Populism and the Changing Vision of Front National on European Integration
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Ordre Nouveau, Fin Des Illusions Droitières Et Matrice Activiste Du
FErran GallEGo 204 El msi y El luGar DEl Fascismo En la cultura Política italiana hegemónico. la evolución del msi había sido indispensable para aglutinar a un sector de la opinión y para tender un puente hacia la construcción de una de- recha política nacionalista, con una agenda capaz de interesar a aquellos secto- res de la población que habían quedado sin representación alguna después de los acontecimientos de 1993-1994. si el msi había precisado de la crisis radical del régimen para tener opciones, también se había visto obligado a presentarse como un proyecto en el que la lealtad al ventennio dejaba de ser un instrumento de cohesión primordial, para constituirse en una paradójica salida de reconci- liación entre los italianos: para la nueva derecha en el poder, tal vez la Primera república, más que el fascismo, era el paréntesis real padecido por la sociedad orDrE nouVEau, Fin DEs illusions italiana en el siglo xx. El examen de la trayectoria del msi cuando su factor esen- cial de identidad era aquella creencia en la perennidad de los valores del fas- DroitièrEs Et matricE actiVistE Du cismo nos propone una consideración sobre el destino de una derecha forjada PrEmiEr Front national en las cenizas del régimen mussoliniano, tratando de encontrar los mecanismos de representación social y de interlocución con el resto de las fuerzas conser- vadoras. Pero, además, nos permite considerar cuál era la naturaleza de un ré- gimen que, como el del ventennio, ha priorizado su imagen revolucionaria sin tener en cuenta que la desfascistización de la sociedad italiana y la trayectoria New Order, end of illusions and the activist matrix sustancialmente conservadora del neofascismo nos ofrece una versión matizada of the first National Front de la experiencia del periodo de entreguerras. -
MEDIA POLARIZATION “À LA FRANÇAISE”? Comparing the French and American Ecosystems
institut montaigne MEDIA POLARIZATION “À LA FRANÇAISE”? Comparing the French and American Ecosystems REPORT MAY 2019 MEDIA POLARIZATION “À LA FRANÇAISE” MEDIA POLARIZATION There is no desire more natural than the desire for knowledge MEDIA POLARIZATION “À LA FRANÇAISE”? Comparing the French and American Ecosystems MAY 2019 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY In France, representative democracy is experiencing a growing mistrust that also affects the media. The latter are facing major simultaneous challenges: • a disruption of their business model in the digital age; • a dependence on social networks and search engines to gain visibility; • increased competition due to the convergence of content on digital media (competition between text, video and audio on the Internet); • increased competition due to the emergence of actors exercising their influence independently from the media (politicians, bloggers, comedians, etc.). In the United States, these developments have contributed to the polarization of the public square, characterized by the radicalization of the conservative press, with significant impact on electoral processes. Institut Montaigne investigated whether a similar phenomenon was at work in France. To this end, it led an in-depth study in partnership with the Sciences Po Médialab, the Sciences Po School of Journalism as well as the MIT Center for Civic Media. It also benefited from data collected and analyzed by the Pew Research Center*, in their report “News Media Attitudes in France”. Going beyond “fake news” 1 The changes affecting the media space are often reduced to the study of their most visible symp- toms. For instance, the concept of “fake news”, which has been amply commented on, falls short of encompassing the complexity of the transformations at work. -
Put at the Test in the Terrorist Threat Era
Eötvös Loránd University A.Y. 2017/2018 THE “HOMELAND OF HUMAN RIGHTS” PUT AT THE TEST IN THE TERRORIST THREAT ERA France, collective memory and counterterrorism Author: Mathilde Bénard Director: Orsolya Salát 1 I would like to thank Orsolya Salát, my research director, for her advice and confidence throughout the semester, The EMA programme, which has truly been a unique, rich and pushing experience, intellectually and humanly ; The EMA staff, who made it possible by always staying supportive and demanding with the 90 of us, All those with whom I shared this year, Laura and Kristina, my Foscarini fellows and the best partners I could have thought of to begin this new experience with ; Victoria and Eva, for the discussions, exchanges, doubts, but most of all the laughs we shared in this now city of ours, Finally, my family, Agnès and Cécile, of course, And my parents, who supported and trusted in me, as they always do... merci. 2 ABTRACT The impact and instrumentalization of collective memory has been broadly addressed in nationalist/ authoritarian contexts, albeit very much less in democratic ones. France's national identity has been very much constructed on its rich History, and still upholds today –to the world but most of all for its citizens– an image of “Homeland of Human rights” rooted on the 1789 French Revolution. The thesis questions this image as to its origins, validity and perpetration through the years. In the light of this idealized national image, it then addresses the current counterterrorism measures adopted by the French State since 2015 Charlie Hebdo dreadful attacks. -
