Marek Barwiński Marek Barwiński

2015 88 1 41 http://dx.doi.org/10.7163/ GPol.0005 December 2013 May 2014

Geographia Polonica 2015, Volume 88, Issue 1, pp. 41-63 http://dx.doi.org/10.7163/GPol.0005

INSTITUTE OF GEOGRAPHY AND SPATIAL ORGANIZATION POLISH ACADEMY OF SCIENCES www.igipz.pan.pl www.geographiapolonica.pl

THE ETHNIC STRUCTURE OF IN GEOGRAPHICAL RESEARCH

Marek Barwiński University of Łódź Faculty of Geographical Sciences Kopcińskiego 31, 90-142 Łódź: Poland e-mail: [email protected]

Abstract The article reviews geographical research into the ethnic structure in Poland carried out between the nine- teenth century and the beginning of the second decade of the twenty-first century, on this basis identifying and citing the main research trends to ethnic studies engaged in by both historians and sociologists. The author presents what he considers the most important research topics to be addressed in further studies on the eth- nic and ethno-regional minorities living in today’s Poland. Varied research methods are discussed, along with their benefits and limitations, and the paper concludes with a presentation of the main conditions influencing dynamic transformations of the ethnic structure in Poland, as well as the most important characteristics of the relationship between the Polish state and ethnic minorities.

Key words ethnic minorities • ethnic structure of Poland • political geography

Introduction more broadly, anthropogeography, and apart from the geographies of religion and languag- The issue of ethnicity is interdisciplinary, and es, there is a discipline called the geography has thus been tackled by a range of disci- of ethnicity, which studies the sizes of ethnic plines including history, statistics, demogra- populations, as well as assessing and analys- phy, political science, sociology, ethnology ing ethnic structures on various spatial scales. or ethnography, as well as geography, which Studies of ethnic structures and their transfor- focuses primarily on the spatial element mations are especially common in political of the distribution of ethnicities, the causes geography, which devotes more place to the and consequences of changes therein and issues of ethnic, linguistic and religious mi- the genesis of concentrations of ethnic mi- norities than any other geographical science. norities. As part of population geography or, Owing to its ability to study the spatial and

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temporal contexts to various phenomena, subject of scientific studies. Polish researchers this discipline facilitates the recognition and from the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth comprehension of relationships between po- centuries (including Buzek, Czyński, Rapacki, litical, demographic, social and cultural fac- Rehman, Romer and Weinfeld) obviously rec- tors. Such studies are particularly justified ognised the role and scientific importance in the case of clear dependent relationships of ethnicity but, due to the political conditions between ethnic transformations and territori- at the time, undertook research on the distri- al or political transitions, i.e. elements within bution and size of the Polish population in the political geography’s scope of interest1. separate partitioned parts, while omitting Studies in Polish geography concerning eth- ethnic minorities. However, the second half nic minorities have had a long research tradi- of the nineteenth century did bring modern tion and generated great scientific achieve- censusing of the Austrian and Prussian par- ments, especially in the interwar period and titions, which asked, inter alia, about ethnic in the last twenty years2. Furthermore, while characteristics. The first census in the territo- they were episodic in Communist times, these ry annexed by Russia took place in 1897. The studies have been experiencing a contempo- publication of its results gave geographers rary renaissance. statistical documentation allowing for analy- When dealing with issues of ethnicity, ge- sis of ethnic structure, not only in Poland but ography draws on the achievements of oth- also in the whole of Central Europe. These er disciplines, especially history, statistics, so- data were inter alia made use of in Romer’s ciology, and political science. The main point Atlases. of reference in any analyses of ethnic specif- As a an independent Republic of Poland ics is space, the geographical environment re-emerged and re-formed by way of wars and the socio-economic circumstances, with with neighbours and plebiscites, as well simultaneous consideration also given to the as the inclusion of ethnically diverse regions, influence of historical and political conditions. the issues of ethnic, religious and linguistic Close links between political and historical minorities came to represent some of the geography reflecting both disciplines’ study most important research topics in Polish of natural variability over time and space al- geography, often in the context of the strug- low for the kind of referencing of the socio- gle for recognition of the Polish identity in the historical context that is indispensable in this eastern borderlands. Nevertheless, the begin- kind of research. ning of the 20th century and the interwar period can be said to have produced rather Literature overview few works directly dealing with ethnic minori- ties. Rather, they work concentrated on issues An overview of research into the ethnic struc- of the Polish population, understandably ture of Poland is impossible without the pres- enough in the context of the then dynamic entation of current scientific work connected political situation. The most important works directly with these issues, as well as the com- surely include Wakar’s (1917-1918) Rozwój pilation of an extensive catalogue of mono- terytorialny narodowości polskiej (Territo- graphs and articles presented in what is cer- rial development of Polish nationality), which tainly still an incomplete list of references. brought a description and assessment of the In the nineteenth century, the ethnic ethnic structure of Poland in the late 19th and minorities living in Poland were only rarely the early 20th centuries, as well as in disputed lands with high ethnic diversity. 1 Ethnic geography was discussed by such authors Extensive information concerning the eth- as Zaborski and Wrzosek (1939), Maryański (1988) and Eberhardt (2010b). nic structure of interwar Poland can in turn 2 Authors writing extensively on this subject include be found in atlases and maps showing the Eberhardt (2004a, 2010b) and Sobczyński (2008a,b). distribution and population of individual

