Germany and Russia: a Tale of Two Identities

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Germany and Russia: a Tale of Two Identities GERMANY AND RUSSIA: A TALE OF TWO IDENTITIES The Development of National Consciousness in the Napoleonic Era Written by: Clayton E. Marsh Wittenberg University Class of 2019 HONR 499-1W: “Honors Thesis” Thesis Advisor: Dr. Timothy A. Bennett Second Reader: Dr. Lila W. Zaharkov Third Reader: Dr. Christian A. Raffensperger Submitted on: 04/09/2019 Defended on: 04/15/2019 Revised and resubmitted on: 05/02/2019 Page 2 of 50 Contents Thesis Question and Abstract…........................................................................................................... 3 Introduction.......................................................................................................................................... 4 I. Understanding the “We” and “They:” Cultural and National Identity …............................. 5 II. A Tale of Two Identities: Germany and Russia …................................................................. 7 III. Enlightenment, Revolution, and the Invocation of Nationalism Within the West …............... 8 IV. Fichte and the Primary Struggle for the German Language, Reformed Education, and National Religious Fervor …................................................................................................... 12 V. Hegel: “Right” as Law and the Actualization of the Individual …......................................... 15 VI. Henrick von Sybel: The Division of North and South, and the Projection of National Unity Amid the Dueling Austrian-Prussian Hegemonies …................................................... 17 VII. Pestel, Karamzin, and the Ideal of Naradnost’ [народность] …............................................ 22 VIII. The Slavophiles, and the Idea of Eurasianism ….................................................................... 26 IX. Raeff: The Decembrists, and Vision for Westernization ….................................................... 29 X. Kant: The Premise of National Unity as the Union of Peoples …......................................... 32 XI. Spring of Hope, Winter of Despair: The Ultimate Expression of the 'Nation' and Its Consequences in the Modern Age …...................................................................................... 35 XII. Tolz: Theories of Nationalism and Their Application to the Russian Case …....................... 37 XIII. Harold James: The Building Blocks of German National Identity ….................................... 38 XIV. Gauland: 'Die Goethe Zeit' and the Debate of German Identity in the Post-Modern Era ….. 40 XV. Putin: The Annexation of Crimea and the Expression of Russia's Shared Identity …............ 42 XVI. Concluding Reflections …....................................................................................................... 44 Bibliography ….................................................................................................................................... 45 Page 3 of 50 Thesis Question and Abstract In understanding the causes of the concurrent development of national identity in Germany and Russia in the early 19th century, how can we better comprehend this development and its effect on our perception of national identity, nationalism, and national self-consciousness in the post-modern era? National political identity is a term often used to describe the codification of the cultural ethos, colloquial narrative, and collective vision of a people living within, but not exclusive to, a particular geographic sphere. Understanding this definition of national political identity and its role in the social construct of the modern “nation-state” is vital in gaining a deeper understanding of both the peoples and polities that have governed the modern age, and continue to direct its course. Moreover, compre- hending the ideological origins of such national political identities, and the historical continuum upon which they waned or thrived, are of paramount importance to any serious study of post-modern society. One extraordinary example is the concurrent development of nationalism in both Germany and Russia within the early 19th century. While it may appear to have evolved internally and without external in- fluence, the sociopolitical discourse regarding national self-identification within both Germany and Russia was consistently dominated by the persistent effects of Napoleon's France; likewise, the similar- ities and differences regarding religious, linguistic, and political national prerequisites between the Ger- man and Russian national consciousness provide pivotal insight into the cultural context of a national political disposition. Page 4 of 50 There will never be a fixed political state of things in this country till we have a corps of teachers instructed on established principles. So long as the people are not taught from their earliest years, whether they ought to be Republicans or Royalists, Christians or Infidels, the state cannot properly be called a nation, for it must rest on a foundation which is vague and uncertain, and it will be forever exposed to disorders and fluctuations. – Napoleon Bonaparte, from Breed's Opinions Introduction Each morning, millions of school children across America stand, face their flag, place their right hand over their hearts, and recite the Pledge of Allegiance. In so doing, an interesting idea of “nation” as expressed in the concept of a Republic with principles of Liberty and Justice “for all,” is subtly conveyed by the memorization of words and phrases. This heartwarming spectacle of patriotism encourages one to question why the people of any country would engage in this sort of behavior, teaching even its youngest citizens to see themselves as members of a social order defined by