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Dissertation Final EL SUEÑO AMERICANO, ES PARA TODOS: AN ANALYSIS OF THE RHETORIC TOWARD LATINOS IN THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGNS OF BILL CLINTON AND GEORGE W. BUSH, 1992-2000 A Dissertation by KRISTINA MARIA CAMPOS Submitted to the Office of Graduate Studies of Texas A&M University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY August 2009 Major Subject: Communication EL SUEÑO AMERICANO, ES PARA TODOS: AN ANALYSIS OF THE RHETORIC TOWARD LATINOS IN THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGNS OF BILL CLINTON AND GEORGE W. BUSH, 1992-2000 A Dissertation by KRISTINA MARIA CAMPOS Submitted to the Office of Graduate Studies of Texas A&M University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Approved by: Chair of Committee, Leroy G. Dorsey Committee Members, James Arnt Aune Valerie Balester Kurt Ritter Head of Department, Richard L. Street August 2009 Major Subject: Communication iii ABSTRACT El Sueño Americano, Es Para Todos: An Analysis of the Rhetoric toward Latinos in the Presidential Campaigns of Bill Clinton and George W. Bush, 1992-2000. (August 2009) Kristina Maria Campos, B.A., Abilene Christian University; M.A. Abilene Christian University Chair of Advisory Committee: Dr. Leroy G. Dorsey This dissertation examined the presidential elections of 1992, 1996 and 2000 for the narrative tools used to persuade Latino voters. Using Walt Fisher’s narrative theory, I evaluated the various parts of the American Dream myth, looking specifically at the characters and settings used in the candidate’s narrative. Then, I evaluated the values in those narratives through the lens of the Plan of Delano, specifically looking for ways these candidates actually reinforced important Latino values. The new tellings of the American Dream myth valued specific characters— characters that had been blessed by the American Dream. Clinton’s 1992 character had to work to gain success, but he was also blessed. George P. Bush (George W. Bush’s nephew) was another character blessed by the American Dream. As a first-generation American, he represented the hope that brings many to America; the idea that their children could have opportunities the parents could not. iv The settings of the American Dream story were also important. These settings varied greatly—from the decrepit and desolate to the fanciful and idyllic—but they represented all the different places where the American Dream is possible. Hope, Arkansas is not a place where much hope seems to exist. But even a community as impoverished as Hope can be the birthplace of a President, because of the amazing ability of the Dream to permeate even the darkest corners of America. The barrios of the Southwest appear to be hopeless, but as Clinton’s telling of the myth reminded Latinos, even people growing up in the barrios should have hope—because the American Dream can exist anywhere. These values, these characters, these settings have added to the rich rhetorical history of the American Dream myth. These presidential candidates expanded the places where that hope could reach, and the people who could be blessed by the Dream. All of this culminated in a story that Latinos could relate to, that they shared in and that rhetorically persuaded them to believe in these candidates. v To Téa, sine qua non. vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank my committee chair, Dr. Leroy G. Dorsey, and my committee members, Dr. James Arnt Aune, Dr. Valerie Balester, and Dr. Kurt Ritter, for their guidance and support throughout the course of this research. I would also like to thank Dr. Martin J. Medhurst, who was my committee chair during my first two years at Texas A&M University. Thanks also go to my friends and colleagues and the department faculty and staff for making my time at Texas A&M University a great experience. I would also like to thank several close friends and mentors who guided (and sometimes pushed) my career to this point, their faith in me got me to this place, Dr. Jeffrey Dale Hobbs, Dr. Caron E. Gentry, Dr. Leslie J. Harris, Dr. Mechelle Bryson, Mr. Aaron Timmons, Dr. Joe Cardot, Dr. Carley Dodd, Spc. Joshua Parker (U.S. Army), Dr. Cindy Roper and Dr. Charles Trevathan (deceased). Thanks also to friends who stood by me during the writing process: Dr. Cole Bennett, Drs. Bill and Laura Carroll, Dr. Tracy Shilcutt, Dr. Jeanine Varner and Dr. Charles L. Walts. I would like to thank my friends and colleagues at Abilene Christian University, especially in the Department of Communication and the Honors College, for their unwavering support and love through the last eight years. Finally, thanks to my family. I would like to thank my parents, Arnold and Beatriz Campos, for always giving me support and understanding; and my brother and sister for their constant faith in me. My love goes to my daughter, Téa Maria Campos- Wallace, who is her mother’s reason for everything. vii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT .......................................................................................................... iii DEDICATION....................................................................................................... v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ................................................................................... vi TABLE OF CONTENTS....................................................................................... vii CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION: LATINOS IN AMERICA................................... 1 Who Is Latino? ............................................................................... 3 History of Minority Groups’ Political Influence............................ 15 Methodology ................................................................................ 24 II 1992 ELECTION............................................................................... 40 The Rhetorical Situation in 1992 ................................................. 43 It’s about the Economy, Stupid! .................................................. 44 The Hero...................................................................................... 46 The Scene...................................................................................... 54 Clinton’s 1992 American Dream ................................................... 60 III 1996 ELECTION............................................................................... 63 The Myth of Brotherhood: The American Dream......................... 65 The Rhetorical Situation in 1996: Immigration ............................ 68 The Hero...................................................................................... 74 The Scene.................................................................................... 78 Values in the 1996 Election ......................................................... 82 Clinton’s 1996 American Dream.................................................. 85 viii CHAPTER Page IV 2000 ELECTION............................................................................... 87 Narratives.................................................................................... 91 The Rhetorical Situation in 2000.................................................. 95 The Hero ..................................................................................... 107 The Scene.................................................................................... 110 Bush’s 2000 American Dream: Commitment Forgotten............... 116 V CONCLUSIONS ................................................................................ 119 The American Dream Myth: 1992-2000....................................... 119 The American Dream as Narrative............................................... 127 Limitations on Research/Future Research Needed........................ 130 NOTES.................................................................................................................. 135 REFERENCES ...................................................................................................... 178 VITA ..................................................................................................................... 192 1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION: LATINOS IN AMERICA Electing an American president has always been a difficult task: influenced by the power of the media, lobbyists, and advertisements—campaigning represents partisanship at its best, or worst.1 However, the task has become even more complex given the nation’s increased diversity. During the last forty years, ethnic groups’ influence over the electoral process has grown. What we now call “interest” politics has become a critical part of the election process.2 “Interest” politics include many different groups—such as soccer moms and NASCAR Dads—but some of the most influential groups are ethnically based. Politicians must learn to engage these increasingly important groups.3 Hispanics are one such major “interest” group.4 Over the last several decades, American culture has become “Latinized.” As actor Antonio Banderas argued in 2002 to a convention of television advertisers, “Latinos are hot, and we are not the only ones who think so. Everyone wants to jump on the bandwagon, and why not? We have the greatest art, music, and literature. It is time we tell our stories.”5 In the 2000 Census the Hispanic population was at 38.8 million or 13.5% of the total U.S. population, up 57.9% from the 1990 census.6 Whether through the filtration of the Hispanic culture into mainstream popular culture or through the constantly growing legal and illegal Latino communities, American
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