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ethnic groups3. Ethnic minorities of the east- resettlement that had taken place were also ern borderland were discussed by Krysiński taboo topics. Obstructed access to source (1928a,b), among others, and in a broader materials and the lack of statistical data were spatial context, in Urbański’s Mniejszości naro- also a significant hindrance4. dowe w Polsce (National minorities in Poland) The first scientific studies on ethnic minori- (1932). Articles relating to the ethnic structure ties in Poland therefore appeared as late of eastern Poland were published by such as in the 1960s and 1970s. Noteworthy works geographers as Wąsowicz (1927, 1928) and are those of Kersten (1963, 1974), mainly Smoleński (1921, 1929, 1933, 1935). In turn, concerning Jewish and German minorities; geographers Leszczycki (1935) and Goetel Kwilecki (1963, 1964, 1970, 1974) concern- (1935), as well as ethnographer Reinfuss ing the ; Maryański (1962), Biernacka (1949, 1990), who published his work after (1973) and Wojecki (1975) concerning Greeks; the war, conducted research in the Lemkivsh- and Byczkowski (1976) about ethnic minori- chyna – i.e. the land of the Lemko people. The ties in European countries. These were aug- geography, demography and ethnography mented by monographs of broader scope of the eastern Carpathians, and especially both thematically and spatially by Maryański their Ukrainian population, were discussed (1977, 1988). by Kubijowicz (1921, 1924, 1927). More infor- Where theoretical studies are concerned, mation can be found in numerous studies we should highlight especially the sociologi- by historian and political activist Wasilewski cal analyses of the evolution of the notion (1917, 1925, 1927), as regards the political of nation and ethnic minority by Wiatr (1973) and ethnic relationships between Poland, Lith- and Ossowski (1984). However, it must uania and Belarus; including his monumen- be conceded that most work on the post-War tal work on the theoretical issued of ethnic- situation of ethnic minorities in Poland writ- ity Sprawy narodowościowe w teorji i w życiu ten in this period was bout the ‘shaping and (Nationality issues in theory and in life) (1929). strengthening’ of socialist power, and hence Valuable sources from this period also include written in the spirit of official propaganda. statistical and analytical studies of the Polish Their educational value is thus extremely census data from 1921 and 1931 carried out limited. by Zaborski (1937), among others. Moreover, In the second half of the 1980s, several in the years 1927-1939, the Institute of Ethnic monographs were written by historians on eth- Studies published an Ethnic Affairs quarterly nic minorities in the inter-War period, includ- which included work by sociologists, histori- ing a very one-sided, left-wing study by Berg- ans, demographers, ethnographers and some man (1984) on ; a history of the geographers, such as Ormicki and Smoleński. Lithuanian minority by Makowski (1986); For many years after World War II, scien- tists did not engage in the study of Poland’s 4 The question of nationality was included in the ethnic structure. Naturally, this phenomenon first post-War ‘summary census’ in 1946. However, its mainly reflected political factors and the results are unreliable and unsuitable for any analysis constraints of censorship. In the new politi- of Polish ethnic structure at the time. The census was organised primarily to determine the population loss cal situation, the prevalent thesis held that caused by war and occupation, the current popula- Poland had become a single-nation country tion and distribution of , and the German popu- in the light of changes to its borders and far- lation to be displaced. In addition, it was carried out reaching relocations of population. Any works in a very unstable, dynamic demographic situation, during the on-going resettlement of the population, concerning ethnic minorities were thus ‘politi- and the census questionnaire distinguished only Poles, cally harmful’. Indeed, the deportations and Germans and ‘others’, as well as people undergoing rehabilitation or verification procedures. In turn, sub- sequent censuses carried out between 1950 and 1988, 3 These have been summarised by Gawryszewski did not include questions on nationality, language and (1969, 1995). religion (Olejnik 2003; Gawryszewski 2005).

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and the works by Tomaszewski (1985a,b) dis- (2010, 2013). These works attempt to gen- cussing the distribution and social structure eralise as regards ethnic affairs in post-War of individual minority groups, and including Poland, gathering in one publication the an exceptionally interesting and critical analy- results of works from many scientists special- sis of the results of the interwar censuses. ising in minority issues. They show changes These works are an inspiration to the thor- in the political, organisational, social and ough and careful interpretation of the results demographic situation of non-Polish eth- of modern censuses. nicities, as well as the evolution of the sense Research has re-intensified considerably of national identity. Issues regarding the atti- in the years since 1989. Once again, the deci- tudes of the state authorities and Polish soci- sive factor has been political, with democra- ety towards minorities as the various political tisation taking place, censorship abandoned changes took hold are especially interesting, and wider access at last being granted though rarely discussed in the previous era. to archival sources. The systemic change has Geographers mainly examine minorities restored full freedom to conduct scientific from the spatial, demographic and regional research and there has been a renaissance points of view. An extensive chapter devot- of ethnic studies. To some extent, this has ed to the ethnic structure of Poland was been ‘provoked’ by the growing activity and included in the monograph Ludność Polski aspirations of individual ethnic minorities, w XX wieku (The Population of Poland in the even small ones. Many academic centres 20th Century) by Gawryszewski (2005). (including Łódź, Warsaw, Krakow, Białystok, Especially noteworthy is a series of works Opole, Wrocław, Lublin and Zielona Góra) by Eberhardt devoted initially to the ethnic embarked upon research into ethnic and reli- structure of Belarus (1994a), Ukraine (1994b) gious minorities. In some cases (e.g. Opole, and Lithuania (1998), then to the ethnic Białystok, Wrocław and Lublin), this was due transformations of the whole of Central and to close proximity of areas inhabited by a non- Eastern Europe in the 20th century - Między Polish population, in others (Łódź) it reflected Rosją a Niemcami (Between Russia and Ger- institutional changes and the establishment many) (1996). Another of Eberhardt’s works, of the Department of Political Geography and Migracje polityczne na ziemiach polskich Regional Studies, University of Łódź in 1992, (1939–1950) (Political migrations on Polish with employees and students actively engaged territories) (2010) is a valuable geographical in current research on national, ethnic and study concerning resettlements and depor- religious minorities. In 1992 in Poznań, Ethnic tations of Polish citizens. Sobczyński (2000) Affairs was reactivated, with articles concern- presented the contemporary religious diver- ing various aspects of Polish ethnic structure sity of Polish society against a backdrop of its also appearing in various geographical, his- ethnic structure. He also engaged in critical torical and sociological periodicals. Despite analysis of the prevailing stereotypes con- the small number of minorities in modern necting certain denominations to adherence Poland, the subject has become very popular, to certain ethnicities. The transformations even though it relates to individual minorities of Polish ethnic structure in the 20th centu- to varied degrees. Most works have in prac- ry were also discussed by Eberhardt (2006, tice been devoted to the Jewish, German and 2008) and, in relation to religious structure, Ukrainian minorities. Rykała (2006, 2011). In discussing voting Many valuable materials, data and analy- geography in Poland, Kowalski (1998a, 2000) ses can be found in collective works, includ- and Matykowski (1994, 1997, 2008) pointed ing those edited by Kurcz (1997), Madajczyk to characteristic electoral behaviour of select- (1998) and Berdychowska (1998), or penned ed ethnic and religious minorities. by Chałupczak and Browarek (1998), as well There have also been attempts at geo- as two studies edited by Dudra and Nitschke graphical and political analysis of the impact