philosophical ideals, engendered in language and inspired through culture. One might glean insights from the threshing floor of history as to why people, from patriarchs to plebeians, are willing to pledge their lives and fortunes to preserve, uphold, and defend their “nations,” even when geographical boundaries shift, political allegiances shuffle, and revolutionary movements shake the very foundations of civilized society which govern the rule of law. One might ask what inspires such national consciousness among citizens, even when suppressed through revolt, or challenged by revolution. What specific elements within language and culture have motivated this national sense of “we” and “they,” creating such expanded ideological platforms for the development of national identity? Indeed, as one attempts to discern these elements, the value of historical, linguistic and cultural proficiency cannot be underestimated: this idea of national consciousness is most keenly appreciated when studied apart from one's own native tongue. As such, Page 5 of 50 the historical, linguistic, and cultural proficiency in studying a nation other than one's own is also relevant and, in my view, vital to begin any worthy analysis of this subject matter. Thus, to better understand the concurrent development of German and Russian nationalism, this progression – from “State” to “Nation” – can be keenly observed throughout the Napoleonic era; moreover, it can be traced from and deduced to an identification of the individual “self” to that of the national “self” via the implementation of a national unifying idea. Within both Germany and Russia, this “nation- identity” can be diverse and circumstantial, and yet, oddly synergistic—appearing suddenly in the wake of war, yet also developing gradually through social progress. Many scholars have discussed the impact of nationalism, and analyzed the political policies and historical events surrounding social evolution and what exactly constitutes this identity—specifically how it is defined, are addressed. Furthermore, with the recent debates over mass-immigration to the European Union, and the Russian annexation of the Crimea, the study of national consciousness in these nations present a particular post- modern relevance. I. Understanding the “We” and “They:” Cultural and National Identity The term “identity,” as etymologically defined, was first introduced as a medieval Latin term identitatem [ “sameness”] from the Latin root idem [same], that later appeared as a 14th century French term identite [sameness], and used in the 16th century to describe “...sameness, oneness, or the state of being the same.”1 Simply put in modern terms, “identity” describes the characteristics determining who or what a person or thing is; as such, it is, by origin, an idea specific to the study of Philosophy [Metaphysics], which seeks to probe the nature of existence and being.2 The concept of “identity” gained notoriety after Rene Descartes' declaration of the autonomy of self,3 followed thereafter by John Locke, in his memory theory of personal identity, in which he asserts that memory is a necessary and 1 According to the Etymological Dictionary, the English term idemptitie (c1560) is also derived from Medieval Latin idemptitas. https://www.etymonline.com/ 2 The branch of philosophy, formally introduced by Aristotle as “the first philosophy,” examining the fundamental nature of reality including the relationship between mind and matter, between substance and attribute, and between possibility and actuality. The science of things transcending what is physical or natural. 3 Rene Descartes. “Meditation VI” Meditations on the First Philosophy (Chicago: Encyclopedia Britannica, 1996), 322- 323 Page 6 of 50 sufficient condition of self and personal identity.4 The national identity of a given
Recommended publications
  • Building Cultural Bridges: Benjamin Britten and Russia
    BUILDING CULTURAL BRIDGES: BENJAMIN BRITTEN AND RUSSIA Book Review of Benjamin Britten and Russia, by Cameron Pyke Maja Brlečić Benjamin Britten visited Soviet Russia during a time of great trial for Soviet artists and intellectuals. Between the years of 1963 and 1971, he made six trips, four formal and two private. During this time, the communist regime within the Soviet Union was at its heyday, and bureaucratization of culture served as a propaganda tool to gain totalitarian control over all spheres of public activity. This was also a period during which the international political situation was turbulent; the Cold War was at its height with ongoing issues of nuclear armaments, the tensions among the United States, the Soviet Union, and the United Kingdom ebbed and flowed, and the atmosphere of unrest was heightened by the Vietnam War. It was not until the early 1990s that the Iron Curtain collapsed, and the Cold War finally ended. While the 1960s were economically and culturally prosperous for Western Europe, those same years were tough for communist Eastern Europe, where the people still suffered from the aftermath of Stalin thwarting any attempts of artistic openness and creativity. As a result, certain efforts were made to build cultural bridges between West and East, including efforts that were significantly aided by Britten’s engagements. In his book Benjamin Britten and Russia, Cameron Pyke portrays the bridging of the vast gulf achieved through Britten’s interactions with the Soviet Union, drawing skillfully from historical and cultural contextualization, Britten’s and Pears’s personal accounts, interviews, musical scores, a series of articles about Britten published in the Soviet Union, and discussions of cultural and political figures of the time.1 In the seven chapters of his book, Pyke brings to light the nature of Britten’s six visits and offers detailed accounts of Britten’s affection for Russian music and culture.
