani andar gehan ƒÂan. Ca ainn bet pa hazdra e Husedar Husedar mahan u siusias.

Pasokh: guftas pedais ku andar Husedar angam 18 hazda haƒÂa bant

andaran angama patyaras kem bet Druzi gurt sart biavasahet kar dadastan na aja dat be aja hat mar kunent sal mah roza kamatar ba bet.

(Translation) Chap. V: . . . [For] Sakiit Saheryar [=Yazadgird III] ten years [are his period of reign]. After him, they [=Iranians] were ruined and disintegrated. Then appeared Arabs who are the descendants of Haegem [=a devil of rage in Zoroastrian demonology, but implicitly means the Häshimite family of

140 ORIENT THE TRANSFORMATION OF ZOROASTRIAN MESSIANISM IN MUGHAL INDIA Prophet Muhammad]. They hold the Iran state by some violence, 1082 years and nine and seven days and four hours [are their period of domination of Iran]. Chap. VI: King Wastaspa [=Wistasp Sah in Pahlavi] asked. "After that time when spiritual Dasturs appeare in the Iran state and break idols and change the world into cleanness from uncleanness, what kind of age will come?. . . " Reply: Jamasp the astrologer answered him "In the time of Husedar [=Usedar in Pahlavi], there might be 18 lords. At that age, misfortunes decrease and the devil's clan of the disasters [=Arabs] will be destroyed. The deeds and judges which they had done without being based on the justice [=Islam] will decrease every year, every month and every day. . . "

Because in this quotation too emphasis is still placed on the secular emancipation of Iran from Muslim domination, I am able to suppose that from the tenth century to the 16th century, Zoroastrian messianism was formed chiefly by looking forward to a "political messiah" rather than to a "religious messiah." Thus, I am now in a position to say that the "secularization of the Messiah" is the first feature I can point out about medieval Zoroastrian messianism(12). III - B. The "Indian Illusion": The next feature I can point out about medieval Zoroastrian messianism in the Pahlavi books(13) is the "Indian illusion." As the underlined words of the above Zand-i Wahman Yasn imply, this "secular messiah" appears mainly from India rather than from other countries . The description of the Greater Bundahan (TD 1) is another typical example(14).

(Transcription) Ud ka xwadayih o Yazadgird mad, wist sal xwadayih kard. Eg Tazigan pad was maragih o Eran Sahr [dnbl'st?] -omand award. Pad karezar abag awesan ne skast, o Xwarasan ud Turkestan sawad, asp ud mard-i ud ayarih xwast. Az-san anoh ozad. Pus-i Yazadgird 6 Hindugan gawad ud spah gund award, pes az amad ta o Xwarasan uzid, an spah gund wisobt. Eran sahr dast <-i> Tazigan mand.

(Translation) When the kingship came to Yazadgird [III], he governed for 20 years. Then Arabs invaded the Iran state in a large number. Because he could not beat

Vol. XXXVII 2002 141 in the battlefield with them, he sought asylum in Xwarasan and Turkestan and asked for horses and men and help. But he was murdered there by them (=Arabs?). Although the son of Yazadgird [=Prince Wahram or Peroz] went to India and gathered an army, before his arrival at Xwarasan he was missing, his army was destroyed. After all, the Iran state remainded in the hands of Arabs.

In this quotation, it is evident that a prince of the Sasanian dynasty (pus-i Yazadgird) driven from his homeland, did not run away into his relative's country, the Byzantine empire(15), but instead sought asylum in India (Hindugan), with whom Iran had the least close relationship of any of its neighbors in those days, and intended to reestablish the Persian empire with the support of the Indian army. His choice is surprising when the international relationships of the Sasanian dynasty in those days are taken into consideration. Again, let us examine a pure Pahlavi apocalyptic book, Abar Madan-i Sah Wahram-i Warzawand(16).

(Translation) When will a messenger (payg-e) come from India (az Hindugan) [and say as follows]? "Sah Wahram, the descendant of the Kayan dynasty (an i Sah Wahram az dud (ag-i) Kayan) has appeared, bringing 1000 elephants (pil) with elephant-keepers (pilban) flying each decorated banners (arastag drafs)." Following the manner of ancient Persian heroes (pad even-i Husrawan), they flied them at the head of the troop (pes lagkar). And for generals (pad spah-sardaran), a messenger (masd-e basir) is indispensable, namely a wise communicator (zirak targaman). When he arrives, he will narrate in India the terrible deeds done by the hands of Arabs (dast-i Tazigan). Zoroastrianism () was devastated (nizar kard) and the emperor (sahan sah) was murdered (be ozad) like a dog. They eat breads (LHMA) and have taken away the emperorship (padsahih) from the Persian nobility (az Husrawan) not by the skill (hunar) and bravery (mardih) but by the contempt (afsos) and despising (riyahrih). They deprive people of wife (zan), comfortable places (xwastagiha-i siren), orchard (bag) and flower garden (boyestan). They impose the jizya

142 ORIENT THE TRANSFORMATION OF ZOROASTRIAN MESSIANISM IN MUGHAL INDIA (gazitag)and annoytheir heads.. . We will call in §5.11Wahram, the descendant of the Kayan dynasty for revenge on Arabs (ken-i Tazigan),like Rotastahm with a club for revenge of the world. We crush (frod hilem) their mosques (mazgitiha) and set up fire (ataxsan) [to them] and sweep away idol temples (uzdes-cariha), then make the world innocent (pak kunem) to eliminate the evil creatures of demons(druj wistagan) fromthis world. Finishedin peace andjoy.

In this quotation too, the emancipator (Sah Wahram) appears from India (az Hindugan), and it is quite Indian in flavour that he is expected to march riding on a white elephant°7). From the development and extensive diffusion of this idea, I can conclude safely that the Zoroastrians of the tenth century held and fostered a unique "Indian Illusion" with a quite secular meaning.

IV. Causes of Transformation It is convenient, before turning to the explanation of the transformation of Zoroastrian messianism in the 17th century, to observe what I believe is its cause, namely the political situation of Mughal India. After the downfall of the Sasanian dynasty, contrary to the wishful predictions of their ancestors, Zoroastrians could see no sign at all that such a Zoroastrian regime would be reestablished: far from it, Zoroastrians were continually suppressed under Muslim domination in Iran and from the 14th century, in . However, with the following chain of events, their image of the ideal "secular messiah" rapidly materialized in the early Mughal emperors in India. IV - A. The Muslim Millennium Movements in India: In Gujarat in the latter half of the 14th century, the Stiff Sayyid Muhammad Jawnpuri (1443- 1504), advocating the Alfi-Mahdavi Movement°8), made a huge impact on Indian Islamic thought, and this type of millennialism kept its influence so long that it was a cause of the Rawshani movement of Bayazid Ansari (1525-72)09) and the Mujaddidiya movement of Shaykh Abmad Sirhindi (d. 1624). IV - B. The Glorification of Emperor : In the latter half of the 16th century, Shaykh Mubarak, a famous member of the Alfi-Mahdavi movement and his son Abu al-Fadl 'Allami were among the closest associates of Emperor Akbar and promoted the glorification of the Mughal emperor; then

Vol. XXXVII 2002 143 Emperor Akbar himself came to be regarded as next to divine. I can confirm this process clearly in the Zoroastrian Persian book Dabestan-e Mazaheb, chapter X(20).