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of political transformations on ethnic struc- of ethnic minorities in Poland. Such works ture, especially in the territorial-quantitative have inter alia been developed by geog- and political-organisational contexts, both raphers such as Barwiński (2006, 2009a, relating to all ethnicities living in Poland and 2014a), Rykała (2006, 2014) and Szczygielski individual minorities (including Janicki 1999, (2006), by the sociologists Babiński (2004) 2000; Flaga 2002; Barwiński 2008a,b, 2010, and Adamczuk and Łodziński (2006), by histo- 2011; Rykała 2008c). A synthetic geopolitical rian Chałupczak (2006) and by demographer and geo-historical approach to ethnic issues Wysocki (2006, 2010). against the backdrop of post-war political and Especially noteworthy among the theo- social change was presented in monographs retical geographical studies are those propos- by Barwiński (2004, 2013) concerning ethnic ing a typology for ethnic minorities from the minorities within the eastern Polish popula- ethnic-territorial and genetic points of view tion, and Rykała (2007) in relation to the Jew- (Koter 1993), as well as a typology for bor- ish population. derlands, along with the minorities inhabit- Studies concerning the role of ethnic mi- ing them (Koter 1995a,b, 1998). In addition, norities in the organisation of urban space, Sobczyński (1993, 2012) made an attempt and the cultural heritage stemming from their at a methodology by which ethnic and reli- existence, also play a significant role among gious minorities might be studied in Polish geographical works (including Liszewski 1991; research circumstances. Rykała 2003, 2008b, 2010; Kulesza & Koter The issue of ethnic minorities in Poland, 2005; Kulesza & Rykała 2006, 2009; Bara- though undoubtedly of interest to political nowska & Rykała 2009; Kulesza 2010; Ryka- geography in both theoretical and empirical ła & Barwiński 2010). terms, was not discussed at all in the aca- Owing to the fact that political geogra- demic textbooks by Barbag (1987) and Otok phy inter alia combines studies concerning (2004), while only having a couple of pages borders, borderlands and ethnic minorities, devoted to it by Rykiel (2006). there are numerous geographical works The situation of the national and ethnic analysing ethnic structure in contemporary minorities living in Poland is also the subject border areas, be these: Polish-German (includ- of historical research. Historians with great- ing Szczepankiewicz-Battek 2001, 2003, est achievements in this field include Chałup- 2005), Polish-Czech (including Heffner 1991, czak, Drozd, Dudra, Janusz, Madajczyk, Miro- 1998; Siwek 1996, 2005; Heffner & Solga nowicz, Misiło, Olejnik, Tarka, Tomaszewski 2003), Polish-Slovak (including Sobczyński and Waldenberg. Most of these workers only & Zawadzka 1988; Barwiński 1999, 2003, attempted the study and analysis of single 2012b; Soja 2001, 2010), Polish-Ukrainian minorities. Publications concerning multiple (including Koszałka & Soja 2003; Barwiński minorities have been more scarce, and have 2009b), Polish-Belarusian (including Barwiński usually been included in collective works. 2001, 2005a,b; Kowalski 1998b, 2002, Not all ethnic minorities have been equal- 2006) or Polish-Lithuanian (including Eber- ly represented in scientific publications. hardt 1997; Kowalski 1999; Rykała 2008a; Indeed, in line with their importance to the Barwiński 2009c, 2014b). political, social and economic life of the The publication of the results of the 2002 country, their potential for generating con- and 2011 censuses, which included a ques- flict, historical events and population, most tion concerning ethnicity, represented both historians have focused on issues relating a great statistical facilitator and an impulse to Germans, Jews and in Poland. for further work. It allowed for the verification In the case of Ukrainian affairs, many of the of previous subjective estimates, as well as for historians involved are from the community presentation of a critical analysis of both the in question (examples include Drozd, Hal- population and contemporary distribution czak, Hałagida, Hawryluk and Misiło). Thus,

