Irmo Brief 06/2019

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Irmo Brief 06/2019 IRMO Institut za razvoj i međunarodne odnose Institute for Development and International Relations I R M O Ured u Zagrebu B R E F 06 2019 I Britain’s uncertain Brexit march By Dr. Marko Attila Hoare Introduction Roots of Brexit The popular vote of the UK on 23 June 2016 to Britain’s relationship to Europe is traditionally leave the EU has been politically an earthquake ambiguous. Britain’s identity - of a Protestant island-state formed in 1707 from the Anglo- Retrospectively, the outcome was likely, given Scottish union - was cemented during the for the first and a shock to the second. the structural factors both within Britain and eighteenth and nineteenth centuries in wars between Britain and the EU. Yet these same against the Catholic powers of continental factors have obstructed a clear British post- Europe. It was successively reinforced by referendum strategy for secession: Britain Napoleon’s anti-British Continental System; does not know what kind of Brexit it wants, or by nineteenth-century imperial ‘splendid isolation’; and by Britain’s ‘Finest Hour’ in examine the causes of the Brexit revolution and 1940, standing alone against Nazi-dominated whether it wants one at all. This briefing will the reasons for its uncertain execution, before Europe. But to maintain the European balance considering the likely outcome. of power, Britain had to be closely involved in IRMO BRIEF 06/2019 1 Europe’s politics. When Britain became too radical free-market, small-state vision clashed detached from Europe, as during the American with the more regulated economic model that Revolution and the Boer War, it found itself in peril. European revolutions, she supported rapid Brussels favored. Following the 1989 Eastern entry to the union of the new democracies to Britain eventually joined (the EEC) counteract EEC centralization. Her growing in 1973, but the union remained Euroscepticism split her party; more moderate centered on the Franco-German axis. the hard right was increasingly opposed. figures remained committed to the EEC while Britain, in sharp imperial decline after World War II, sought to promote both its special Maastricht also prompted the relationship with the US and its European foundation of two new parties ties. But France twice vetoed British EEC campaigning for Britain’s EU membership, in 1963 and 1967; the ‘non’ from exit, one of which became the UK Independence Party (UKIP) in 1993. Britain eventually joined in 1973, but the union the hereditary enemy ruffled British feathers. remained centered on the Franco-German axis. The rift helped topple Thatcher in 1990, and EEC membership was principally championed bedeviled her successor, John Major. He took by centrist, consensus politicians, already in Britain into the Exchange Rate Mechanism later decline when Britain joined. The Labour Party that year and signed the Maastricht Treaty in February 1992, establishing the EU and on a pledge to leave the EEC, prompting some moved to the left, fighting the 1983 election increasing the European Commission’s powers. centrist Labour MPs to secede and form the This prompted a Tory backbench rebellion Social Democratic Party - the split helped keep - the Thatcher-backed ‘Maastricht Rebels’, the Conservatives (Tories) in government who labelled the ERM the ‘Eternal Recession until 1997. But the Tories, too, moved away Mechanism’. The UK had to leave the ERM in from the center under Margaret Thatcher, who September 1992, with a collapse in sterling’s value (‘Black Wednesday’). Maastricht also by Ronald Reagan, whose New Right economic prioritized ties with the US - in the 1980s led prompted the foundation of two new parties policies were closer to hers than those of her campaigning for Britain’s EU exit, one of which EEC partners. became the UK Independence Party (UKIP) in 1993. Thus, a pro-EU Conservative Party was but became concerned at its implications; her Thatcher signed the Single European Act in 1986 threatened with outflanking from the right. IRMO BRIEF 06/2019 2 Drivers of Brexit The nationalism in question was principally English, not British; the Blair government had The 1997 electoral landslide of Tony Blair’s established assemblies for Scotland, Wales and New Labour catalyzed the Brexiteers’ rise. Blair’s centrist-europhile politics provoked a Northern Ireland in 1998-99. England, with tribalist right-wing reaction. When eight Central one. English nationalist reaction was catalyzed 86% of the UK’s population, remained without European and Baltic states joined the EU in by the cosmopolitan, left-liberal worldview 2004, Britain, unlike other EU governments, of the ‘metropolitan elite’ that preferred a eschewed a migration-free transition period multicultural to an English identity and seemed and permitted the immediate free entry of ready to celebrate every culture except that workers from them. Overseas net migration of the indigenous White English majority. The promotion of later motherhood had caused to the UK jumped from 185,000 in 2003 to legalization of abortion in 1967 and the official after which it never fell below 2004 levels, the median age of the population to rise from the unprecedented figure of 268,000 in 2004, Polish guest workers became particular the electoral weight of more conservative older except in 2012, and peaked in 2015 at 332,000. 