(Transcription) Ta'lim-e dahom dar 'aqa'ed-e Elahiye Nazar-e avval dar Khalifat Allah va ba'di-ye mo'jezat-e hadrat-e Khalifat-e Haqq Khvaje Mas'ud ebn-e khvaje Mahmud ebn-e khvaje Morshed al-Haqq ke mortad, saheb-e hal bud, ba negarande-ye name goft ke: pedar-e bozorgvar- e man migoft ke man az sotorgan-e ouliya shenide balam ke saheb-e din va donydyi sar bar keshad, ne-midanestam ke an saheb-e fadl, gozashte ya khvahad dmad, ta anke shabi dar vaqe'e didam. Chun az khvab bar dmadam bean zamin rasidam va an sa'adatmand motavalled shod, ya'ni be tarikh-e ruz-e yekshanbe shahr-e rajab sane-ye tesa' va arba'in va tesa'mayat hadrat Jalal al-Din Akbar, farzand-e sa'adatmand Homayun Padshah, az hamide Banu Bigam, motavalled shod. Az Mirza Shah Mohammad mokhatab be Ghazni Khan khalaf-e Shah Big Khan Duran khetab-e Arghun nezhad, dar hazar va panjah va se dar Lahur, name negar shenid ke goft: az Navvab 'Aziz Koka mokhateb be Khan A' porsid ke che mifarmayid dar harf zadan-e hadrat-e 'Arsh-e Ashyani, masih-var ba valede-ye majede? Javab dad ke valede migoft h aqq ast.

(Translation)

Chap. X: On the Opinions of the Din-e Elahi Sect

: On the Advent of the God's Vicegerent [=Emperor•˜1 Akbar] and Some

of His Miracles

Khvaje Mas'ud ebn-e khvaje Mahmud ebn-e khvaje Morshed al- Haqq, the

recluse and the owner of the mystical state, said the present author of this

book [=one of the "Shirazian Zoroastrians," Mobed Shah 1617-?]: my

great father used to say "I heard from great sages that the lord of the teaching and this world will appear. Although I do not know whether that

glorious lord had already come or not, at a certain night I witnessed really; when I woke up from the dream, I was in that country where that august

person was born. In other words, on Sunday of the month Rajab in the year

144 ORIENT THE TRANSFORMATION OF ZOROASTRIAN MESSIANISM IN MUGHAL INDIA of 949 Hijri [=A. D. 1556], his majesty Jalal al-Din Akbar, the son of Humayun Padshah was born from Hamida Banii Begam." And the author of this book heard also in Lahore in the year of 1053 Hijri [=A. D. 1643] from Mirza Shah Muhammad, surnamed Ghazni Khan, the son of Shah Beg Khan Miran, the descendant of Arghun that "I asked Nawwab 'Aziz Koka, surnamed Khan A'zam [=the son of Emperor Akbar's nurse, the noble of the extreme high rank in the Mughal empire with 7000 mansab] that 'how do you think about rumored Emperor Akbar's being like Messiah with your respectable mother?' He answered 'what the mother (namely, his mother was Akbar's nurse) said is truth.' "

I cannot judge definitely whether this attitude towards Emperor Akbar was a phenomenon popularized in all of India or not, but it is certain that such stories were collected by "Shirazian Zoroastrian" priests like Mobed Shah. IV - C. The Favorable Approach of Emperor Akbar to the Zoroastrians: During 1578-79, Emperor Akbar attempted contact with the "Gujaratian Zoroastrians" such as the high priest Mahyar (or Meher -ji in Gujarati) Rand (1536-91)(21) and the Zoroastrian physician Mehrvayd (1520- 86?)(22) etc. Being completely fascinated by their ancient Persian culture, he came to wear Sudras and Kustis and ordered fire worship; and at last he adopted Zoroastrian names in his Jalali solar calendar. It seems reasonable to suppose that after these reformations, Akbar's advocating of the Din-e Elahi, which quite resembles Zoroastrianism in ritual, became a cause of wishful observations for some of the Zoroastrian priests. IV - D. The Zoroastrian Messiah: As mentioned above, Emperor Akbar, who stood in the crossroad of the "millennium movements (of Indian Islam)" and the "glorification of emperors," showed extraordinary favor to Zoroastrianism. Hence the Zoroastrians, with their inherited "Indian illusion" came to regard Emperor Akbar as the "political messiah" of Zoroastrianism. Thus, several observations in this section make it clear that the political situation of Mughal India in the latter half of the 16th century provided very favorable conditions for some Zoroastrian priests to transform their messianism.

V. Transformation of Zoroastrian Messianism in the 17th Century In the 16th century when Emperor Akbar, as above, came to the throne, Zoroastrian priests began to react positively to his favorable approach to them.

Vol. XXXVII 2002 145 However, in those days, Zoroastrian priests had already divided into three main groups, and their reactions were different in each. In this section, I examine them one by one. V - A. The "Gujaratian Zoroastrians": Because their residential area was included in the Mughal empire (Emperor Akbar's conquest of Gujarat was in 1572-73), from the very early days they tried to strengthen their relations with the Mughal imperial court by dispatching their representatives to the Ebadat Khane to participate in religious disputations in the presence of Emperor Akbar. This marked the beginning of a new epoch in the messianism of the "Gujaratian Zoroastrians." In proof, I can point out Persian documents of a "Gujaratian Zoroastrian" priestly family of three generations. See the following tree.