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while the work of these scientists is cogni- (2000) and Polityka narodowościowa Polski tively valuable and based on sound research, w latach 1944-1960 (The nationality policy it can sometimes be burdened by subjectiv- of Poland in the years 1944-1960) by Olej- ity and one-sidedness of judgment. For exam- nik (2003). Developed by historians on the ple, there is a tendency for the Polish authori- basis of a comprehensive analysis of archi- ties to be blamed for any harm suffered val source materials, these constitute a very by Ukrainians in the post-War years, while valuable source of factual information. The the impact of military action by Ukrainian former, notwithstanding its title, focuses troops on the behaviour of the Polish author- on the two decades following the War, with ities and Polish society towards Ukrainians later years discussed briefly and the analy- is left trivialised. That there was persecution sis ending in the 1970s, thereby not cover- of Ukrainians in Poland in the mid-twentieth ing the whole period in existence of the Pol- century is an undisputed fact, but it is not ish People’s Republic. Moreover, the author fact that can be considered in isolation completely omits several smaller ethnic mi- of the circumstances leading up to it. norities, while showing a clear preference Among the numerous historical works for issues relating to the Belarusian minor- concerning the post-War and contemporary ity, which is very prominently represented lives of individual ethnic minorities, the mon- in his scientific work. In turn, as its title sug- ographs on Belarusians (Mironowicz 1992, gests, Olejnik’s work confines itself to the 1993), Karaites and Armenians (Pełczyński first dozen years immediately after the War. 1995, 1997, 2004), Lithuanians (Tarka 1998), This is justifiable, since for historians dealing the Lemko (Dudra 2008) Germans (Matelski with the transformations of the ethnic situa- 1999; Madajczyk 2001), Ukrainians (Misiło tion in Poland this is undoubtedly the most in- 1992, 1996; Drozd 1997, 2001, 2013; Haw- teresting period and one for which an under- ryluk 1999; Hałagida 2002; Pisuliński 2009; standing is indispensable if the subsequent Drozd & Halczak 2010; Motyka 2011) and decades are to be analysed. Jews (Kersten 1992; Tomaszewski 1993) are Historical works focus primarily on pre- especially valuable. In recent years, there senting the facts, the historical background, have also been works on the persecution and – very importantly – the relationship of ethnic minorities by the Communist ‘se- between the Polish majority and various mi- curity forces’, which are based on analy- norities. However, certain decades gain dis- ses of documents from the Institute of Na- proportionate attention, as the vast majority tional Remembrance (including Milewski of studies focus on the situation of ethnic & Pyżewska 2005; Słabig 2008; Syrnyk 2009; minorities immediately after the War and Wysocki 2011; Hytrek-Hryciuk & Straucholda in the 1950s, the period of the most dramat- & Syrnyk 2011). A number of studies and ex- ic changes and events. The Third Republic pert opinions on the changing legal aspects is treated very superficially, even though the conditioning the situation of minorities have early 1990s brought about significant chang- been published by Janusz, with these culmi- es in the situation of non-Polish ethnicities nating in the monumental monograph Ochro- who should finally be the subject of a greater na praw mniejszości narodowych w Europie number of historical studies after more than (The protection of the rights of national minor- 20 years. ities in Europe) (2011). In addition to geographical and historical In the first years of the twenty-first centu- works on Polish ethnic structure, studies done ry, two extensive monographs on the ethnic by sociologists are also very useful in contrib- policy issues of the Polish authorities in the uting to a full and comprehensive understand- post-War period were published: Polityka ing of the specificities of individual minority narodowościowa PRL (Policy on nationality groups. Sociological studies can be seen at the in the Polish People's Republic) by Mironowicz theoretical and empirical level. The theoretical

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work concerns, among other things, the meth- in Poland and the Polish minority in Belarus odology of ethnic studies; the definitions and Lithuania. of certain notions; the broader social, cultur- We should also mention the publica- al and ethnic aspects; the typology of ethnic tions of the Central Statistical Office (GUS) minorities and the relationships with the ma- released cyclically (every three years since jority and their country of residence; as well 1993) containing information on the popula- as national identity, its formation and trans- tion and territorial structure of all registered formation. Among the numerous works of this denominations and national and ethnic asso- type, the publications by Znaniecki (1990), ciations in Poland. The Parliamentary Com- Kłoskowska (1996), Babiński (1998), Żelazny mittee on National and Ethnic Minorities has (2004), Posern-Zieliński (2005) and Budyta- been publishing joint works since 2010 on in- -Budzyńska (2010) are especially noteworthy. dividual ethnic minorities. Works on Belaru- Apart from general and theoretical top- sians, , Lemkos, Karaites and Lithuani- ics, sociologists are also preoccupied with ans have already been published. practical and empirical studies of the ethni- The above, surely-incomplete review of sci- cally, religiously and culturally diverse regions entific works on the ethnic structure of Poland present in Poland. These studies are based shows a clear domination of studies on the so- largely on the results of fieldwork engaged called traditional minorities, with few studies in directly among representatives of minority relating directly to regional groups5. In recent groups. They are thus of high cognitive value. years, due to a large number of people declar- The following studies are particularly note- ing Silesian and Kashubian ethnicities in cen- worthy: Mirga and Mróz (1994) on Roma, suses, as well as in consequence of growing Tobjański (1994), on the Czech minority, Kurcz social and political aspirations of leaders (1995), on the German minority, Warmińska of these communities, more and more work (1999) on Tatars, and Sadowski (1991, 1995). (mostly of a sociological and historical nature) Babiński (1997) and Wojakowski (2002) is being done on the contemporary situation focused on the issue of the Polish-Belarusian of (Nijakowski 2004; Szmeja 2005; and Polish-Ukrainian border, while Domagała Sakson 2008; Dolińska 2009 and Janicki (1996), Sakson (1998) and Berlińska (1999) 2009) and (including Borzysz- studied ethnic relations in the Warmia and kowski et al. 1999 and Obracht-Prondzyński Mazury and Opole regions, putting particular 2002, 2007a,b, 2008). emphasis on the role of the German minority. Finally, Michna (1995, 2004) considered the The basic research issues Lemko against a broader background of eth- nic transformations in the Ruthenian popula- concerning Poland’s ethnic tion of Carpathia. structure Another subject raised by sociologists and political scientists after 1990 concerns rela- During the past few decades, Poland has tions between the state and minorities. The gone through numerous significant political, impact of regulatory, systemic and political economic and social transformations – from changes on the relations between the eth- the formation of its borders, resettlements, nic minorities and the Polish state during the the imposition of Communism, through the past 20 years has been carefully presented, growing surveillance of party authorities among others, by Budyta-Budzyńska (2003) and security forces over all forms of activity, and Łodziński (2005), as well as in the work to democratisation and liberalisation of the edited by Nijakowski (2005). On the other hand, political scientist Żołędowski (2003) 5 This applies to studies dealing with their contem- porary political and national aspirations, as the work discussed this type of issue as exemplified discussing the history, cultural heritage and folklore by the Belarusian and Lithuanian minorities of these groups is very extensive.

