Tanzania at a Glance: 2000-01
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5 Apc Report Correct
Rapport de la Cinquième Conférence Africaine sur la Population Du 10 au 14 décembre 2007 Arusha International Conference Centre ARUSHA – TANZANIE Thème QUESTIONS ÉMERGEANTES DE LA POPULATION ET DU DÉVELOPPEMENT EN AFRIQUE. Union pour l’Etude de la Population Africaiue National Population Council Building Rooms 105, 106, 107 Ministries, Accra P.O.Box A 408 La, Acccra Ghana Table des Matières La Declaration D'arusha - - - - - - - - -8 Introduction 11 Ceremonie D'ouverture 11 Reception Par Le Gouvernement De La Republique De Tanzanie. 14 Participants A La Cinquieme Conference Africaine De La Population 14 Deliberations De Conference 14 Theme De Conference 14 Resumes Des Sous Themes 16 Assemblee Generale De L'uaep 31 Reunions En Marge 33 Rapports Sur La Reunion Des Parlementaires Et Des ereChefs De Secretariats De Population34 Couverture Mediatique 35 Ceremonie De Cloture 36 Evaluation De Conference Et Statistiques 41 Autres Commentaires Sur La Conference 42 Annexes 44 1.sommaire Du Programme 44 2. Galerie Photos 50 3. Programme Pour La Ceremonie D'ouverture 53 4. Les Discours De La Ceremonie D'ouverture 53 Discours - Programme 53 5. Programme De La Ceremonie De Cloture 77 6. Discours De Cloture 78 7. Les Membres Du Comite National D'organisation 94 8. Les Membres Du Comite International D'organisation 95 9. Liste D'exposants96 10. Liste Des Sponsors 97 La Déclaration d'Arusha Nous, participants de la cinquième conférence africaine sur la population qui a eu lieu du 10 au 14 décembre à Arusha en Tanzanie reconnaissons que : a) les pays africains ont réalisé de gros progrès en ce qui concerne les défis de la population et de développement auxquels est confronté le continent. -
Election Violence in Zanzibar – Ongoing Risk of Violence in Zanzibar 15 March 2011
Country Advice Tanzania Tanzania – TZA38321 – Revolutionary State Party (CCM) – Civic United Front (CUF) – Election violence in Zanzibar – Ongoing risk of violence in Zanzibar 15 March 2011 1. Please provide a background of the major political parties in Tanzania focusing on the party in power and the CUF. The United Republic of Tanzania was formed in 1964 as a union between mainland Tanganyika and the islands of Unguja and Pemba, which together comprise Zanzibar. Since 1977, it has been ruled by the Revolutionary State Party (Chama Cha Mapinduzi or CCM). In 1992 the government legislated for multiparty democracy, and the country is now a presidential democratic republic with a multiparty system. The first multiparty national elections were held in 1995, and concurrent presidential and parliamentary elections have since been held every 5 years. The CCM has won all elections to date. The CUF, founded in 1991, constituted the main opposition party following the 1995 multiparty elections.1 At the most recent elections in October 2010, the CCM‟s Jakaua Kikwete was re-elected President with 61.7% of the vote (as compared to 80% of the vote in 2005) and the CCM secured almost 80% of the seats. Most of the opposition votes went to the Chadema party, which displaced the Civic United Front (CUF) for the first time as the official opposition. The opposition leader is Chadema‟s Chairman, Freeman Mbowe. Chadema‟s presidential candidate, Willibrod Slaa, took 27% of the vote, while CUF‟s Ibrahim Lipumba received 8%.2 Notwithstanding the CCM‟s election success, the BBC reports that Kikwete‟s “political legitimacy has been seen by some to have been somewhat dented in the 2010 elections”, given the decline in his percent of the vote, and a total election turnout of only 42%, down from 72% in 2005. -
Speech by the President of the United Republic Of