!The genealogy of Dasturan of Naysar?. Jesang(d. ?) —•¨ Rand (d. after 1553) •¨ Mahyar (1536-91) •¨ Kayqobad (1554-1619)•c•c My data is the following: (1) the colophons of Pazand apocalyptic books by Rana Jesang, (2) two Persian Farmans of Emperor Akbar addressed to Mahyar Rand, (3) two Persian Mathnavis by Kayqobad Mahyar. (1)Rani Jesang: He had a reputation as a man who devoted himself to drawing up manuscripts of some Pahlavi apocalyptic books. Indeed, he rewrote the Pahlavi Jamasp Namag for a Pazand version in 1504 and copied a manuscript of the Namag in 1546(23).Besides, he is assumed to be the priest representing the "Gujaratian Zoroastrians" in those days, because he signed the first of the Kaus Kamdin Revayat, written in 1553. I can, therefore, safely interpret his adherence to the traditional idea of a "secular messiah" as a trend of the whole body of the "Gujaratian Zoroastrians" in the first half of the 16th century. However, his messianic desire had not yet actualized at this stage. (2)ahyar M Rana: It is presumed that he was received in audience by Emperor Akbar and took this opportunity to convert his majesty to Zoroastrianism, as he was granted a vast manor (madad-e ma'ash) by Emperor Akbar through Persian Farmans (two of these Farmans are still extant(24)). After receiving this grant, Mahyar Rana and his descendants seem to have been incorporated rapidly into the Mughal imperial system. In my opinion, this event is the turning point of the messianism of the "Gujaratian Zoroastrians." (3)Kayqobad Mahyar: As the successor of Dastur Mahyar Rana, he inherited his father's madad-e ma'ash and, inevitably also succeeded in the duty to fight for Emperor Jahangir (r. 1605-27). He served as a military bureaucrat with ten subordinate Zoroastrian knights in various fields —-he helped suppress

146 ORIENT

THE TRANSFORMATION OF ZOROASTRIAN MESSIANISM IN MUGHAL INDIA the crown prince Khosrow's rebellion in 1606, he attended Emperor Jahingir's hunting expedition at Gir Jahak Nandan in 1606, and he participated in the expedition to Kabul in 1607. Through this military service, he seems to have cherished loyalty to the Mughal Emperor, and he dedicated two Persian Mathnavis to Emperor Jahangir at Ahmadabad (or Ujjain) in 1618, one of which is the following(25).

(Transcription) 1. Ke Shah Jahangir, shah-e Khosravan to khosh bad, javid-roshan-ravan 2. Khoda-ye jahan kard Jahangir Shah ke , shah-e kehan az to girad pandh

•c •

8. Ke bar takht-e hasti to farkhonde pay ke nam-at be-mand cho shahan-e Kay 9. Khojaste be-to bad, derafsh-e Kayan ke chiin bud neshan-e jahan 10. To-ra bad farrokh Kayani kolah chonanche be-farrokh-e Feridiin Shah

•c •

13. Ke dar dad-dadan cho Nowshiravan be-joz to na-didam sar-e khosrovan

•c • 35. Miyan-e hame Parsi, in gholam sar faraz gardad ze to niknam 36. Ke dar Parsiyan 'ezzat-e man basi shavad az shah-e pak chun mah-vashi 37. Be-atesh-kade ruz va shab afrin namayam be-shah-e pak shah-e zamin

•c •

(Translation) 1. Oh! Shah Jahangir, the Emperor of ancient Persian heroes may you be fortunate, the eternally brilliant soul 2. The Lord of the world made Jahangir the Emperor lesser kings ask you for the patronage

Vol. XXXVII 2002 147 •@•@•c•

8. You put your foot on the throne of the existence your name will last long like Emperors of the Kayan dynasty 9. May the banner of the Kayan dynasty be happy for you as the flag of the world for Jamshid 10. May the crown of the Kayan dynasty be lucky for you as the luck of Feridun Shah

•c • 13. Like Nowshiravan, on doing justice I do not see the proper leader of ancient Persian heroes except you

•c • 35. Among all Zoroastrians, this servant[=I] will be exalted by your name Good Fortune 36. My glory will be raised among Zoroastrians by Pure Emperor like a full moon 37. In the fire-temple, day and night I offer a prayer for Pure Emperor, Earthly Emperor

•c •

This Dastur Kayqobad dedicated another Mathnavi of almost the same contents to the third prince Shah Jahan, who was elevated as the crown prince after the downfall of his elder brother Khosrow, at the time of his expedition to the kingdom of Abmadnagar in 1617(26).

(Transcription)

•c • 7. Shahanshah Shah Jahan nikbakht khodavand-e taj va khodavand-e takht 8. Ke ze to taj va takht va koldh to hasti shah-e pdk ziba-ye gah 9. Bar ouranku to bashi farkhonde pay ke nam-at be-mand cho Shahan-e Kay

•c • 19. Be-kub sar-ash-rd be-gorz-e geran cho ke ba. div-e 20. Ke Yazdan rasand hame kam-e to

148 ORIENT THE TRANSFORMATION OF ZOROASTRIAN MESSIANISM IN MUGHAL INDIA

ke dar molk-e Dakhan bud nam-e to 21. Cho Dastan-e Rostam be bandi miyan ze tigh-at gorizad hame Dakhaniyan 22. Ke az dast-e to tigh bazi shavad Jahangir Shah az to radi shavad 23. Namayan shavi hamcho bar charkh va mah dar anja cho farrokh-e Feridun Shah

... •

33. Deliri chonan kon cho Shir az dast-e u gasht Rostam be-zir 34. Be-avard-gah zan to tir-e Khadang ke chun Rostam niv va Pur-e

... •

(Translation)

... • 7. You are the very , oh! fortunate Shah Jahan the lord of crown, the lord of throne 8. The pearl, the throne and the crown suit you well

you are the very Pure Emperor, suitable for the place 9. May your fortunate foot put on the throne your name will last long like emperors of the Kayan dynasty

... •

19. Break his head by your heavy ax as Rostam did for the devils of Mazandaran 20. May God fulfill all your wish may your name be [praised] in the Deccan kingdom 21. Tighten your waist like Dastan-e Rostam all people of the Deccan will escape from your sword 22. The sword will rage in your hand Jahangir Shah will be satisfied with you 23. Glitter like the full moon in the heaven like the fortune of Feridiin Shah

... • 33. Show your bravery like Sohrab the lion by his hands Rostam was defeated

Vol. XXXVII 2002 149 34. Shot the arrow of Khadang in the battle-field like Rostam the hero and Pur-e Pashang