Culture LE FN DANS LE FAISCEAU DES ARTS
CHEZ NOUS, DE LUCAS BELVAUX, est la réponse d’un artiste citoyen qui veut comprendre les mécanismes de la montée du Front national. qualifie de « citoyenne » et non de « mili- tante ». La montée du FN, son enracine- ment, en particulier dans les milieux populaires, inquiètent, questionnent nombre d’artistes et intellectuels, écri- vains, metteurs en scène de théâtre, pho- tographes… qui cherchent la forme adé- quate pour rendre compte du vote FN et, qui sait, le décourager. D’aucuns auscultent la mécanique qui permet à des formations extrémistes d’accéder au pouvoir. Anne- Cécile Vandalem a ainsi écrit et présenté l’été dernier au Festival d’Avignon, Tris- tesses, une pièce conçue comme un thril- ler, qui raconte comment la dirigeante du cinémaC’était en 2013. Lucas Belvaux tournait Parti du réveil populaire, de retour dans alors Pas son genre, une histoire d’amour son île natale, exploite le désarroi de la malheureuse entre une coiffeuse, population pour avancer ses pions électo- Jennifer, et un écrivain parisien affecté ralistes. Le spectacle n’avait pas manqué dans un lycée d’Arras. « Les élections muni- de jeter un froid glacial au cœur de la cani- cipales approchaient, les sondages don- cule provençale, laissant le public avignon- naient le Front national à 30-40 % dans la nais sidéré par un dispositif vidéo qui le région et je me suis interrogé : “Cette fille, transformait en véritable voyeur. Jennifer, pour qui j’éprouve de l’estime, de C’est un même effroi qu’avait provoqué, l’affection, pour qui vote-t-elle ? Et pour en 2011, Chute d’une nation. -
The Closing of the Radical Right Gender Gap in France?
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by SPIRE - Sciences Po Institutional REpository Original Article The closing of the radical right gender gap in France? Nonna Mayer Centre d’études européennes de Sciences Po (CEESP), 28 rue des Saints-Pères, Paris 75007, France. Abstract One of the earliest and best-established finding about electoral support for populist radical right-wing parties is that they attract more men than women. Yet this finding might no longer apply to France. In the 2012, presidential election, contrary to her father, Marine Le Pen, the new leader of the Front National (FN), realized almost the same score among female and male voters. After controlling for other sociodemographic and attitudinal variables that explain electoral support for the FN, there is no difference between male and female voters’ support for the party. This article examines the closing of this gender gap in radical right-wing voting, drawing on post-electoral surveys con- ducted in 2002, 2012 and 2014. After a brief outline of the literature dealing with the emergence of the ‘Radical Right Gender Gap (RRGG)’, it ascertains the disappearance of a RRGG gender in 2012, tests possible explanations for this phenomenon and debates whether this is a temporary or a lasting one. French Politics (2015) 13, 391–414. doi:10.1057/fp.2015.18 Keywords: France; Front National; Marine Le Pen; gender; radical right gender gap One of the earliest and best-established findings about electoral support for populist radical right-wing parties1 is that they attract proportionately more men than women (Betz, 1994, p. -
The Example of the Algerian War
L2 Journal, Volume 4 (2012), pp. 83-101 Teaching Difficult Topics: The Example of the Algerian War ELIZABETH KNUTSON United States Naval Academy E-mail: [email protected] While history as critical discourse differs importantly from the more subjective narratives of collective memory, even historians vary in their accounts and analyses of past events. This article argues for the need to include a spectrum of voices and text types when teaching history in the context of foreign language study, taking the example of “official stories,” collective memories, and historical accounts of the Algerian War of 1954-62. In addition to presenting varied views and text genres, the argument is made for the importance of teaching the controversies that arise around difficult topics, even many years after the fact. Teaching different sides of a difficult story and its unresolved conflicts is a form of realism that respects students’ intelligence and fosters their self-awareness as cultural subjects. Examples of a multiple perspectives approach are drawn from two textbooks published in France, with additional suggestions for classroom materials and activities at various instructional levels. _______________ INTRODUCTION In the words of Fréderic Abécassis, co-author of Pour une histoire franco-algérienne, “l’histoire est polyphonique” [history is polyphonic] (cited by Nuyten 2010, p. 57). While history as critical, reflective discourse differs importantly from the more subjective narratives of collective memory, which reflect the perspective of a particular group (Wertsch, p. 127), even historians themselves vary in their accounts and analyses of past events. This paper argues for the need to include a spectrum of voices and text types when teaching difficult historical topics in the context of foreign language study. -
Marine Le Pen and the 'New' FN: a Change of Style Or of Substance?