    [Show full text]
  • Contested Publics : Situating Civil Society in a Post-- Authoritarian Era : the Case Study of Tunisia, 2011–2013
    Fortier, Edwige Aimee (2016) Contested publics : situating civil society in a post-- authoritarian era : the case study of Tunisia, 2011–2013. PhD Thesis. SOAS, University of London http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/23642 Copyright © and Moral Rights for this thesis are retained by the author and/or other copyright owners. A copy can be downloaded for personal non‐commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the copyright holder/s. The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. When referring to this thesis, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given e.g. AUTHOR (year of submission) "Full thesis title", name of the School or Department, PhD Thesis, pagination. Contested Publics: Situating Civil Society in a Post-Authoritarian Era The Case Study of Tunisia 2011–2013 Edwige Aimee Fortier Thesis submitted for the degree of PhD in Development Studies 2016 Department of Development Studies Faculty of Law and Social Sciences School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London Page | 1 Abstract Periods of sociopolitical transition from authoritarian rule offer renewed expectations for more representative and accountable state institutions, for enhanced pluralism and public participation, and for opportunities for marginalised groups to emerge from the periphery. Several thousand new civil society organisations were legally established in Tunisia following the 2010–2011 uprising that forced a long-serving dictator from office.
    [Show full text]
  • Nikolaj Von Wassilko. Bukovinian Statesman and Diplomat
    https://doi.org/10.4316/CC.2019.01.010 POLITICS AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES NIKOLAJ VON WASSILKO. BUKOVINIAN STATESMAN AND DIPLOMAT Oleksandr DOBRZHANSKYI Yurii Fedkovych Chernivtsi National University (Ukraine) E-mail: [email protected] Abstract: The article is dedicated to the study of the political biography of Nikolaj von Wassilko, a well-known Bukovinian leader, one of the most controversial personages among Ukrainian politicians of Austria-Hungary at the end of the 19th – the beginning of the 20th century. It is worth mentioning that many scientists from various countries wrote about N. Wassilko, but separate studies about his life and political activities have not been written yet. Author paid considerable attention to the formation of N. Wassilko's political views, the evolution of his preferences from conservative Rusynism and Moscophilia philosophy to the populistic doctrine. Since the beginning of the 20th century, N. Wassilko became almost the sole leader of Ukrainians in Bukovina. The article presents the analysis of his activities in the Austrian Parliament, the Diet of Bukovina, public organizations, and his initiatives to resolve various regional issues. His activities in the years of World War I were equally rich. In particular, the article shows his diplomatic activities as the ambassador of the ZUNR (West Ukrainian People's Republic) in Vienna, the ambassador of the UPR (Ukrainian People's Republic) in Switzerland and other countries. At the end of the research, the author points out the remarkable path of N. Wassilko in the history of the Ukrainian movement in Bukovina in the early twentieth century, as one of the central figures of the Ukrainian diplomacy during 1918-1924.
    [Show full text]
  • ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.