• • •

From the underlined words of the above two Mathnavis, it appears how enthusiastically the highest priest of the "Gujaratian Zoroastrians" of those days regarded the Mughal Emperors, seeing them as ancient Persian kings (Shah-e Khosravan, Shahan-e Kay, Jamshid and Feridun Shah etc.) and expecting them to perform the role of a "kind friend and true guardian" of Zoroastrians in India. The best way to account for their high expectation is to assume that the early three Mughal emperors (Akbar, Jahangir and Shah Jahan), who adopted a conciliatory policy toward all the religions throughout India, fully succeeded in making the Zoroastrian high priest hold very high hopes of them. To sum up, these observations lead to the conclusion that, in sharp contrast with his grandfather Rana Jesang, who was diligent at drawing up a Pazand version of a traditional Pahlavi apocalyptic book, Dastur Kayqobad turned to praise the Mughal emperors by comparing them to ancient Zoroastrian heroes. From this evidence, it is reasonable to assume that in the latter half of the 16th century, the Zoroastrian messianic image was transformed, at least among the "Gujaratian Zoroastrians ," from the "long-awaited messiah" to the "already- appeared messiah." V - B. The "Yazd-Kerminian Zoroastrians": Remaining within the territory of Muslim Iran, they scarcely had any chance of contact with the Mughal empire. In the 1590's, Ardashir-e Kermani was invited by Emperor Akbar to the imperial capital Agra, but his task was only to cooperate with the editing staff of the first Persian-Persian dictionary, Farhang-e Jahängiri. Therefore, the only way for me to examine their messianism in the 16th century is to consult their three Persian Rivayats: (1)Jasa's letter in A. Y. 885 (=A. D. 1516), (2)Shapiir's letter in A. Y. 928 (=A. D. 1558) and 0(3)Dastur Barzu Kamdin in A. Y. 1015 (=A. D. 1646). Each of these three letters is interesting, but it may be enough to examine (2)as a typical one which reflects their messianism(27).

(Translation) Question [by the "Gujaratian Zoroastrians"]: When will the Ahreman die out?

150 ORIENT

•E THE TRANSFORMATION OF ZOROASTRIAN MESSIANISM IN MUGHAL INDIA Answer [by the "Yazd-Kermanian Zoroastrians"]: On the day of resurrection (rastakhiz). It is apparent in the teaching that Hushidar [=Ushedar in Pahlavi] will appear in the year of 943 or 944 Yazadgirdi [=A. D. 1574 or 75]. Two years are said. Question: When will Bahram [=Wahram-i Warzawand in Pahlavi]? Answer: It is said from the direction of sun-rise (alai) amadan), namely between India and China. The sign of his birth (neshan-e za'idan-e ishan) is, as apparent in the teaching, the falling of stars. In our area, it is known as 903 Yazadgirdi [=A. D. 1534]. Only God knows other mysterious. In other words, the sign is as follows; the Emperor (Shah) appears from India or China. He is descendent from the Kayan dynasty (az tokhm-e Kayan) and it is the time of revenge (vaqt-e kin). He has a hopeful son named Bahram. The sign means the falling of stars from the heaven at his birth time. This pure-born Persian knight (Khosrow-ye pak-zad) will be born on the day of Bad of the month of .

It is obvious that there was no way for the "Yazd-Kermanian Zoroastrians" to mistake any of the kings of the strict Shi'ite state of the Safavid Dynasty (1501-1736) for the long - awaited Zoroastrian "political messiah"; far from being such emancipators, these kings were in character ardent preachers, at least in the early days, of the fanatical, extreme Shi'ism. I can conclude from the above Rivayats that the "Yazd-Kermanian Zoroastrians" were in sharp contrast with the "Gujarätian Zoroastrians" with respect to their high expectation for the advent of the long-awaited "political messiah" with their inherited "Indian illusion." V - C. The "Shirazian Zoroastrians": These remained at Shiraz until about C. E. 1600, but after that they immigrated into northern India: by then a vital territory of the Mughal empire. Therefore, their position was a little complicated; whereas in their extant book(28) written before their immigration, they inherited faithfully the "Indian illusion" expressed in some Pahlavi books, in their Persian books after their immigration the emphasis is upon the religious meaning rather than the political meaning. The first point might be proved most clearly by the 14th chapter of the Dasatir-e Asmani, which is supposed to have been written at some time between the tenth century and the 16th century by an anonymous priest of the "Shirazian Zoroastrians."(29)

Vol. XXXVII 2002 151 (Transcription) Name-ye Shat-e nokhost

•˜ 38: mn'rnd y'r km nv'r tmvr k'r prvndydm / del khosh kon, khvast-e to-ra

padhiroftam / bayad danest ke chun Sekandar be-Iran dast yaft, Sasan pur-e Darab az baradar-e pedar duri jost va be-Hend shod va dar guye Yazdan-

parasti pardakht, Yazdan an sar-var ra navakht va be-peyghambari be-gozid va goft "bahr-e to az gonah-ha-ye Iraniyan dar godhasht ke bartar-e an

koshtan-e Darab bud, aknun yeki az khvishan-e to Kayani nezhad mardi-ye

niku-kar va dorost-goftar bar-angizam."

Chun in vara vakhshiir dar Hend be-godhasht, u ra puri bud Jivantasp nam ke shenakhte be-dovvom Azar Sasan ast va danesh va kerdar chun pedar-e bozorgvar bud, az parmude-ye vakhshur-e namdar mehtar Azar Sasan be- Kabolestan amad, che peyghambar-e Yazdan ba u gofte bud ke "to Ardashir-e Bahman nezhad ra dar yabi va name-ye man bedu separ," dar hangam-e an sar-var Ardashir bar hame Iran parmande shod va mehtar vakhshur Sasan ra dar khvab did ke U ra novid bud hame sud-e Sasan dovvom dad. Bedin omid Khosrow-ye Iran be Kabolestan amade va be- hazaran khvast an farahmand ra be-homayan vakhr Stakhr avarde... . .

(Translation) The Book of the Sasan I

•˜ 38: (text in Asmani) [unable to decipher] / (translation into Pure Persian)

make your heart joyful, I accept your desire / (comment in Pure Persian)

Know that when conquered Iran, Sasan pur-e Darab

left his uncle and went to India to concentrate God's praise in cave. God,

seeing this great man, selected him to the Zoroastrian prophetship and said "For you , I will forgive Iranians for their crimes, the worst of which was the murder of Darab. Now I raise up your relative, the descendant of the

Kayan dynasty with good words and good deeds."

When this Zoroastrian prophet passed away in India, he left a son named Jivantasp. He was known as Azar Sasan II and matched his father in knowledge and deeds. He went to Kabul on the order of the Zoroastrian

prophet Azar Sasan, because this God's prophet told him "Find out Ardashir and deliver my book."

152 ORIENT THE TRANSFORMATION OF ZOROASTRIAN MESSIANISM IN MUGHAL INDIA When united all Iran, this great Ardashir saw in his dream that he has good news and was given all the benefit of the Zoroastrian prophet, Sasan II. This Persian knight [=Ardashir] went to Kabolestan with this hope and managed to invite this great man to the fortunate city Estakhr...