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political system and integration with the politi- dynamically growing population and diver- cal, economic and military structures of West- sity of regional groups defining themselves ern Europe. These transformations, often im- in national categories. The results of the lat- plemented through revolution, not evolution, est census in 2011 showed not only the total had to have an impact on the situation of eth- numerical dominance in the national struc- nic minorities, who in fact went through sig- ture of the Silesians and Kashubians, but also nificant alterations of their distribution, pop- the emergence for the first time in the history ulation, identity, relations with the Polish of censuses in Poland of further very diverse majority, legal situation, organisation, cultur- regional groups, though to a marginal extent al activities and education. The effect was not (such as Kociewiacy, Highlanders, Wielkopola- consistent in the long temporal, territorial and nie, Mazurians, Zagłębiakowie, Borowiakowie, ethnic perspective. It differed over time, in dif- Masovians and Kurpie people)6. Though they ferent regions of Poland and in relation to dif- are several times more numerous than other ferent ethnicities. The main turning points traditional minorities and more organisa- coincided with the crises and political break- tionally, socially and politically active than throughs that sparked activity in ethnic minor- many, Silesians and Kashubians are still far ities, often resulting in regulatory and prac- less frequently subjects for scientists studying tical changes to the treatment of non-Polish ethnic affairs. It seems that one of the main citizens. reasons for this is the continuing unwilling- Geographical, historical and sociological ness to perceive and define ethno-regional studies most often focus on the so-called tra- minorities in national terms, and thus non- ditional, historical minorities living in Poland -inclusion in studies on ethnic structure. The for centuries and serving as relics of the mul- intensification of research on ethno-regional tinational Republic (Jews, Germans, Ukrain- groups, particularly as regards their national ians, Belarusians, Lithuanians, Armenians, and political aspirations, and their relation , Czechs, , Lemkos, Tartars, to the Polish state, as well as the origins and Roma and Karaites). As a result of World manifestations of their self-identification, rep- War II and the policy of the Communist resents one of the major challenges faced authorities, these minorities underwent sig- by scientists studying aspects of the contem- nificant territorial, quantitative, institutional, porary national diversity of Poland. social and cultural transformations. Regions Researchers also rarely discuss the so- inhabited by them have often been divided called new minorities, or the more and more by state borders, with the population impact- numerous groups of economic (less often, ed by resettlement on various scales and hav- political) migrants from post-Soviet, Asian ing their sense of national identity weakened and African countries (mainly Vietnamese, by assimilation policies as part of an attempt Chinese, Arabs, Indians and Chechens). The to build a mono-ethnic society. All these ele- development of this type of research is impor- ments contribute to the natural scientific tant, especially because these communities, interest in these ethnicities. in contrast to the traditional and regional The so-called regional minorities, or rather minorities, are usually completely culturally ethnic-regional minorities, sometimes also and socially different, isolated and often not called ‘postulated minorities’ are studied less integrated into the majority, this contribut- frequently. They are often seen (and studied ing to a persistence of conflicts and negative and described), not in national terms, but stereotypes. only in ethnographic and cultural terms, which today is an anachronism. Since the 6 The main reason for such a large increase in the beginning of the twenty-first century, we have number and diversity of regional groups was a different census methodology used in 2011, especially the oppor- been seeing a marked increase in political tunity afforded for people to declare double national and national inspirations, correlated with the identities.

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The transformations of Polish ethnic struc- What factors most affect the changes in the ture starting with the territorial and political population, distribution and concentration changes of World War II did not end with of non-Polish nationalities today? How do the the political and systemic transformation methods used in the Polish censuses actually of the 1990s. The political, legal and institu- create ethnic structure in Poland? What is the tional reality changed, with a clear departure role of ethnic minorities in Polish foreign pol- from earlier ethnic policies. The communities icy, especially towards its neighbours? How of various minorities became more active, does the influx of immigrants from non-Euro- though this did not quench old conflicts and pean countries influence cultural, econom- grudges, and nor did it stop the processes ic and social transformations? What are the of assimilation and acculturation. The results causes and consequences of the very dynam- of censuses conducted in the early twenty-first ic growth in the number and diversity of eth- century have provided often disputed and nic and regional minorities? How much does controversial data concerning the population the ongoing regionalisation of the European and distribution of individual ethnicities. They Union contribute to that? What are the com- also showed a highly dynamic increase in the ponents of the sense of identity of individual sense of belonging to ethno-regional minori- ethno-regional groups? Does the dominance ties. The recognition of the ethnic diversity of regional minorities in the ethnic structure of Poland by the democratic authorities, the of Poland give rise to a tendency for autono- introduction of compromise legal solutions, my or separatism to be fought for? Will the on- and the presence of ethnic minorities in pub- going political, economic and cultural integra- lic space have all resulted in changes in the tion, globalisation and unification of Europe relationships between non-Polish ethnicities contribute to the total ethnic uniformisation and the majority, which on one hand leads of Poland, or will it result in a rebirth of various to the former’s empowerment and, on the types of ethnic identity and the intensification other to critical opinions and conflicts, espe- of regionalisms? What roles should national, cially on the local level. ethnic and regional minorities play in the pol- After several decades and numerous trans- itics, economy and social life of Poland in the formations in the political and legal situation, subsequent decades of the 21st century? we can attempt to study the ways in which These questions are – and should continue state politics, in both the totalitarian and dem- to be – the main research topics addressed ocratic system, influence ethnic structure. How by geographical and political studies on the do the political system and its changes deter- contemporary ethnic structure of Poland. mine the relationship between the majority and minorities? How did the national identi- Methods of researching ty and institutionalisation of social and cultural ethnic affairs activity of ethnic minorities ‘sentenced’ by the authorities to disperse and assimilate gradual- The study of ethnic affairs is hindered by nu- ly change in various periods? What were the merous factors, of which one of the most im- main causes of the diverse socio-political sit- portant is that basic problem for science uation of minorities in Polish People's Repub- in general, the maintenance of objectivity lic? Did the systemic changes started in 1989 and diligence, and the eschewal or removal allow for equal treatment of ethnic minorities of bias. in practice? How do minority leaders perceive The difficulties scientists studying ethnic- and assess the current situation of the nation- ity issues encounter can be broadly divided alities they represent? What are the current into endogenous and exogenous (Sobczyń- main disputes and conflicts in the relations be- ski & Grabowska 1993; Sobczyński 2012). tween minorities and the Polish state, as well As the overcoming of endogenous barriers as between minorities and Polish society? has a crucial influence on research, they are