SPEECH BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED REPUBLIC OF TANZANIA, HIS EXCELLENCY BENJAMIN WILLIAM MKAPA, AT THE CELEBRATIONS MARKING THE 40TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE INDEPENDENCE OF TANZANIA MAINLAND, NATIONAL STADIUM, DAR ES SALAAM, 9 DECEMBER 2001 Your Excellency Daniel Toroitich arap Moi, President of the Republic of Kenya; Your Excellency Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, President of the Republic of Uganda; Honourable Dr. Ali Mohamed Shein, Vice-President of the United Republic of Tanzania; Honourable Amani Abeid Karume, President of the Revolutionary Government of Zanzibar; Honourable Frederick T. Sumaye, MP, Prime Minister; Honourable Justice Barnabas Samatta, Chief Justice of Tanzania; Honourable Shamsi Vuai Nahodha, Chief Minister of the Revolutionary Government of Zanzibar; Honourable Mama Maria Nyerere; Honourable Mama Fatma Karume; Honourable Chairmen, Vice-Chairmen and Leaders of Political Parties; Honourable Pandu Ameir Kificho, Speaker of the Zanzibar House of Representatives; Honourable Hamid Mahmoud, Chief Justice of Zanzibar; Honourable Retired Prime Ministers; Honourable Ministers and Members of Parliament; Excellencies High Commissioners and Ambassadors; Honourable Elders from the Independence Struggle; Distinguished Guests; Ladies and Gentlemen. My Fellow Citizens, We are today marking 40 years of our independence, the independence of Tanzania Mainland, then known as Tanganyika. We have just seen some of the Tanzanians who were born at the time of our independence. They are adults now. But they have no first hand experience of what it was like to live under colonialism. They only read about it, or are informed by those who lived through that experience. On a day like this, therefore, we need to remind ourselves of what our independence really means. -
Mkapa, Mrema, Amour, Hamad Hope For
POLITICS - MKAPA, MREMA, AMOUR, HAMAD HOPE FOR ZANZIBAR SETTLENENT? THE 1996/67 BUDGET TANZANIA'S 'TITANIC' DISASTER KILWA - FROM DECAY TO DEVELOPMENT BUSINESS NEWS TANZANIA IN THE MEDIA 50 YEARS AGO POLITICS - MKAPA, MREMA, AMOUR, HAMAD Tanzaniats leading politicians - Union President Benjamin Mkapa, main opposition leader Augustine Mrema and the feuding leaders in Zanzibar - President Salmin Amour and opposition leader Seif Shariff Hamad have all had reasons for satisfaction and disappointment during the last few months of Tanzania's rapidly developing multi-party democracy. On the mainland multi-partyism is working well; a by-election under way in Dar es Salaam will help to indicate how the main parties stand after almost a year of this new system of government. In Zanzibar, by contrast, it is becoming increasingly difficult for TA to present an accurate and unbiased report on what is happening because of the conflicting information received. The opposition continues to refuse all cooperation with the government elected under questionable circumstances last year and the ruling party is resorting to strong arm tactics in its determination to maintain law and order. MKAPA Popular President Mkapa's dominant position was consolidated on June 20 when he was elected Chairman of his Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) Party by an overwhelming 1,248 votes out of 1,259 at an emotional ceremony in Dodoma. Former President and Chairman Ali Hassan Mwinyi handed over the CCM Constitution, 1995 Election Manifesto and Chairman's gong midst deafening chants of tCCM', tCCM', tCCMf, dancing, ululation and music by the party's cultural troop 'TOTt. The new Chairman said that he would maintain earlier policies of socialism and self-reliance and would continue to fight tribalism, discrimination and religious bigotry. -
AC Vol 45 No 9
www.africa-confidential.com 30 April 2004 Vol 45 No 9 AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL TANZANIA 3 SUDAN Troubled isles The union between the mainland Mass murder and Zanzibar – 40 years old this Ten years after Rwanda’s genocide, the NIF regime kills and displaces week – remains a political hotspot, tens of thousands of civilians in Darfur – with impunity mainly because the ruling CCM has rigged two successive elections on Civilians in Darfur continue to die as a result of the National Islamic Front regime’s ethnic cleansing and the islands. Some hope that former in the absence of serious diplomatic pressure. United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan has warned OAU Secretary General Salim that international military intervention might be required to stop the slaughter in Darfur, while senior UN Ahmed Salim of Zanzibar will take officials refer to the NIF regime’s scorched earth policy as ‘genocide’ or ‘ethnic cleansing’. Yet last week over from President Mkapa next the UN Commission on Human Rights (UNOHCHR) in Geneva again refused to recommend strong year and negotiate a new settlement with the opposition CUF. action against Khartoum and suppressed its own highly critical investigation, which found that government agents had killed, raped and tortured civilians. On 23 April, the NIF exploited anti-Americanism to defeat a call from the United States and European MALAWI 4Union to reinstate a Special Rapporteur (SR) on Human Rights. At 2003’s annual session, Khartoum had successfully lobbied for the removal as SR of the German lawyer and former Interior Minister Gerhard Bingu the favourite Baum, an obvious candidate for enquiries in Darfur. -