The purpose of this quotation is to show how faithfully the "Shirazian Zoroastrians" inherited the "Indian Illusion," as the underlined words justify. In contrast with the above quotation, however, their expectation for a messiah disappeared suddenly from their books after their immigration to India; this second point is confirmed by a careful reading of their extant books. This change is most likely to be explained by the supposition that Emperor Akbar's favorable invitation for Azar Kayvan (the then leader of the "Shirazian Zoroastrians") and his disciples to the Mughal court meant to them that their almost-1000-year old expectation for a secular messiah from India had been fulfilled. Thus, I am now ready to consider how the two groups of Zoroastrians settled in India transformed their messianism in the 17th century now that their secular messiah had already appeared in the form of the Mughal emperors, although, needless to say, their Iranian colleagues could not lose themselves in such a happy fantasy.

VI. Influence of the Transformation upon the "Shirizian Zoroastrians" Having established the hypothesis presented in section I, I shall observe its real influence upon Zoroastrianism to futher justify it. As mentioned above, the Mughal empire, at least in the consciousness of the "Gujaratian and Shirazian Zoroastrians" settled in its territory, had the nuance of being the ideal revival of the ancient Zoroastrian state, in which the link between the religion and the state was as close as in the Sasanian dynasty. Among them, however, it was difficult for the "Gujaratian Zoroastrian" priests, who were under the able leadership of the "Yazd-Kermanian Zoroastrian" priests until the 19th century, to introduce new ideas on the dogmatic side; but the "Shirazian Zoroastrian" priests , who kept closer terms with Shi'i Muslim thinkers of the Esfahan school than with their colleagues in the faith in Iran, were so independent of other priestly groups that there was much room for them to reform their dogmas along with the developments of the time. In their modern Persian books, I can find some features of "Zoroastrianism without

Vol. XXXVII 2002 153 messianism," as the following four points. VI - A. The "High Expectation of the Zoroastrian Kingship": Once, in the Sasanian time, religion and the kingship were regarded as twin brothers, and religion supervised the kingship. Then almost 1000 years later, believing in the revival of the Zoroastrian state, the "Shirazian Zoroastrian" priests seemed to elaborate what the kingship should be like in the Dabestiin-e Maziiheb(30).

(Transcription) Ta'lim-e nokhost dar ma'refat-e 'aqd'ed-e Parsiyan Sevvomin nazar dar baz namudan-e ahkam-e Peyman-e Farnang ... Padshah ra mohandes-e namur bayad ke Dastur-e u bashad va baqi-ye mohandasan va shomar-a'inan-e farud st. Dar har shahri andaze-giri ya'ni mohandasi va arshya'i ya'ni mobasebi vazir bdshad ke anche re'aya mai gozarand u vacief bud. Va u ra hamchonin gomashtegan bayad. Va dar har shahri basa az deh va qariye, makhsus-e Padshah bashad ke Dastur anja bedan pardazad, an ra Vizak guyand...

(Translation) [Chap. I:] On the Wisdom of Opinions of the Zoroastrians

[•˜3:] On the Rulings described in the Peyman-e Farhang [=one of the

(supposed) lost books of the "Shirazian Zoroastrians"] ... To the Emperor, a famous mathematician who works as the guide of many subordinate calculators and astronomers is indispensable as his high priest. And in every city, a calculator or surveyor and an arshyd'i [?] or accountant who acts as an astronomer is a minister for inspecting the tax paid by subjects. And to him [=Emperor], other officials as below are also indispensable. In every city and village, Emperor's special envoys named vizak are.. . [In the following, Mobed Shah explains lengthily the administrative system, the military system, the judicial system and the court system etc.]

Here I should like to note two points: (1) the "Shirazian Zoroastrian" priest's keen interest in the state administrative system, and (2) his affirmative evaluation of the actual Mughal regime (since he described the actual Mughal regime as the ideal Zoroastrian state). One explanation for this may be that the "Shirazian Zoroastrians" , who actually governed no country, regarded the actual

154 ORIENT THE TRANSFORMATION OF ZOROASTRIAN MESSIANISM IN MUGHAL INDIA regime of the Mughal empire as the ideal Zoroastrian state system, because the Mughal emperor(s) was now regarded as a Zoroastrian messiah. I can understand here how firmly the "Shirazian Zoroastrians" were convinced of their legitimate right to supervise the state power after the advent of the Zoroastrian messiah. This "high expectation of the Zoroastrian kingship" was the first real effect of the transformation of Zoroastrian messianism. VI - B. The "Fusion with the Din-e Elahi": Considering the process of formation of the Din-e Elahi of Emperor Akbar, it was quite natural for their thought to have many common points with it. Although there is no proof of direct contact, it seems likely that the Din-e Elahi affected the thought of the "Shirdzian Zoroastrians ." Here I would like to point out only two common points: "star-worship" and a "strong attachment to ancient Persian." Indeed, there are many other common points like the "strict asceticism," "fire-worship," the "idea of emperorship" and the "prohibition against killing" between these two systems of thought, but to follow up on those matters carries me too far away from the purpose of this paper. I leave discussion of the details of their similarity to another opportunity. (1) "Star - Worship": In Islam, the ancestral religion of Emperor Akbar (but at earliest from the generation of Tughluq Timur (r. 1346-63)), a liturgy such as star-worship is regarded as a heathen Mongolian castom; however, Emperor Akbar introduced it positively into his Din-e Elahi as the practice of ancient sages and the duty of Mongolian kings. This fact is expressed best in the tenth chapter of the Dabestan-e Mazaheb(31).

(Transcription) Chap. X: Ta'lim-e dahom dar 'aqd'ed-e Elahiye

•˜ 3: Nazar-e seyyum dar fada'el-e kavakeb be tariq-e 'aql va kashf va vaby

Aghatha Dhaymun, ya'ni Shith va Hermes al-haramese, ya'ni Edris va

falasefe gofte and ke mabda'-e ta'ala, ajram-e aflak va kavakeb rd chonan

afride ast ke az harakat-e ishan dar jahan-e forildin äthar zaher mishavad,

balke ljavddeth-e safli moti'-e barakat-e ishan, va har borji rd va daraje'i rd

tabi'ati 'aia hede be tajrebe maltim shode, va dar khavass-e darajat va

boruj va ta'thirat ettela' oftade. Va hamchonin 'eyan ast ke ishan

moraqqeban-e haqq and va matall-e do'd Ka'be-ye baqiqi, va qeble-ye

tabqiqi falk ast... [some passages omitted]

Vol. XXXVII 2002 155 Gharad anke ta salatin-e Moghul parastash-e kavakeb mikardand, bar alamiyan mostouli budand, hamin ke dast baz dashtand, akthar velayat 'az dast-e ishan raft va agar mand, zabun va bi-qadr shodand.