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the more important category. No researcher and the subject are always encumbered is free of national affiliation or, for exam- by ethnic circumstances and the ‘our-for- ple, upbringing in a given religion. These eign’ dichotomy, so it is especially important are determinants representing a serious to consider the social background of a given encumbrance that are present regardless research situation as this stems from the of whether the given researcher is from the political, cultural, religious and ethnic condi- majority group in society or from some minor- tions. In the context of ongoing democratisa- ity group. The main endogenous barrier and tion, minority respondents’ distrust and fear chief hindrance to the study of ethnic minori- of expressing their views and attitudes seem ties is of this kind, and – if it is to be over- to be waning (Sobczyński 2012). An objective come – the researcher must reject his/her and thorough evaluation of the relationship own individual approach to reality in favour between the majority and the ethnic minor- of an ideological neutrality that makes more ity in a country is further hampered by dif- objective presentation of the facts a possibil- ferent objectives, interests and points of view ity. This is in fact more crucial in ethnic stud- on both sides. An ethnic minority always ies than in many other disciplines (Sobczyński operates with a sense of danger that identity & Grabowska 1993). might be lost, and is prone to perceive state The group of exogenous barriers is signifi- policies as purposeful assimilation strategies. cantly more extensive and largely dependent On the other hand, the dominant ethnicity on the current socio-political situation. Includ- often fails to understand, disrespects or does ed here is access to objective and solid statis- not see the problems experienced by minori- tical documentation (there were no statistical ties (Halczak 2006). data on ethnic structure in Poland before the Studies of ethnic or regional minorities 2002 census), state policy towards minorities in Poland are most often limited to a single (especially oppressive in the circumstances minority, geographical region or political and of totalitarianism), and the spatial distribu- historical period. In collective studies concern- tion of ethnic minorities. However, the most ing multiple minorities, individual ethnicities major problem entails overcoming the mis- are not only presented by different authors, trust of respondents. Just as the main endog- but also from different points of view and enous barrier involves a researcher achieving using different methods, a circumstance a distancing from his/her ethnic and religious that greatly hinders comparative analyses. identity, so the main exogenous social barrier It is usually associated with a clear ‘speciali- is the analogous identity of the object of the sation’ of certain researchers and, apart from study, i.e. the representative of a minority. the high factual value of individual studies, For, although research into a minority without is a deficiency of the whole body of work con- personal contact with representatives thereof cerning the ethnic structure of Poland. is a theoretical possibility, the cognitive value Of greater cognitive value are syntheses of a study done in this way must be low. Equal- discussing a wide range of circumstances ly, it is particularly hard to achieve effective in the diverse situation of individual minori- study of minorities that have negative histori- ties, using a comparative method to analyse cal experiences, have suffered ill-treatment political, ethnic and social processes in as- and persecution from the state or the major- pects that are temporal (between subse- ity in society, and are afraid of a renewal quent ‘decades of political transformations’), of nationalist tendencies (Sobczyński & Gra- geographical (between different regions bowska 1993). Unfortunately, these circum- of Poland and administrative units) or eth- stances apply in regard to the vast majority nic (between different ethnic and regional of non-Polish ethnicities in Poland. minorities). A comparative study allows for In minority studies, the research context the drawing of a number of conclusions and the interaction between the researcher that relate to the past and contemporary

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socio-political situations of minorities, as well Gawryszewski (2005), all ethnic statistics con- as facilitating the presentation of projections. cern matters that are very delicate, subjective This type of synthetic study also facilitates and unmeasurable. It is therefore normal for the preservation of objectivity and allows us them to be ‘erroneous’ in some way, ensur- to curb the stereotypes and generalisations. ing that results will inevitably be met with The various nationalities living in Poland are greater or lesser emotion and controversy, not isolated in society, and from one another as well as necessitating careful interpretation. (in the geographical, political, economic, so- In addition, their credibility is often a reflec- cial and cultural sense), they interact in vari- tion of current state policy in the period of the ous ways, are impacted upon by the same census. Despite that, the ethnicity statistics political and economic processes and should in question are a very important research thus be studied as part of comparative re- tool, not just in the quantitative sense, but search in the widest temporal, spatial and also in the vital spatial sense, since they allow ethnic context. geographers to use cartographic methods The basic starting point for geographical in showing the distribution of ethnic minori- studies of ethnic structure in Poland is an ties. This is all the more important given that analysis and a synthesis of the source materi- such a tool was not available in Poland for al, especially historical, contained in archives decades. and the scientific literature. Reference to his- Statistical data obtained in the course of torical materials is essential for solid presen- the censuses also allow us to use spatial analy- tation of political, ethnic and social transfor- sis (GIS), and the methods of deriving such val- mations among ethnic minorities. ues as spatial concentration or centrographic The results of the 2002 and 2011 censuses measures that it provides. The main limitation offered a relatively new starting point and in using spatial analysis is the incompleteness a database for certain analyses, especially and lack of comparability of gathered and of a spatial nature. Owing to the political and processed data, and the information released legal changes in Poland, they were the first by GUS (especially in the context of the last censuses in dozens of years to include two two censuses), as well as the often excessively ethnicity criteria: nationality and language, general spatial scope. which allowed, inter alia, for verification Geographical field studies related to soci- of earlier subjective estimates concerning ological qualitative and quantitative studies the sizes of ethnic minorities, as well as the are especially important as we seek to ver- development of a cartographic presentation ify and supplement data on the current sit- of ethnic structure in Poland and changes uation of ethnic minorities, as well as learn therein in the first decade of the 21st cen- the attitudes and opinions of representatives tury. Unfortunately each of these two cen- of nationalities under study. Interviews with suses used different methods to present data the leaders of minority organisations are es- and estimate the population of individual pecially valuable. Good results are achieved minorities – a fact that hindered, though did using the so-called in-depth interview method, not entirely prevent, comparative studies. which entails the subject being interviewed In any case, the results of the two censuses on the basis of a script confined to open as regards ethnicity, and the procedures used questions that provide full freedom of expres- to obtain them proved controversial and were sion and guarantee comparability. During criticised widely7. As was rightfully noted this type of interview, the researcher traces by Tomaszewski (1985a,b, 1991), Eberhardt the answers and asks more in-depth ques- (1996), Chałupczak and Browarek (1998) and tions to obtain more precise data. The pur- poseful choice of subjects is meant to learn 7 Among those to have discussed it intensively the opinions of the most active and most is Barwiński (2013, pp. 237-308). competent group of members of an ethnic

