The BRICS in International Development: the New Landscape
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EVIDENCE REPORT No 189 IDSRising Powers in International Development The BRICS in International Development: The New Landscape Richard Carey and Xiaoyun Li April 2016 The IDS programme on Strengthening Evidence-based Policy works across seven key themes. Each theme works with partner institutions to co-construct policy-relevant knowledge and engage in policy-influencing processes. This material has been developed under the Rising Powers in International Development theme. This report, written by Richard Carey and Xiaoyun Li of the IDS Rising Powers in International Development Programme Advisory Council, provides an overview of key developments in the role of the BRICS in the evolution of the international development landscape. It takes forward the analysis in IDS Evidence Report 58 on The BRICS in the International Development System: Challenge and Convergence, published in March 2014, co-authored by Xiaoyun Li and Richard Carey. It also reflects the work of the IDS Rising Powers in International Development Programme over the intervening two years on the BRICS, to be drawn together in a volume to be published later in 2016 by Palgrave MacMillan that will include chapters on the development cooperation programmes of each member of the BRICS as well as looking into possible futures for BRICS development cooperation work. The material has been funded by UK aid from the UK Government, however the views expressed do not necessarily reflect the UK Government’s official policies. AG Level 2 Output ID: 199 THE BRICS IN INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT: THE NEW LANDSCAPE Richard Carey and Xiaoyun Li April 2016 This is an Open Access publication distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are clearly credited. First published by the Institute of Development Studies in April 2016 © Institute of Development Studies 2016 IDS is a charitable company limited by guarantee and registered in England (No. 877338). Contents Abbreviations 2 Summary 3 1 In the beginning: what’s in an acronym? 4 2 The BRICS as an economic vector 5 3 The BRICS as a political vector 7 4 Global governance in a world of new political and economic geographies 9 5 The BRICS as a development cooperation vector 12 6 Conclusion 14 References 15 1 Abbreviations AIIB Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank BRICS Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa ICT information and communications technology IMF International Monetary Fund NDB New Development Bank OBOR One Belt, One Road OECD Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development SCO Shanghai Cooperation Organisation UK United Kingdom UN United Nations US United States 2 Summary This Evidence Report provides a summary account of the role of the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) in shaping the current global development landscape. It first looks at the origin of the BRICS as a political association, then considers their economic trajectories in the first decade and a half of the new century, followed by an investigation of the political and global governance implications of the involvement of the BRICS in the new economic and political geographies unfolding in the multipolar world of today. Finally, the report considers the BRICS as a vector in the evolving development cooperation scene. 3 1 In the beginning: what’s in an acronym? It is commonly understood that the political association now functioning under the acronym BRICS was inspired by the acronym BRIC, created in a paper written in 2001 by Jim O’Neill (now Lord O’Neill), then Chief Economist of Goldman Sachs. The Goldman Sachs article proposed that on the basis of their dynamic economic performance in the 1990s, Brazil, Russia, India and China would be the drivers of world economic growth in the foreseeable future and should all be invited to join the G8 (Russia had been part of the G7/8 since 1997) (O’Neill 2001). The first decade of the new millennium validated this economic prognosis. And in 2008, in the midst of severe financial crisis, all of the BRICs were included along with other major players in the global economy in the G20 Heads of State Summit, a historic global governance innovation created overnight by building on the established G20 Finance Ministers process that included South Africa as well. Yet the etymology of the BRICS can be derived another way, more closely entwined with the ongoing political association that held its first Heads of State Summit Meeting in Yekaterinburg, Russia, in 2009.1 Here, the history begins with the RIC club – Russia, India and China – meeting informally in New York in the margins of United Nations (UN) General Assemblies from 2003, and annually on a formal basis at the level of foreign ministers since 2005. The idea of establishing a BRICs grouping came as a carefully thought-through Russian initiative worked out by Foreign Minister Lavrov and President Putin. In 