(Translation) Chap. X: On the Opinions of the Din-e Elahi Sect

3: On the Nobility of stars by Intellects, Manifestation •˜ and Revelation

Aghatha Dhaymun, or Enoch and the Great Hermes, or Edris and

philosophers said that the exalted creator created the celestial bodies and the stars in the following manner. From their movements, effects manifest

in the lower world and lower subjects obey their movements. It is known

from experience that all constellations and all degrees have such particular

nature. And about qualities of degrees, constellations and effects there are

much information. And it is also apparent that they are near things to God,

the place of prayer and the true Ka'ba. The true Qibla is heaven.. . [In the following, Mobed Shah enumerates the manners of the star-worship by Greek philosophers, Moses, Jesus, Muhammad, ancient Persian emperors, Chingiz Khan and Mongolians etc.] To sum up, as long as the Muslim kings of Mughal continued the star- worship, they conquered the whole world. But when they prevented [it], many countries drop from their hands and if remained, they became tragic and value-less.

In these underlined words, I wish to draw attention to the fact that Emperor Akbar had introduced some kind of star-worship into his Din-e Eldhi, at least from the observation of a Zoroastrian priest. As if to respond to this policy of Akbar, the "Shirazian Zoroastrians" asserted the importance of star-worship with similar main points. For further information about their star-worship, let us refer to the same book(32).

(Transcription) Ta'lim-e nokhost dar ma'refat-e 'aqa'ed-e Parsiyan Nokhostin nazar dar Bayan-e E'teqadat-e 'Elmi va 'Amali-ye Sepdsiyan Be-al-jomle dar Akhtarestan amade ke 'aqide-ye Sepasiyan an ast ke setaregan va asman-ha saye-ha-ye anvar-e mojarrade and, banabar in hayakel-e sayydre-ye haft gane pirastandi, telesmi-ye monaseb-e har setare

156 ORIENT THE TRANSFORMATION OF ZOROASTRIAN MESSIANISM IN MUGHAL INDIA

az kani sakhte dashtand. Va har telesmi az telesmat ra be tale'-e monaseb dar khane nehade budand va hangam-e monaseb be an, bandegi kardandi...

Bedan ke dar Timsar Dasatir amade ke mabda'-e ta'ala ajsdm-e asman-ha va kavakeb ra chonan padid avarde ast ke az harakat-e ishan dar forudin jahan athar peyda shavad. Va bigoman havadeth-e 'alam-e sefli moti'-e ljarakat-e 'oluy-ye ajram and. Va har setare ra monasebati ast.. .

(Translation) [Chap. I:] On the Wisdom of Opinions of Zoroastrians

[•˜1:•n On the Explanation of Knowledge and Ceremonies of the Sepasi Sect In short, in the book of the Country of Star [=one of the (supposed) lost books of the "Shirazian Zoroastrians"] it is stated that according to the teaching the Sepasis [=another name of the "Shirazian Zoroastrians"], stars and heavens are the shadow of the pure lights; therefore they always constructed temples of seven planets and made talismans related to seven planets from metal. And they always placed each talismans in the proper places and worship them in the proper times.. .

Know that it is stated in the Timsar Dasatir that the exalted creator has so created bodies of heavens and stars that their movements effect on the lower world. Without doubt, all events in the lower world are depend on the movements of the superior bodies. Every star has its particular nature...

The point to observe in these underlined words is that a "Shirazian Zoroastrian" priest paid high tribute to this practice of star-worship. As is well known, ancient and medieval Zoroastrianism, regarding the irregular planets as creatures of the devil, would never have thought of worshipping them in their liturgy. However, star-worship is the central dogma of the Din-e Elahi. It thus seems reasonable to suppose that this serious change in Zoroastrian doctrine by the "Shirazian Zoroastrians" was the result of compromise with Emperor Akbar's religious policy. ED"Strong Attachment to Ancient Persian": Emperor Akbar, the leader of the Mughal Empire, whose official language was modern Persian, was a little eccentric, among other things, in his language-policy; the year after his advocation of the Din-e Elahi in 1581, he impulsively ordered officials to

Vol. XXXVII 2002 157 restrict the use of words and even Arabic letters (namely eight letters as follows, th, h, s, d, t, z, ', and q) in official Mughal documents(33), and in 1592 his patronage was extended to the compilation of the unique Persian dictionary Farhang-e Jahangiri, in which rare ancient Persian vocabulary items were contained preferentially. This strong attachment to ancient Persian vocabularies of the Emperor is best expressed by the compiler of the Farhang-e Jahangiri, Mir Jamal al-Din Shirdzi, in its preface(34).

(Transcription) Bandegan-e hadrat-e 'Arsh Ashyani, be mojarrad-e estema'-e in moqaddame, kamine mokhlesan-ra be hodur-e ashraf-e aqdas, talab dashte. Be zaban-e darbar, gouhar-e nethar farmudand "Parsi va Pahlavi va Dari mokhtall gashte. Va qavnin-e an-ra meqyas-e dorosti nist. . . ke az an zaman ke 'Araban-ra bar belad-e 'ajam estila dast dade, zaban-e Parsi ba kalam-e 'Arabi amizesh padhirofte, akthar loghat-e Parsi va Dari va Pahlavi matruk, bal na-bud gashte. Banabar in sharh-e kotobi ke dar qadim al-ayyam Parsi zabanan pardakhte and, va ma'ani-ye ash'ari ke sho'ard-ye bastan be zivar-e nazm araste and dar parde-ye khafa va satr hejab makhfi va master mande. Le-hadha qebal az in, chandi az bande-ha-ye dargah-e afadel pariah rd be tartib-e ketabi moshtamel bar jami'-e mostalahat va loghat-e Parsi-ye bastani amr farmmudebudim."

(Translation) Subjects of Emperor Akbar, hearing this remark [=Emperor's desire to promote the study on ancient Persian], invited this humble man [=Mir Jamal al-Din Shirazi himself] to his holy presence. He said with the tongue of court "Persian, Pahlavi and Dari were corrupted and their grammars do not have correct measure. . . because since the time Arabs conquered the land of Persia, had mixed with Arabic words, most of the Persian, Dad and Pahlavi words were abolished, assuredly extinguished. Therefore the explanation on the books written in ancient Persian languages, and the meaning of the poems which ancient poets adorned with golden arrengement, remained concealed under the veil of concealment. So before this, I ordered some of the members of holy court to arrange a book which contains all the ancient Persian words."

158 ORIENT THE TRANSFORMATION OF ZOROASTRIAN MESSIANISM IN MUGHAL INDIA It is not clear in this quotation what Akbar's real intention was in this pro- Persian language-policy, but it is clear that the group which enjoyed the favor of his language-policy to the full was none other than the Zoroastrians, because it was they who had best preserved ancient Persian words and Zoroastrian literature was indispensable for ancient Persian study. The "Shirazian Zoroastrians," who appreciated these favorable conditions quickly, made the Dasatir-e Asmani public, and their leader in the 16th century, Azar Kayvan, showing a taste which was very similar to that of Emperor Akbar, wrote a Mathnavi, Jam-e Kay-Khosrow, using pure Persian words(35). Here it is useful to research Azar Kayvan's view of language in the Sharestan-e Chahar Chaman(36).