34.2 years in 1970 to 40.2 in 2015, increasing objects of anti-immigration obsession: by 2016 people with nostalgic views of the pre-EEC they numbered 911,000, making them the era, at the expense of younger people with UK’s largest foreign-born community. Thus, more stake in the opportunities offered by free the Brexit movement was powered by the movement within the EU. leadership’s right-wing, small-state opposition Finally, although Britain prospered to the EU’s economic regulation; the rank-and- anti-continental nationalism that united them. economically under Labour until the 2007-2008 file’s hostility to immigration; and a resurrected financial crisis, the prosperity was unevenly further than the Conservatives had; the Bank Brexit movement was powered spread. Labour deregulated the financial sector of England was freed from government control by the leadership’s right-wing, immediately following the 1997 victory. Labour small-state opposition to the EU’s kept the Thatcherite economics favoring the economic regulation; the rank- and-file’s hostility to immigration; manufacture, concentrating economic growth financial and service sectors over traditional and a resurrected anti-continental in London and the South East, with much of the nationalism. North, Midlands and Wales neglected. Many ‘left- IRMO BRIEF 06/2019 3 behinds’ concluded that economic prosperity nationalist message centering on a referendum for Britain as a whole did not necessarily mean on continued EU membership, overtook the prosperity for their own communities. That LibDems to become the third-most-popular leaving the EU would worsen the UK’s economy was not therefore decisive for them, set against votes. party in the 2015 general election, with 13% of questions of identity, immigration and anti- Cameron sought to quiet his fractious MPs establishment anger. in January 2013 that, if his party won the next Cameron tried to renegotiate with and deflect the UKIP challenge by promising general election, his government would hold a Brussels the terms of Britain’s referendum on continued EU membership. He EU membership, but his meagre hoped this would stop the pro-Brexit Tories results allowed Brexiteers to claim ‘banging on about Europe’, but miscalculated no meaningful renegotiation was Leave’s appeal. After the Tories won the May possible without Brexit. 2015 election outright, by December the poll The ambiguous general election of 2010 saw of polls put Remain ahead of Leave by only 51- David Cameron’s Conservatives emerge as the that the UK would not be disadvantaged by 49%. Polls suggested voters wanted to ensure largest parliamentary party, but without an measures taken by the Eurozone states; that overall majority, leading them into coalition with migrants from the EU would not receive in- the Liberal Democrats (LibDems). The Tory right resented the constraints this partnership placed would be safeguarded vis-a-vis Brussels. work benefits; and that Britain’s sovereignty on their agenda, causing the coalition steadily Cameron tried to renegotiate with Brussels to fracture. Cameron’s economic austerity the terms of Britain’s EU membership, but his caused much pain among the population, while meagre results, announced in February 2016, the socially liberal, modernizing, Blairite image allowed Brexiteers to claim no meaningful he cultivated - he cancelled Heathrow Airport renegotiation was possible without Brexit, expansion for green reasons and legalized gay particularly regarding immigration. marriage - made him the butt of right-wing anger, as Blair and Gordon Brown had been. Why did Leave win? Under Nigel Farage, UKIP rose as a populist alternative; some viewed it as less right-wing Having won the referendum on Scottish than the pro-austerity Tories. UKIP, with its independence in 2014 and an unexpected IRMO BRIEF 06/2019 4 Putin’s Russia, which consistently supported Cameron approached the 2016 EU referendum populist politicians and groups in the West that absolute majority in the 2015 general election, undermine Euro-Atlantic institutions. One of Brexit’s negative economic consequences - the Leave campaign’s founders, Arron Banks, overconfidently. His campaign focusing on ‘Project Fear’ - failed to excite voters. He failed to articulate a strong, coherent case for EU donation in British history. Foreign funding for donated £8.4 million to it - the largest political membership. By contrast, the Leave campaign, political campaigns is illegal under the British directed by Dominic Cummings and Matthew law, and a parliamentary enquiry subsequently Elliot, effectively attracted hitherto non-voters: expressed doubt that Banks’s money had come ‘Take back control’ was a slogan unmatched by Remain; the claim that the money spent on eleven times in the run-up to the campaign and from UK sources.