    [Show full text]
  • THE WARP of the SERBIAN IDENTITY Anti-Westernism, Russophilia, Traditionalism
    HELSINKI COMMITTEE FOR HUMAN RIGHTS IN SERBIA studies17 THE WARP OF THE SERBIAN IDENTITY anti-westernism, russophilia, traditionalism... BELGRADE, 2016 THE WARP OF THE SERBIAN IDENTITY Anti-westernism, russophilia, traditionalism… Edition: Studies No. 17 Publisher: Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia www.helsinki.org.rs For the publisher: Sonja Biserko Reviewed by: Prof. Dr. Dubravka Stojanović Prof. Dr. Momir Samardžić Dr Hrvoje Klasić Layout and design: Ivan Hrašovec Printed by: Grafiprof, Belgrade Circulation: 200 ISBN 978-86-7208-203-6 This publication is a part of the project “Serbian Identity in the 21st Century” implemented with the assistance from the Open Society Foundation – Serbia. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia, and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Open Society Foundation – Serbia. CONTENTS Publisher’s Note . 5 TRANSITION AND IDENTITIES JOVAN KOMŠIĆ Democratic Transition And Identities . 11 LATINKA PEROVIĆ Serbian-Russian Historical Analogies . 57 MILAN SUBOTIĆ, A Different Russia: From Serbia’s Perspective . 83 SRĐAN BARIŠIĆ The Role of the Serbian and Russian Orthodox Churches in Shaping Governmental Policies . 105 RUSSIA’S SOFT POWER DR. JELICA KURJAK “Soft Power” in the Service of Foreign Policy Strategy of the Russian Federation . 129 DR MILIVOJ BEŠLIN A “New” History For A New Identity . 139 SONJA BISERKO, SEŠKA STANOJLOVIĆ Russia’s Soft Power Expands . 157 SERBIA, EU, EAST DR BORIS VARGA Belgrade And Kiev Between Brussels And Moscow . 169 DIMITRIJE BOAROV More Politics Than Business . 215 PETAR POPOVIĆ Serbian-Russian Joint Military Exercise . 235 SONJA BISERKO Russia and NATO: A Test of Strength over Montenegro .
    [Show full text]
  • Elizabeth Bishop, Ou La Lumière De L'ordinaire
    French and British Female Intellectuals and the Soviet Union. The Journey to the USSR, 1929 – 1942 Angela Kershaw (Aston University) The question of why intellectuals between the wars were fascinated by the USSR has been extensively debated by intellectual historians of both France and Britain. According to Neal Wood, “the ‘ultimate explanation’ of the appeal of communism is forever concealed from rational inquiry in the minds and hearts of many diverse individuals” (9), but rational inquiry can reveal a collective, cultural fascination through analysis of individual textual residues. Paul Hollander argues that pro-Soviet enthusiasm amongst Western intellectuals in the 1930s had its roots not in knowledge about the Soviet Union but in Western intellectuals’ changed – that is, more negative – attitudes towards Western Europe (103-104). Disenchanted with their own society, they were predisposed to find the Soviet regime to their liking and, furthermore, were fearful that if they returned with negative reports they would be labelled reactionaries (104, 109-110). Such “negative” fascination was doubled in both France and Britain by a more longstanding and primarily cultural “Russophilia”, which predated the 1917 revolution and had rather more to do with the faith, grandeur and resignation of the “Russian soul” supposedly depicted by Dostoievsky and Chekov than with the political realities of either Tsarist or Soviet Russia (see Northedge & Wells, Britain and Soviet Communism, 137-157 and Schor, L’Opinion française et les étrangers, 152-161). In France, Russophilia became complicated by the close relationship between the “mode russe” and the community of expatriate anti-Soviet Russian dissident intellectuals resident in Paris after 1917, which made a clear distinction between “authentic” Russian culture in exile and the Soviet “perversion” of Russian traditions (see Livak, How it Was Done in Paris).