Zanzibar Statistical Abstract 2018
OFFICE OF THE CHIEF GOVERNMENT REVOLUTIONARY GOVERNMENT OF ZANZIBAR STATISTICIAN ZANZIBAR STATISTICAL ABSTRACT 2018 May, 2019 OFFICE OF THE CHIEF GOVERNMENT STATISTICIAN ZANZIBAR STATISTICAL ABSTRACT 2018 Office of the Chief Government Statistician P. O. Box 2321 Telephone: +255 24 331869 Fax: +255 24 331742 Email: [email protected] Web: www.ocgs.go.tz Zanzibar i P R E F A C E The Statistical Abstract is an important source of information presenting data to users. Data from sectors of the economy and social aspects are compiled and presented by the Office of the Chief Government Statistician (OCGS). This, hopefully enhances the use of statistics for planning and decision-makings. The Abstract presents brief time series information and indices for the years 2009 - 2018 on nine topics: legislature, population, agriculture, industries, electricity and water, hotel and commerce, employment, consumer prices and the general economy. The publication is a product of participation and contributions of various members. OCGS is highly grateful to all who participated in making this publication available. Information sharing and critical positive comments are a means of strengthening the Zanzibar Statistics System. OCGS welcomes comments from users not only on provided data and its quality but also on their relevance as well as on additional statistical series they would like to be included in future abstracts. Comments should be channeled to: Office of the Chief Government Statistician P. O. Box 2321, or e-mail: [email protected] Mayasa M. Mwinyi -
THE RISE and FALL of the GOVERNMENT of NATIONAL UNITY in ZANZIBAR a Critical Analysis of the 2015 Elections
162 DOI: 10.20940/JAE/2018/v17i1aDOI: 10.20940/JAE/2018/v17i1a8 JOURNAL8 OF AFRICAN ELECTIONS THE RISE AND FALL OF THE GOVERNMENT OF NATIONAL UNITY IN ZANZIBAR A Critical Analysis of the 2015 elections Nicodemus Minde, Sterling Roop and Kjetil Tronvoll Nicodemus Minde is a PhD candidate in the United States International University – Africa, Nairobi, Kenya Sterling Roop is a political analyst in Telluride, Co., USA Kjetil Tronvoll is Director, Oslo Analytica and Professor and Research Director, Peace and Conflict studies at Bjorknes University College, Oslo, Norway ABSTRACT This article analyses the pitfalls that characterised the emergence and eventual demise of the Government of National Unity (GNU) in Tanzania’s semi-autonomous region of Zanzibar. Drawn from continuous political and electoral observations in Zanzibar, the article analyses how the 2015 general elections contributed to the eventual dissolution of the GNU. The GNU in Zanzibar was a negotiated political settlement between two parties – the incumbent Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM) and the Civic United Front (CUF). In particular, this article looks at how the start of the constitutional review process in Tanzania contributed to the withering of the GNU. Despite its undeniably noble agenda, the constitutional review process resuscitated old enmities between CCM and the CUF. The two parties’ divergent stances on the structure of the Union revived the rifts that characterised their relationship before the GNU. We analyse the election cycle rhetoric following the run-up to the elections and how this widened the GNU fissures leading to its eventual demise after the re-election in March 2016. After the 2015 elections were nullified, the CUF, which had claimed victory, boycotted the re-election. -
OP 27 Karume