2006, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov invited Brazilian Foreign Minister Celso Amorim (building on a long-established personal friendship) to an informal lunch of RIC foreign ministers in New York. Following from that first contact and on the initiative of President Putin, a BRIC foreign ministers meeting was convened in September 2006 in New York, and again in 2007, on the fringes of the UN General Assembly. The first stand-alone BRICs Heads of State meeting was convened by President Medvedev in Yekaterinburg in July 2009. After the second BRICs Summit meeting in 2010 in Brasília, an invitation to South Africa to attend the 2011 Summit meeting in Sanya (Hainan, China) as a new member, generated the acronym BRICS (Shubin 2013). Alphabetical serendipity thus complemented the economic and political logic, while serving to reinforce the existential ambiguity of the BRICS acronym with its dual etymology. 1 A history of the origins of the BRICS as a political association can be found in Kornegay and Bohler-Muller (2013), which assembles a comprehensive set of perspectives by authors from each of the BRICS. 4 2 The BRICS as an economic vector As a symbol of the broader emerging markets phenomenon, the BRICS acronym, applied in its broader common usage (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa), captured a remarkable transition in the global economy. According to the Chief Economist of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), in the 1980s, emerging and developing countries accounted for 36 per cent of world output in purchasing power parity terms, and 43 per cent of world growth in that decade. In 2010–15 those numbers leapt to 56 per cent of world output and 79 per cent of world growth. The conclusion to be drawn is that a predominantly advanced developed country lens is an ever more outmoded approach to viewing the world economy (Obstfeld 2016). The emerging markets story, including the BRICS and beyond, has thus been a powerful catalyst for trade and investment and poverty reduction globally over this period, notably helping to boost growth in the Asian, Latin American and African regions. This ‘shifting wealth’ phenomenon has underpinned the basic agenda of the BRICS as a political association working to shift global governance norms and arrangements established under a United States (US)-led post-Second World War, to reflect the present and future configuration of world economic and political power. At the same time, the extraordinary role of China in generating the emerging markets phenomenon in general and the economic trajectories of the BRICS as a particular group is essential to this story. As it integrated into the global trade regime and opened up to foreign investment, China’s growth surged, generating a super-cycle in commodities that lifted growth rates in commodity-exporting countries around the world, in rich and poor regions alike. China’s own investments in creating commodity supply chains further pushed this process, along with the ‘going out’ policy to encourage direct investment by Chinese companies, notably in the construction and information and communications technology (ICT) industries. When China countered the global recession of 2009 with a major investment package for provinces and local governments in China, the macroeconomic impact via commodity markets was global, helping commodity exporters to survive the financial crisis generated in the financial markets of the US and Europe. Among the major beneficiaries were fellow members of the BRICS – Brazil, Russia and South Africa. From 2014, the BRICS economic vector changed. China’s move to a lower ‘new normal’ growth path based on domestic consumption and decarbonisation of the economy rather than investment and exports has pushed the commodity cycle into reverse, exposing the weaknesses in the economic structures and testing the political systems of the commodity- exporting BRICS. Brazil, Russia and South Africa each have particular structural and political challenges of a medium-term nature and are unlikely to be in the ranks of emerging country growth stories again until they find a new way forward. Meanwhile it is India that is moving forward at a fast pace (albeit with major social and structural challenges), spurred by economic reforms that favour private sector development and mass consumption, with ICTs helping to rationalise and improve poverty reduction programmes.2 Assuming that China will be able to manage its ambitious and comprehensive reform agenda in a way that maintains the ‘new normal’ growth rate of 6.5 per cent, there is hence the 2 A key point to note, however, is that poverty reduction in India (which still has far to go) has occurred not only because of economic growth but also because of legislation such as the Right to Food and associated policies such as the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) as well as empowerment of the local government system (Panchayats) linked with reservations for women and other historically marginalised groups, and other social sector schemes.