Parliamentary Affairs (2013) 66, 179–196 doi:10.1093/pa/gss076 Marine Le Pen and the ‘New’ FN: A Change of Style or of Substance? James Shields* School of Languages and Social Sciences, Aston University, Birmingham B4 7ET, UK Downloaded from *Correspondence: [email protected] The electoral challenge of the far right is an enduringly problematic feature of con- temporary French politics. In the first rounds of the 2012 presidential and parlia- mentary elections, the Front National (FN) under new leader Marine Le Pen http://pa.oxfordjournals.org/ attracted a combined total of ten million votes, bringing its ultra-nationalist pol- icies to the centre of national political debate. This article examines the FN’s impact on these elections and its implications for French politics. Drawing on of- ficial FN programmes, detailed election results and a range of opinion polling data, it assesses the strength of support for Le Pen and her party and seeks to explain their electoral appeal. In particular, it subjects to analysis the claim that the new leader has ‘de-demonised’ the FN, transforming it from perennial outsider by guest on December 15, 2012 to normal participant in mainstream French politics; and it reflects on the strategic dilemma posed for the centre-right by this newly invigorated far-right challenge. 1. Introduction The first round of the presidential election on 22 April 2012 set a new high point for the far right in France. With 17.9% of the vote, Marine Le Pen finished behind the Socialist candidate Franc¸ois Hollande (28.6%) and the outgoing centre-right president Nicolas Sarkozy (27.2%). -
À Propos De L'orientation Économique Du Front National
À propos de l’orientation économique du Front national Fabien Tarrit To cite this version: Fabien Tarrit. À propos de l’orientation économique du Front national. 9e rencontres Actualité de la Pensée de Marx et nouvelles pensées critiques, Nov 2016, Bordeaux, France. hal-02020984 HAL Id: hal-02020984 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-02020984 Submitted on 15 Feb 2019 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. À propos de l’orientation économique du Front national Fabien Tarrit Le Front national (FN) a été fondé en 1972 à l’initiative d’Ordre nouveau, une organisation fasciste composée de partisans du maréchal Pétain, d’anciens tortionnaires de la guerre d’Algérie, de responsables catholiques… avec à sa tête Jean-Marie Le Pen. Sa fille Marine Le Pen lui a succédé en 2011. Ainsi le FN n’est pas issu du mouvement ouvrier mais de la fraction la plus réactionnaire de la bourgeoisie. C’est un parti bourgeois, il défend le capitalisme : « Nous ne remettons pas en cause l'économie de marché, ni les bienfaits de la concurrence si elle est loyale ». Il s’agit de « retrouver la compétitivité » et de lutter « contre la concurrence internationale déloyale » (Marine Le Pen, Le Monde, 20 septembre 2012). -
“FRANCE DESERVES to BE FREE”: CONSTITUTING FRENCHNESS in MARINE LE PEN's NATIONAL FRONT/NATIONAL RALLY Submitted By
THESIS “FRANCE DESERVES TO BE FREE”: CONSTITUTING FRENCHNESS IN MARINE LE PEN’S NATIONAL FRONT/NATIONAL RALLY Submitted by Lauren Seitz Department of Communication Studies In partial fulfillment of the requirements For the Degree of Master of Arts Colorado State University Fort Collins, Colorado Summer 2020 Master’s Committee: Advisor: Karrin Anderson Julia Khrebtan-Hörhager Courtenay Daum Copyright by Lauren Nicole Seitz 2020 All Rights Reserved ABSTRACT “FRANCE DESERVES TO BE FREE”: CONSTITUTING FRENCHNESS IN MARINE LE PEN’S NATIONAL FRONT/NATIONAL RALLY This thesis employs constitutive rhetoric to analyze French far-right politician Marine Le Pen’s discourse. Focusing on ten of Le Pen’s speeches given between 2015 and 2019, I argue that Le Pen made use of Kenneth Burke’s steps of scapegoating and purification as a way to rewrite French national identity and constitute herself as a revolutionary political leader. Le Pen first identified with the subjects and system that she scapegoats. Next, she cast out elites, globalists, and immigrants, identifying them as scapegoats of France’s contemporary identity split. Finally, by disidentifying with the scapegoats, Le Pen constituted her followers as always already French patriots and herself as her leader. This allowed her to propose a new form of French national identity that was undergirded by far-right ideals and discourse of revolution. This thesis presents several implications for understanding contemporary French national identity, the far right, and women politicians. It also contributes to the project of internationalizing public address research in Communication Studies. ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First, thank you to my advisor, Kari Anderson. I truly could not have completed this thesis without your guidance, encouragement, and advice. -