    [Show full text]
  • Public Opinion Survey: Residents of Armenia
    Public Opinion Survey: Residents of Armenia February 2021 Detailed Methodology • The survey was conducted on behalf of “International Republican Institute’s” Center for Insights in Survey Research by Breavis (represented by IPSC LLC). • Data was collected throughout Armenia between February 8 and February 16, 2021, through phone interviews, with respondents selected by random digit dialing (RDD) probability sampling of mobile phone numbers. • The sample consisted of 1,510 permanent residents of Armenia aged 18 and older. It is representative of the population with access to a mobile phone, which excludes approximately 1.2 percent of adults. • Sampling frame: Statistical Committee of the Republic of Armenia. Weighting: Data weighted for 11 regional groups, age, gender and community type. • The margin of error does not exceed plus or minus 2.5 points for the full sample. • The response rate was 26 percent which is similar to the surveys conducted in August-September 2020. • Charts and graphs may not add up to 100 percent due to rounding. • The survey was funded by the U.S. Agency for International Development. 2 Weighted (Disaggregated) Bases Disaggregate Disaggregation Category Base Share 18-35 years old n=563 37% Age groups 36-55 years old n=505 34% 56+ years old n=442 29% Male n=689 46% Gender Female n=821 54% Yerevan n=559 37% Community type Urban n=413 27% Rural n=538 36% Primary or secondary n=537 36% Education Vocational n=307 20% Higher n=665 44% Single n=293 19% Marital status Married n=1,059 70% Widowed or divorced n=155 10% Up
    [Show full text]
  • The Press in the Arab World
    The Press in the Arab World a Bourdieusian critical alternative to current perspectives on the role of the media in the public sphere Hicham Tohme A thesis submitted to the Department of Politics in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy October 2014 1 Abstract The current literature on the role of media in the public sphere in general, and particularly politics, is divided among two opposing trends. The liberal/pluralists argue that media is playing a democratic role consisting of either representing public opinion and/or informing it. The critical theorists argue that media is in fact controlled by and represents elite interests. But even critical theories of the role of media in politics are driven by the belief that media ought to play a democratic and liberal role in society. Both theories therefore share a common normative understanding of what the role of media ought to be and are therefore the product of a common normative ideological framework, the liberal paradigm. This prevents them from properly framing the question of what media actually do in societies which lie beyond the scope of the experience of liberal Europe. This dissertation seeks to transcend this debate, and the liberal paradigm along with it, by arguing that, given a different historical context than the European one, the practice and ethos of media develop differently, and cannot therefore be understood from the lens of the European experience and the liberal paradigm born from within it. To do that, I use Bourdieu's theory of fields to trace the birth and evolution of the private press in Beirut and Cairo from 1858 till 1916.
    [Show full text]
  • The Strategic Roots of Russian Expansionism in the Middle East Reza Parchizadeh
    The Journal for Interdisciplinary Middle Eastern Studies Volume 6, No. 2, Fall 2020, pp. 131-163 DOI: https://doi.org/10.26351/JIMES/6-2/2 ISSN: 2522-347X (print); 2522-6959 (online) The Strategic Roots of Russian Expansionism in the Middle East Reza Parchizadeh Abstract Russian expansionism in the Middle East follows a systematic approach to the region that is predicated on a profound understanding of the geopolitical, cultural, and religious landscape of the Middle East along the lines of the historical Russian strategic imperatives. For the time being, Russia’s aim is to supplant the United States as the main political power in the Middle East. However, in the long run, the ultimate Russian goal is to dominate the world as the sole global superpower. My argument is that although Russia’s fortunes have ebbed and flowed throughout modern history, what the Russian political establishment has demonstrated in regard to ideological/territorial expansionism, from the Tsarist Empire to the USSR to the Russian Federation, is strategic continuity. As such, in this article I am going to conduct a strategic survey of the Russian expansionism in the Middle East throughout modern history and then warn of the impending dangers of unchecked Russian expansionism for contemporary US and Middle East security and for the future of global democracy and liberal world order. Keywords: Aleksandr Dugin, Eurasianism, geopolitics, Halford John Mackinder, Middle East, Russian expansionism, Vladimir Putin Dr. Reza Parchizadeh – Indiana University of Pennsylvania (IUP); [email protected] 131 132 Reza Parchizadeh Introduction Russia is no stranger to the Middle East, and Russian expansionism in that region of the world is by no means a new phenomenon.