EISA OCCASIONAL PAPER NUMBER 27, DECEMBER 2004 Realising effective and sustainable Introduction democratic governance in Southern Zanzibar has weathered many storms in Africa and beyond. the past, and I have no doubt that she will meet all difficulties that may assail her in the future. Long may she flourish and long may the happy relations which exists between the various communities 1 Towards an Understanding of continue. Claude Hollis, a British representative in Contemporary Conflict in Zanzibar during the 1920s wrote these Zanzibar words in an attempt to demonstrate that the African slaves in Zanzibar, very different from other slave colonies, lived in comfortable conditions provided for by their By masters; so much so that they had no reason to be hostile to those more privileged, Shumbana Karume presumably their slave masters, or even challenge the inequalities that the slave trade had created.2 Needless to say, this is a rather misguided and warped view held by many colonial officials of that time – a view that this author is glad to say, has been adequately disputed by various historical and political analysts of our time. Mbwiliza, for one, asserts that it is wrong to suppose that because the conditions of many slaves in Zanzibar were more tolerable than they had been during their journey to the coast – a journey that had entailed suffering and misery for the slaves – and, because after their emancipation in the late 1800s3, there ISBN: 1-919814-82-5 1 C Hollis, Zanzibar: Present conditions and ISSN: 1811-7449 interests, Journal of the African Society, XXVII, 1928-29. -
Race, Revolution, and the Struggle for Human
Burgess.1-26 3/18/09 4:05 PM Page 1 introduction Cosmopolitanism and Its Discontents THE ZANZIBARI REVOLUTION OF January 1964 was the climax to years of growing racial, ethnic, and partisan tension in the islands and a violent rejection of Zanzibar’s cosmopolitan heritage. Probably one-third of all Arabs on Unguja Island were either killed or forced into immediate exile; for those Arabs and other minorities who remained, the next years witnessed the confisca- tion of most of their lands and urban properties, as well as their mass exclusion from government employment. A new African nationalist regime espoused socialism and, for two decades, found means by which to transform privileged minorities into second-class citizens. The revo- lution ended 150 years of Arab and South Asian economic and cultural hegemony in Zanzibar. Many hoped the revolution would heal or reduce communal tensions in island society, but any observer of Zanzibar’s contemporary politics can see that it did not. Three elections since 1995 have served, among other things, as popular referenda on the legitimacy and legacies of the revolution. One legacy is the political union of Zanzibar and Tanganyika and the creation of the United Republic of Tanzania in April 1964, barely three months after the revolution. Initially, the island government retained nearly all aspects of its national sovereignty, including control over its finances and armed forces. Starting in the mid-1970s, however, the mainland began to assert increasing control over island affairs, so that today, although Zanzibar retains its own presidency, cabinet, and parliament, the archipelago is utterly dependent on the mainland for its security, finances, and even its electricity. -
Tanzania Comoros
COUNTRY REPORT Tanzania Comoros 2nd quarter 1997 The Economist Intelligence Unit 15 Regent Street, London SW1Y 4LR United Kingdom The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit is a specialist publisher serving companies establishing and managing operations across national borders. For over 50 years it has been a source of information on business developments, economic and political trends, government regulations and corporate practice worldwide. The EIU delivers its information in four ways: through subscription products ranging from newsletters to annual reference works; through specific research reports, whether for general release or for particular clients; through electronic publishing; and by organising conferences and roundtables. The firm is a member of The Economist Group. London New York Hong Kong The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit 15 Regent Street The Economist Building 25/F, Dah Sing Financial Centre London 111 West 57th Street 108 Gloucester Road SW1Y 4LR New York Wanchai United Kingdom NY 10019, USA Hong Kong Tel: (44.171) 830 1000 Tel: (1.212) 