(Transcription) Dar vaqti ke janab-e Azar Kayvan 'azimat-e Hend gardand, har chand an janab khvod rd az 'avam va 'olama-ye kala na'am va akthar 'avam pushide midashte, amma be hasb-e ettefaq-e jam'i az fodala ba kotob-e besiyar khedmat hader gashtand. Ba'd az sohbat-e anva'-e `olum-e 'ajibe va gharibe va sayer-e danesh-e mashhure, sohan az 'olum-e Parsi va ara-ye okama-shan dar miyan amad. Yeki az an-ha farhangi az jam' kard-ha-ye h yeki az mota'akhkherin ra dar pish avarde. Goft nabv-e bi loghat-e Fors ra jam' kard. Mokhlesan-e an-janab an-che an jam' dar etlaq-e esm-e Pars va nasab-e Kayumarth neveshte budand, pasandidand. Che dar mahall-e tafdil-e Parsiyan dar akher chonin qeyd karde budand. Ke chonin mostafad migardad ke az gozasht-e 'Arab hame ta'efe be fadilat-e mardom-e Pars nistand. Ba'd az 'Arabi hich zabani fasih-tar va beh-tar az Parsi na.

(Translation) When the honorable Azar Kayvan determined to go to India [namely, he still stayed at Shiraz], however hard he tried to conceal himself from the vulgar and the worldly scholars, he attended the meeting with exellent scholars to discuss some peculiar books. After debating upon several sciences of wonderful and extraordinary, the focus of the argument turned to the science of Zoroastrians and their sages. One of them began to talk about the dictionary [=the Farhang-e Jahangiri?] compiled by one of the men of the present age [=Mir Jamal al-Din Shirazi?]. He [=Azar Kayvan] said that he also collected Persian grammar without

Vol. XXXVII 2002 159 vocabulary. Then disciples of that honorable man approved what that collection stated about Persian nouns and the lineage of Kayumarth. Because on the excellency of Zoroastrians in the end such definition was

given: after the conquest of Arabs no race attained to the excellency of . After Arabic no language is higher than Persian.

It is interesting to note here that Azar Kayvan and Emperor Akbar shared almost the same views on language. Since ideas like "strict asceticism," and "prohibition of killing" are very popular in India , similarities on these points are not enough to prove the mutual influence between the thought of the "Shirazian Zoroastrians" and the Din-e Elahi. But the commonness of such peculiar points as "star-worship" and the "strong attachment to ancient Persian" are much stronger evidence of close relations. When the fact that Zoroastrians of those days regarded Emperor Akbar as their ideal messiah is also taken into consideration, it may be suitable to deduce that the Din-e Elahi had a great influence over the ideas of the "Shirazian Zoroastrians." This "fusion with the Din-e Elahi" is the second real result of the influence of the transformation of Zoroastrian messianism.

VI - C. "Forfeiture of Eschatology": In the Persian books of the "Shirazian Zoroastrians ," the pattern of "the advent of Zoroastrian messiah •¨ the end of the world, " which was a pillar of ancient Zoroastrianism, disappeared completely. The most likely explanation for this disappearance is that it is the result of their increasing expectation for temporal kingship. This "forfeiture of eschatology" is the third real influence of the transformation of Zoroastrian messianism.

VI - D. "Individualization of Salvation": In eschatology of the "Shirazian

Zoroastrians," emphasis is put on the pattern of "the illumination from God •¨ the ascension to mystical steps" on a quite individual level. To illustrate it, I will take an example from the last phrases of the Persian Mathnavi, Jam-e Kay-

Khosrow, , whose theme is the salvation of human soul(s)(37).

(Transcription) Forugh-e Chaharom 1. Cho ze abdan-ha bar godhashtam ravan Rasidam suy pdk farrokh ravan 2. Ravan-ha bedidam be-chashm-e ravan

160 ORIENT THE TRANSFORMATION OF ZOROASTRIAN MESSIANISM IN MUGHAL INDIA

Ravan bad miyan-e ravan-ha ravan 3. Be-har-charkh va estafe didam ravan Jodagane bar har yeki shan ravan 4. Chonin bar se farsang [farzand?] didam ravan Ke bude ast dar yekdigar shan ravan

Forugh-e Panjom

7. Bedanestam az budani-hd hame Shodam ta Sorush-e bozorg zame 8. Dar u chun basi bar-tari yaftam Forughi ze Yazdan hami taftam 9. Cho be-fozud portou be-raft in mani Soriishi na pa'id va Ahremani 10. Va ze an pas shodam Izad va u shod-am Na man budam agah-e Yazdan bodam 11. Khoda bud az man neshani na-bud Ma-ra hush va yad-e ravani na-bud 12. Hame ra ze khvod saye yaftam Be-hush va shorushan hami taftam

22. Khodavand ra paye ze an bar-tar ast Ke amizesh bande ra dar-khor ast 23. Be-shidash-e kherad cho zamin va khor ast Ze amizesh-e bandegan bar-tar ast 24. Ravan gar forughi padhiroft az u Ze khvod raft va dur ast goftgu 25. Ze darya-ye hasti-sh giti nami Na-danam che-guyam ke ze an ham kami 26. Ze -e u navazesh konad bande Id Ke bar-dashtan shayad afkande rd 27. Ma-ra rayegan goft va kerdar dad Farr-e Izadi rd be-man dar nehad 28. Morad rd joz u na-yarad sotal Ke u dar na-yayad be-goft va shenud

Vol. XXXVII 2002 161 (Translation) The Fourth Brightness 1. When I passed through corporeal bodies as a soul I reached a pure and splendid soul 2. With the eyes of spirit, I see souls My spirit is among souls as a soul 3. In every sphere and star, I see a soul Separately each is each soul 4. In the same way I see a common soul in three children They are mutual souls in each other

The Fifth Brightness

7. I realized all existence I associate with the great black Sorush 8. When I attain higher rank in Him I always shine by the splendor of Yazdan 9. As the radiance increase this I-ness advance The Sorush-ness and Ahreman-ness disappeared 10. And after that I became Izad and he became me I did not exist but was aware of Yazdan 11. The Lord only exists and the sign from me does not exist Consciousness and memory of soul also do not exist for me 12. I realized that everything from me are shadow I always shine in the consciousness and the Sorush-ness

22. The Lord is at the too high degree for that For servants a mixing is appropriate 23. He becomes like the earth or sun by His light of wisdom He is at too high to have intercourse with servants 24. If the soul receives the splendor from Him It will transcend itself and say 'I lost consciousness' 25. The world is a drop from the ocean His existence I do not know what to say about its lack 26. Through affection He confers caress on His servants For the down-fallen it is appropriate to raise up

162 ORIENT THE TRANSFORMATION OF ZOROASTRIAN MESSIANISM IN MUGHAL INDIA 27. He told me gratuitously and gave [me] the deed And conferred on me the splendor of God 28. None but He can duly praise Himself He cannot be said nor heard

The important point to note in the above quotations is that Azar Kayvan mentions no salvation which includes the whole of mankind. The most likely explanation for his disregard is either that, in his opinion, such salvation has been already attained, or that he thought it would be postponed as long as the Mughal empire (= the Zoroastrian third empire) lasted. For him, salvation should be attained at quite an individual level, as the underlined words show. Therefore, I can define this "individualization of salvation" as the fourth real result of the influence of the transformation of Zoroastrian messianism.