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organisation, and to compare the views of the Conclusions leaders of organisations of the same and dif- ferent minorities. The interviews may relate The universality of the processes of social to such subjects as the functioning of indi- globalisation and unification, as well as the vidual organisations and their spatial struc- dominance of mass culture, all result in an tures; the main demands as regards local enhanced need to belong to a local home- and central authorities; the most important land, with the ongoing political and economic conflict points, successes and failures of cer- integration of Europe definitely causing a turn tain organisations; cooperation with other towards ethnicity, and hence growing interest ethnic organisations; possible support from in the problems of small ethnic, cultural and the mother country; the perception of influ- regional communities. In Central and Eastern ence of political transformations on the past Europe, the return to ethnic issues has addi- and current situation of the minority; as well tionally been amplified by the geographical, as opinions on the results of censuses and the political and geopolitical transitions of the functioning of the Ethnic Minorities Act. Even early 1990s. The issue of national diversity, the relatively sparse interviews with the lead- suppressed, marginalised or totally ignored ers of ethnic communities (qualitative stud- under totalitarianism, became an element ies), who are usually well-informed about of the internal and foreign policies of individ- the problems of the community they repre- ual states. Harmonious relationships between sent, can yield better results than wide-rang- different ethnic groups in communist coun- ing sociological studies among all represent- tries turned out to be yet another propagan- atives of a given ethnic minority (quantitative dist myth, whose collapse led to the disinte- studies), though the final choice of the most gration of multinational states and numerous suitable method depends on the type of in- armed conflicts in the Balkans and the former formation sought. In addition, data collect- Soviet Union. ed in the course of quantitative studies (such In the case of Poland, the transition from as surveys or questionnaire interviews) may what was seemingly an ethnically unified later be processed using statistical methods, country into one with a greater recognition and presented using various cartographic of its actual diversity, along with the empow- methods, in such a way that their value is en- erment of ethnic minorities and their ensuing hanced. However, the information obtained presence in public life, have provided the main during direct talks with representatives of na- spark underpinning a renewed interest on the tional minorities should be interpreted with part of scientists, as well as renewed emo- caution, given a context that reflects ethnic, tion in local communities themselves, largely religious, cultural, political and social circum- on account of the small size and high level stances. The results can be heavily encum- of dispersion of the minorities in question. bered by the ethnic and religious affiliation Due to their limited demographic, economic of the researcher, the current political situ- and political potential, national and ethnic ation and the method of sample selection. minorities do not pose a threat to the territo- Notwithstanding these reservations, studies rial and political integrity of Poland, nor to the based on personal contact between the re- dominance of the and culture. searcher and the representatives of a minor- On the contrary: the Polish state, with its popu- ity are very valuable, especially given that lation, economic, cultural, linguistic and media the quality of the statistical data provided potential, its education system, and its sections by GUS is worse than expected, and that the of society manifesting nationalist attitudes all democratisation and liberalisation of Poland pose a real threat to the ethnic and cultural has largely abated the fear of expressing in- identity of the few and dispersed minorities. dependent views once experienced by the rep- Despite some differences, all of the so-called resentatives of minorities. traditional minorities are heavily integrated