554 0600 Tel: (852) 2802 7288 Fax: (44.171) 499 9767 Fax: (1.212) 586 1181/2 Fax: (852) 2802 7638 e-mail: [email protected] e-mail: [email protected] e-mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.eiu.com Electronic delivery EIU Electronic Publishing New York: Lou Celi or Lisa Hennessey Tel: (1.212) 554 0600 Fax: (1.212) 586 0248 London: Moya Veitch Tel: (44.171) 830 1007 Fax: (44.171) 830 1023 This publication is available on the following electronic and other media: Online databases CD-ROM Microfilm FT Profile (UK) Knight-Ridder Information World Microfilms Publications (UK) Tel: (44.171) 825 8000 Inc (USA) Tel: (44.171) 266 2202 DIALOG (USA) SilverPlatter (USA) Tel: (1.415) 254 7000 LEXIS-NEXIS (USA) Tel: (1.800) 227 4908 M.A.I.D/Profound (UK) Tel: (44.171) 930 6900 Copyright © 1997 The Economist Intelligence Unit Limited. -
LÄNDERBERICHT Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung E.V
LÄNDERBERICHT Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e.V. TANZANIA RICHARD SHABA THE STATE OF POLITICS IN TANZANIA - PROJECT MANAGER IN THIRD QUARTER REPORT 2010 DAR ES SALAAM/ TANSANIA October 2010 I. INTRODUCTION their favour; the results www.kas.de/kenia could be ‘arranged’ well TANZANIA political in advance. The new landscape changed system saw CCM mem- dramatically in the bers at the grass- third quarter of 2010 roots/branch level casting due mainly to three the preferential votes. factors: Their numbers made it difficult for the contest- ¾ CCM allowed a ants to even attempt to broader participa- ‘manipulate’ them. tion of its grass- roots members to The entry of Dr. Wilbrod vote during the pre- Slaa into the presidential liminaries race caught the ruling Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM) and its govern- ¾ The entry of Dr. ment machinery; other Wilbrod Slaa, Sec- opposition political par- retary General of ties and even voters the opposition alike; by surprise. His en- CHADEMA party in try also triggered a new the presidential wave of political excite- ment in a country where race since the conception of citizens by the colonial and later the one-party ¾ A more visible and regimes as essentially active Prevention passive subjects and and Combating of source of labour, revenue Corruption Bureau and other resources led (PCCB) during the to their disempowerment preliminaries and the nurturing of a subject, quiescent or submissive political cul- In the past a handful of ture. CCM leaders at the grass- roots/branch level were Likewise, in a country voting during the pre- characterized by political liminaries. -
Introduction………………………………………………………………8 I
Nationalism and Democracy in Tanzania A thesis presented to the faculty of the College of Arts and Science of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts Eun kyung Kim June 2008 2 This thesis titled Nationalism and Democracy in Tanzania by EUN KYUNG KIM has been approved for the Political Science and the College of Arts and Science by Dauda Abubakar Visiting Assistant Professor of Political Science Benjamin M. Ogles Dean, College of Arts and Sciences 3 ABSTRACT KIM, EUN KYUNG, M.A., June 2008, Political Science Nationalism and Democracy in Tanzania (104 pp.) Director of Thesis: Dauda Abubakar Julius Nyerere’s one-party democracy, prolonged over three decades in independent Tanzania, succeeded in unifying an ethnically diverse population and making Tanzania a relatively stable African state by emphasizing nationalist ideals. Affected by the one-partyism and Nyerere’s respected rule, Tanzania has maintained a single-party dominated state without plural representation and has generally enjoyed social and political unity even after the transition to the multi-party system. This unity is due in large measure to the success of Nyerere’s original nationalist ideals, in which the people find no need to differentiate their political and economic interests but appreciate egalitarian value. Based on my qualitative research and textual analysis – relying on secondary sources, public opinion polls, and profiles provided by election monitoring institutions on democratization in post-Nyerere Tanzania – it appears that this one-party dominated democracy will continue to promote Nyerere’s nationalism and will keep gaining legitimacy at least in the short term.