At this step, I am able to see that important features of the ideas of the "Shirazian Zoroastrian" priests can be interpreted as results of the transformation of their messianism. And, I suppose, the converse is logically equivalent: those features justify the fact of such a transformation, at least among the "Shirdzian Zoroastrians," in the 17th century.

VII. From the Advent of the Zoroastrian Holy Emperor to the Change in Zoroastrianism Itcan be concluded from what has been observed above, that Akbar's enthronement was a major turning point for Zoroastrianism. Between the downfall of the Sisanian dynasty and the 16th century, Zoroastrian messianism showed such features as the "politicalization of the messiah-image" (in III - A) and the "formation of an Indian illusion" (in III - B). These foreshadowed their regarding Akbar as the Zoroastrian holy emperor. Some Zoroastrian priests of the 16th century, inspired by the trend of thought in Mughal India, actually believed that Akbar was their long-awaited political messiah (in IV and V). At this point in time, Zoroastrian messianism made a new turn. Among Zoroastrians, the "Shirdzian Zoroastrians" were especially influenced by this transformation and worked out some new doctrines, which are best summarized in the following points: a "high expectation of the kingship" (in VI - A), "fusion with the Din-e Elahi" (in VI - B), "forfeiture of eschatology" (in VI - C) and "individualization of the salvation" (in VI - D).

Vol. XXXVII 2002 163 From these points one general point becomes very clear: modern Zoroastrianism transformed drastically with respect to its messianism, and this was the primary cause which drove the "Shirdzian Zoroastrian" priests to create the new Zoroastrianism in the 16th century.

Note

( 1 ) This is a revised edition of my Japanese article, Aoki (2002). ( 2 ) On (1) and (2) , see Aoki (2001a), and on (3) , see Aoki (2001b). ( 3 ) On the case of the Fatimid dynasty, see Kikuchi (1998). ( 4 ) See Daud (1947). ( 5 ) See West (1896-1904). ( 6 ) See Tavadia (1956), 121-126. ( 7 ) See Boyce (1968). ( 8 ) On the Pahlavi books containing some fragmentary references to messianism, see Duchesne-Guillemin (1962), 343-354. ( 9 ) On the text, see Avesta: the Sacred Books of the , ed. by Karl F. Geldner, Vol. II, Stuttgart, 1889, 256 and Almut Hinze, Der Zamyad Ydst, Wiesbaden, 1994. On the German translation of this part, see Wolff (1924), 296. (10) On the Pahlavi text, see B. T. Anklesaria (ed.), Zand-i Voldiman Yasn and Two Pahlavi Fragments, Bombay, 1957, 52-56. On the English translation, see ibid., 118-20 and West (1970). (11) On the Pahlavi text, see J. J. Modi, Jamdspi: Pahlavi, Pdzand and Persian Texts, Bombay, 1903, 72-73. On the English translation, see ibid., 117-18. About the transcription system of the Avestan letters of the Pazand literature, I use the system explained in Nyberg (1964), 129. (12) The background of this transfiguration of medieval Zoroastrian messiah might be the state-system of the Sasanian dynasty in which Zoroastrian priests were connected closely with the imperial power. But this is irrelevant to our main subject here. (13) See Ito (2001). (14) On the Pahlavi text, see The Bondahesh: Being a Facsimile Edition of the Manuscript TD1, 1969, Bombay, 185, 11. 6-12. On the Japanese translation, see Ito (1980), 12-13. (15) The Sasanian dynasty made marriages for generations with princesses of the Byzantine empire for the peace between both countries. (16) On the Pahlavi text, see J. D. M. JamaspAsana (ed.), The Pahlavi Texts contained in the Codex MKII, Bombay, 1913, 160-61. On the English translation, see Bailey (1971), 195-96. (17) On War-Elephants in India, see Digby (1971). (18) On the Mandavi movement, see Rizvi (1965), 68-134. (19) On the Rawshani movement, see Andreyev (1999). (20) See Dabestan-e Mazdheb, ed. by Reza-zade Malek, Vol. 1, Teheran, 1989, 287. (21) See Modi (1900-05). Mahydr Rana's image just talking with Emperor Akbar and Prince Jahangir appears in a Mughal miniature. See Choudhury (1985), 72-73. (22) See Hodivala (1920), 149-188. (23) See Modi, Jamaspi, 79. (24) See Modi (1900-05), several Photostats therein. (25) See J. J. Modi, Dastur Kaikobad Mahyar's Petition and Laudatory Poem addressed to Jahangir and Shah Jahan, Bombay, 1930, 7-16. (26) See ibid., 173-176. (27) On the Persian texts, see Ketdb-e Revayat-e Dardb Hormazyar, Daftar-e Dovvom, ed.

164 ORIENT THE TRANSFORMATION OF ZOROASTRIAN MESSIANISM IN MUGHAL INDIA by Manek Rostam Unvala, Bombay, 1922, 68-69. On the English translation, see Dhabhar (1999), 433-34. (28) On their extant books, see Mojtaba'i (1989). (29) See Dasatir-eAsmani n.d., n.p., 198-200. (30) See Dabestan-e Mazaheb, 52-64. (31) See ibid., 303-308. (32) See ibid., 14-18. (33) See Choudhury(1985), 163f. (34) See Mir Jamal al-Din Hoseyn ebn-e Fakhr al-Din Hasan Enju Shirazi, Farhang-e Jahangiri, Vol. I, ed. by Rahim 'Afifi, Mashhad University Press, Publication No. 27, 1351/ 1972, 26, 11.7-18. (35) See the transcription in VI-D. (36) See Farzane Bahram ebn-e Farhad, Sharestan-e Chahar Chaman, Bombay, 1854, 54- 55. (37) See Mobed Khodajuy ebn-e Namdar, Jam-e Kay Khosrow: Sharh-e Mokashefat-e Azar Kayvan, ed. by Mir Ashraf 'All, Bombay, 1848, 47-55.

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