Marine Le Pen's Challenge
Marine Le Pen’s Challenge Sylvain Crépon, Alexandre Dézé, Nonna Mayer To cite this version: Sylvain Crépon, Alexandre Dézé, Nonna Mayer. Marine Le Pen’s Challenge. The Cairo Review of Global Affairs, 2016, pp.72 - 78. hal-02186342 HAL Id: hal-02186342 https://hal-sciencespo.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-02186342 Submitted on 10 Apr 2020 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Marine Le Pen’s Challenge (In Cairo Review of Global Affairs, July 2016) By Sylvain Crépon, Alexandre Dézé and Nonna Mayer All over Europe, radical right populist parties are on the rise. In the French regional elections of December 6–13 last year, the National Front party, known in French as the Front National (FN), scored a historic high of 27.8 percent of the votes in the first round and the support of 6.8 million voters in the second. The day after the final vote, National Front Vice President Florian Philippot bragged: “We are the first party of France, there’s no longer any doubt about it.” The electoral progression of the National Front is undeniable, yet it is worth remembering that in the December ballot it did not win a single region. -
Europe's Refugee Crisis: Right-Wing Populism
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works Dissertations and Theses City College of New York 2017 Europe’s Refugee Crisis: Right-Wing Populism and Mainstream Cooption in Germany and France Jihan Abdalla CUNY City College How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/cc_etds_theses/731 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] Europe’s Refugee Crisis: Right-Wing Populism and Mainstream Cooption in Germany and France by Jihan Abdalla April 25, 2017 Master’s Thesis Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of International Affairs at the City College of New York COLIN POWELL SCHOOL FOR CIVIC AND GLOBAL LEADERSHIP Under the guidance of Professor Rajan Menon and Professor Jeffrey Kucik Contents 1. Introduction…………………………………………………………… 5 1.1 Europe’s Refugee Crisis…………………………………………..... 7 1.2 Argument…………………………………………………………… 8 1.3 What is right-wing populism?............................................................10 1.4 What are the Populist Parties in Europe?........................................... 11 1.5 Implications……………………………………………………….... 12 1.6 Definitions………………………………………………………….. 13 1.7 Organization………………………………………………………... 14 1.8 Two Cases………………………………………………………….. 15 2. Background…………………………………………………………… 17 2.1 The Birth of Europe…………………………………………………17 2.2 The Euro Crisis……………………………………………………...19 2.3 Migration in Europe: A Brief History……………………………… 20 3. Europe’s Refugee Crisis………………………………………………. 24 3.1 Sea Rescues………………………………………………………… 26 3.2 Right-wing Populism in Europe……………………………………. 30 3.3 On Identity………………………………………………………….. 33 3.4 Migrants and Islam…………………………………………………. 35 3.5 Securitization and Islam……………………………………………. -
The Long and Winding Road of the Front National
The Long and Winding Road of the Front National Ismail FERHAT The Front National has been an established player in French political life for thirty years now. Nevertheless, behind the figure of its historical leader, Jean-Marie Le Pen, the development of the party itself has had its fair share of vicissitudes. Reviewed: Valérie Igounet, Le Front national de 1972 à nos jours. Le parti, les hommes, les idées, Paris, Seuil, 2014. 496 p., €24. Since the 1980s, the Front National, or FN for short, has been a continuous presence in the French political arena. How can we explain that a party that claims to reject the game of politics as a whole has survived for thirty years, and at such a high level in terms of votes? How can this stability square with the upheavals that have affected French society over the same period? These thorny issues are tackled by Valérie Igounet in her capacity as historian, in light of the undeniable fact that the FN can no longer be considered to be merely a temporary eruption in French political life. The author of this book is a specialist of Holocaust denial1. She offers us a study that is based both on in-depth interviews with (current or former) members of the FN, the party’s publications or those of “friendly” organisations, and often previously unseen archive material. The book has a chronological structure, while highlighting key dates for the movement (1972, 1983, 1999, 2010) and providing in-depth portraits of its cadres. The History of a Rise While the FN may seem inseparable from Jean-Marie Le Pen, or even from the Le Pen family, this movement was not actually instigated by him originally.