Recommended publications
  • ASD-Covert-Foreign-Money.Pdf
    overt C Foreign Covert Money Financial loopholes exploited by AUGUST 2020 authoritarians to fund political interference in democracies AUTHORS: Josh Rudolph and Thomas Morley © 2020 The Alliance for Securing Democracy Please direct inquiries to The Alliance for Securing Democracy at The German Marshall Fund of the United States 1700 18th Street, NW Washington, DC 20009 T 1 202 683 2650 E [email protected] This publication can be downloaded for free at https://securingdemocracy.gmfus.org/covert-foreign-money/. The views expressed in GMF publications and commentary are the views of the authors alone. Cover and map design: Kenny Nguyen Formatting design: Rachael Worthington Alliance for Securing Democracy The Alliance for Securing Democracy (ASD), a bipartisan initiative housed at the German Marshall Fund of the United States, develops comprehensive strategies to deter, defend against, and raise the costs on authoritarian efforts to undermine and interfere in democratic institutions. ASD brings together experts on disinformation, malign finance, emerging technologies, elections integrity, economic coercion, and cybersecurity, as well as regional experts, to collaborate across traditional stovepipes and develop cross-cutting frame- works. Authors Josh Rudolph Fellow for Malign Finance Thomas Morley Research Assistant Contents Executive Summary �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 1 Introduction and Methodology ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������
    [Show full text]
  • Parliaments and Legislatures Series Samuel C. Patterson
    PARLIAMENTS AND LEGISLATURES SERIES SAMUEL C. PATTERSON GENERAL ADVISORY EDITOR Party Discipline and Parliamentary Government EDITED BY SHAUN BOWLER, DAVID M. FARRELL, AND RICHARD S. KATZ OHI O STATE UNIVERSITY PRESS COLUMBUS Copyright © 1999 by The Ohio State University. All rights reserved. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Party discipline and parliamentary government / edited by Shaun Bowler, David M. Farrell, and Richard S. Katz. p. cm. — (Parliaments and legislatures series) Based on papers presented at a workshop which was part of the European Consortium for Political Research's joint sessions in France in 1995. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8142-0796-0 (cl: alk. paper). — ISBN 0-8142-5000-9 (pa : alk. paper) 1. Party discipline—Europe, Western. 2. Political parties—Europe, Western. 3. Legislative bodies—Europe, Western. I. Bowler, Shaun, 1958- . II. Farrell, David M., 1960- . III. Katz, Richard S. IV. European Consortium for Political Research. V. Series. JN94.A979P376 1998 328.3/75/ 094—dc21 98-11722 CIP Text design by Nighthawk Design. Type set in Times New Roman by Graphic Composition, Inc. Printed by Bookcrafters, Inc.. The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials. ANSI Z39.48-1992. 98765432 1 Contents Foreword vii Preface ix Part I: Theories and Definitions 1 Party Cohesion, Party Discipline, and Parliaments 3 Shaun Bowler, David M. Farrell, and Richard S. Katz 2 How Political Parties Emerged from the Primeval Slime: Party Cohesion, Party Discipline, and the Formation of Governments 23 Michael Laver and Kenneth A.