    [Show full text]
  • 5195E05d4.Pdf
    ILGA-Europe in brief ILGA-Europe is the European Region of the International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans & Intersex Association. ILGA-Europe works for equality and human rights for lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans & intersex (LGBTI) people at European level. ILGA-Europe is an international non-governmental umbrella organisation bringing together 408 organisations from 45 out of 49 European countries. ILGA-Europe was established as a separate region of ILGA and an independent legal entity in 1996. ILGA was established in 1978. ILGA-Europe advocates for human rights and equality for LGBTI people at European level organisations such as the European Union (EU), the Council of Europe (CoE) and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). ILGA-Europe strengthens the European LGBTI movement by providing trainings and support to its member organisations and other LGBTI groups on advocacy, fundraising, organisational development and communications. ILGA-Europe has its office in Brussels and employs 12 people. Since 1997 ILGA-Europe enjoys participative status at the Council of Europe. Since 2001 ILGA-Europe receives its largest funding from the European Commission. Since 2006 ILGA-Europe enjoys consultative status at the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations (ECOSOC) and advocates for equality and human rights of LGBTI people also at the UN level. ILGA-Europe Annual Review of the Human Rights Situation of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex People in Europe 2013 This Review covers the period of January
    [Show full text]
  • Constructing Serbian Russophilia in the Context of the Crisis in Ukraine
    EUROPOLITY, vol. 11, no. 1, 2017 (DE-)CONSTRUCTING SERBIAN RUSSOPHILIA IN THE CONTEXT OF THE CRISIS IN UKRAINE Maria – Eugenia Măgurean University of Bucharest Bucharest, Romania [email protected] Abstract On the background of the Ukrainian crisis, the relations between Russia and the Euro-Atlantic community reach a new critical point. The article aims to follow the way in which this tension unfolds in the Serbian society. It starts with identifying the types of discourses related to the idea of „friendship/ brotherhood” between Serbia and Russia. The selection of discourses is composed of statements belonging to officials from Belgrade, the political parties and the civil society. Using the poststructuralist approach, this study starts from the idea that international relations and a state’s foreign policy are strongly connected with the meanings attached to concepts or ideas. Such meanings are not given by a certain objective historical evolution, but can be constructed or deconstructed by the political, intellectual, social elites within a community. The discourses, collected from the November 2013 – April 2016 period, will be analysed with the Foucauldian Discourse Analysis method. Firstly, we will see how the idea of friendship between Serbia and Russia is constructed or deconstructed by several selected elite groups (how the different discourses are organized) and secondly, if the particular types of discourses imply certain specific foreign policy positions, justified by the elites as being directly linked. Conclusions indicate that Russophilia is a powerful legitimization tool, even in a context where this approach creates missed opportunities. On the contrary, emotional arguments prevail and strictly rational foreign policy decisions can be easily antagonized as breaking the norms of good international behaviour.
    [Show full text]
  • Russian Origins of the First World War
    The Russian Origins of the First World War The Russian Origins of the First World War Sean McMeekin The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press Cambridge, Massachusetts • London, Eng land 2011 Copyright © 2011 by Sean McMeekin All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America Library of Congress Cataloging-in- Publication Data McMeekin, Sean, 1974– The Russian origins of the First World War / Sean McMeekin. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-674-06210-8 (alk. paper) 1. World War, 1914–1918—Causes. 2. World War, 1914–1918—Russia. 3. Russia—Foreign relations—1894–1917. 4. Imperialism—History— 20th century. 5. World War, 1914–1918—Campaigns—Eastern Front. 6. World War, 1914–1918—Campaigns—Middle East. I. Title. D514.M35 2011 940.3'11—dc23 2011031427 For Ayla Contents Abbreviations ix Author’s Note xi Introduction: History from the Deep Freeze 1 1. The Strategic Imperative in 1914 6 2. It Takes Two to Tango: The July Crisis 41 3. Russia’s War: The Opening Round 76 4. Turkey’s Turn 98 5. The Russians and Gallipoli 115 6. Russia and the Armenians 141 7. The Russians in Persia 175 8. Partitioning the Ottoman Empire 194 9. 1917: The Tsarist Empire at Its Zenith 214 Conclusion: The October Revolution and Historical Amnesia 234 Notes 245 Bibliography 289 Acknowledgments 303 Index 307 Maps The Russian Empire on the Eve of World War I 8 The Polish Salient 18 The Peacetime Deployment of Russia’s Army Corps 20 The Initial Mobilization Pattern on the Eastern Front 83 Russian Claims on Austrian and German Territory 91 “The Straits,” and Russian Claims on Them 132 Russia and the Armenians 167 Persia and the Caucasian Front 187 The Partition of the Ottoman Empire 206 The Eastern Front 219 Abbreviations ATASE Askeri Tarih ve Stratejik Etüt Başkanlığı Arşivi (Archive of the Turkish Gen- eral Staff).
    [Show full text]