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into the Polish society, if we define integration rhetoric by the authorities, with political en- as “participation in the life of the majority and emies being targeted on many occasions, the co-creation of the majority culture without with a view to social discontent being chan- the imposition of their own models” (Budyta- nelled against a ‘non-Polish’ population. Op- -Budzyńska 2010). These groups are not isolat- position groups – be they the armed organisa- ed in either the geographical, political, social, tions of the 1940s or the political ones of the cultural or economic senses of the term. 1980s – have a negative or at best neutral We can say universal (at least sociologi- attitude towards ethnic minorities, only spo- cally universal) models of integration of minor- radically doing anything to acknowledge the ity groups apply to the in Western Polish citizens of non-Polish ethnicity8. As a re- Europe, the Roma in Central Europe, maybe sult, ethnic minorities were inclined to treat the Vietnamese in Poland, but surely not to the the political opposition of the 1980s with dis- Germans, Ukrainians, Belarusians, Jews, Lithu- trust and reserve, first and foremost in line anians, Silesians or Kashubians in Poland. with its being perceived as a nationalist and Despite that, Poland will not avoid becom- Catholic movement. Certain leaders of the ing multicultural, albeit to a more limited Ukrainian community deriving from the stu- extent than Western Europe, as none of the dent anti-communist­ movement were the ex- minorities will ever completely emigrate ception testing this rule. or assimilate. But real multiethnicity is a mar- Since the early 1990s, the political and ginal phenomenon and, despite its recent legal situation of ethnic minorities has been political and systemic transformations, Poland improving markedly, with the result being remains one of the most homogeneous states empowerment and institutional pluralisation. in the world. This was associated with changes in the atti- The main factor in the ethnic transforma- tudes of minorities and their relations with tions in Poland was and remains the state the majority of Polish society. Various ethnici- policy toward minorities, in senses both nega- ties took advantage of the new legal, politi- tive (pre-1989) and positive (since the early cal and economic circumstances in different 1990s). The political decisions of the last cou- ways. They mainly focused on territorial con- ple of decades have resulted directly in sig- centration (a far more important factor than nificant changes to the distribution, territo- population size), identity (national, linguistic, rial concentration and size of ethnic minority religious or cultural), internal integration communities, as well as their legal and institu- (especially institutional), activity (both of the tional situation. Policies have been impacted elites and members) and relationships with upon very significantly by the less or more jus- foreign homelands (in terms of intensity and tified fears of the authorities of some minori- character). ties (mainly Germans and Ukrainians) or their Territorially concentrated communities sympathy for others (such as Belarusians and of clear ethnic and linguistic identity, with Greeks). The diverse assessments of potential well-developed education and organisation, threats and the potential ‘usefulness’ of dif- and support from the institutions and citizens ferent minorities has resulted in diversified of their homeland (e.g. Germans and Lithuani- state policies towards all members of a given ans) are able to use their legal privileges (es- community. pecially under the provisions of the Act on Na- The discriminatory and assimilation ac- tional and Ethnic Minorities and Regional tions of the communist authorities against eth- nic minorities were tolerated and sometimes 8 Some political exceptions include the introduction even supported by society (as with the post- of a resolution on ethnic minorities at the first Solidar- War resettlements, or the anti-Semitic cam- ity Congress convened in 1981 or during the election campaign in 1989, as well as the inclusion of Ukrainian paigns of 1956 and 1968). This support of- activists among the candidates of the Solidarity Citi- ten reflected the (successful) use of nationalist zens’ Committee.

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Language), and are able to maintain their standing of Silesian national aspirations, own individuality and identity. A greater threat mainly caused by the lack of knowledge of the of assimilation is posed to minorities scattered complex history of various regions in Poland, as a result of resettlement (Ukrainians), ad- seems to be the most important factor mobilis- ditionally ethnically divided and diversified, ing and unifying Silesians. as well as institutionally dispersed (the Lemko Ethnic, national and regional minorities people), or else facing greater organisational do not by definition have a dominant role problems (as regards their associations, educa- in the country. As in many other countries, tion or participation in local government) and the national majority in Poland imposes legal, having far fewer opportunities to benefit from social and cultural standards. In a democratic their legal privileges. On the other hand, even state, the dominance of the majority does not a relatively large population, territorial concen- have to mean discrimination and impairment tration and direct closeness to the homeland of the minority, but rather shows its natural (Belarus) do not guarantee ethnic identity. The demographic, linguistic, political and cultural main obstacles are passiveness and a suscep- advantage. The state provides citizens with tibility to assimilation, low group integration equal rights and prohibits discrimination, (with the exception of religious integration), while requiring everyone, including citizens as well as a lack of support from and identifi- of other nationalities, to be loyal and obedi- cation with the foreign homeland. ent to the law. However, political and legal Ethno-regional minorities, especially Sile- equality is not equivalent to actual equality sian, are a different matter. Redefining the in the use of language, cultivation of customs identity and aspirations from an regional- and imposing of cultural models, especially cultural group into an ethnic-regional group in the case of such clear population dispro- is not only met with resistance in parts of Pol- portions between the dominant nation and ish society and among politicians. but also the minorities. causes divisions among Silesians themselves. It is not therefore enough for the ethnic and The recognition or non-recognition of the Sile- national minorities living within a nation state sian nationality raised a lot of controversy and to be tolerated. Rather they have to be offered conflict from the mid-1990s onwards. These additional support and protection. This also disputes intensified after the 2002 and 2011 applies to legal-political realities of the demo- censuses, in which Silesian was the non-Polish cratic and liberal Poland. As the fourth Presi- nationality declared most widely. However, dent of the US James Madison said in the a growing number of Silesian identifications early 19th century, the majority can ignore did not change the legal status, as this is still the interests and rights of the minority, so the not an officially recognised ethnic minority latter should be protected, even in a democ- (even though it in fact meets all the conditions racy. Despite the passage of 200 years, these provided for in Polish law), and the Silesian lan- words still remain relevant. The relationship guage used by over 500,000 people (according between the dominant nation and the minori- to the 2011 census) still fails to enjoy regional ties is a separate issue. They are only partially language status, unlike Kashubian (with dependent on the legal regulations and state around 100,000 speakers)9. The lack of under- administration’s actions, while the changes of social attitudes among the majority and 9 As a result of the effort by Silesian activists and minority represent a slow and drawn-out pro- multiple court appeals, an Association of People of Sile- cess encumbered by stereotypes and history. sian Nationality was registered on 7 September 2012, though this has still not resolved the matter of the The vast majority of national, ethnic and formal and official recognition of Silesian nationality. regional minorities living in contemporary On 5 December 2013, the Supreme Court held that Poland are a part of the historical, cultural the Silesians cannot be considered a separate nation, with the effect that the Association of People of Silesian and political heritage of Poland, a testament Nationality should not be registered under this name. to the former complexity and multicultural

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nature of Poland, and a part of that coun- undergoing, as well as the growing impor- try’s history, present day and, hopefully also tance of native regional groups and nation- future. These minorities, even though thought alities stemming from the non-European of as ‘different’ and separate in regards cultures, and the geopolitical, economic and to their national, linguistic or religious identity civilisation transformations that are changing are ‘at home’, with all the rights and obliga- Europe. tions that that entails. Further research into the ethnic struc- Acknowledgements ture of Poland is therefore essential, mainly because of the dynamic (quantitative, quali- Article written as part of research sponsored tative, territorial, institutional, cultural, social by a National Science Centre grant based and political) changes the country is currently on decision no. DEC-2011/01/B/HS4/02609.

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