    [Show full text]
  • Political and Constitutional Reform Committee
    Political and Constitutional Reform Committee Committee Office · House of Commons · 7 Millbank · London SW1P 3JA Tel 020 7219 6287 Fax 020 7219 2681 Email [email protected] Website www.parliament.uk/pcrc Written evidence submitted to the Political and Constitutional Reform Committee on the Fixed-term Parliaments Bill On 14 July 2010, the Committee launched an inquiry into the Government’s proposals for voting and parliamentary reform. This document contains those submissions which deal with the Fixed-Term Parliaments Bill only. FTPB 01 Dr Malcolm Jack, Clerk of the House of Commons Page 2 FTPB 02 Professor Dawn Oliver, University College London 8 FTPB 03 Professor Robert Hazell, The Constitution Unit, University College 11 London FTPB 04 Professor Robert Blackburn, Professor of Constitutional Law, King’s 46 College London FTPB 05 Professor Anthony Bradley 52 FTPB01 FIXED-TERM PARLIAMENTS BILL: PRIVILEGE ASPECTS Written evidence submitted by the Clerk of the House Introduction 1. In this memorandum I address aspects of the Fixed-Term Parliaments Bill which seek to make statutory provision for matters which fall within Parliament’s exclusive cognizance and which may affect the established privileges of the House of Commons as well as upsetting the essential comity which has been established over a long period between Parliament and the Courts. 2. I make no comment on the policy purposes of the Bill; indeed it would be improper for me to do so. My concern is with the way in which provisions of the Bill impinge upon Parliamentary privilege and which may bring the Courts and Parliament into conflict.
    [Show full text]
  • Brexit and the City
    Brexit and the City Saying No to the Princes of Europe: The City of London as a World Financial Centre following Brexit Or Passport to Pimlico: The City of London’s post-Brexit future depending on whether it is located inside or outside Pimlico or even possibly Latvia Professor David Blake* Cass Business School City University of London [email protected] March 2017 [v10] * I am most grateful to Kevin Dowd, Tim Congdon, Daniel Corrigan, Martin Howe QC, Laurence Jones, Edgar Miller and Patrick Minford for invaluable discussions and support during the preparation of this paper. Highlights On 23 June 2016, the British people voted to leave the EU. The prime minister’s Lancaster House speech on 17 January 2017 made it very clear that this meant also leaving the single market, the customs union and the European Economic Area, membership of which means accepting freedom of movement. This has powerful implications for the City: • It is unlikely that business with the EU27 will be conducted via passports in future. • Instead, and depending on the degree of co-operation from the EU27, the City should plan its future operations using either: o a dual regulatory regime, based on a third-party expanded equivalence model with guarantees about how equivalence will be granted and removed, or o the World Financial Centre model where the City ‘goes it alone’. • Transitional arrangements will also depend on the degree of co-operation from the EU27. It is in everybody’s interests that any transitional arrangements are kept as short term as possible, no longer than is needed to bridge the gap between the UK’s exit from the EU and the conclusion of any formal long-term trading agreement with the EU.
    [Show full text]
  • Proponents of Euroscepticism in the United Kingdom from 1950 to 2017
    DOI 10.14746/ssp.2017.4.3 Omelian TARNAVSKYI Yuriy Fedkovych Chernivtsi National University, Ukraine Proponents of Euroscepticism in the United Kingdom from 1950 to 2017 Abstract: The author of this article explores the issues of the Proponents of Euroscep- ticism in the UK from 1950 to 2017. The researcher claims that Winston Churchill was the first Eurosceptic Prime Minister. The author believes that Euroscepticism is not related to any political party, but is a non-party phenomenon, not linked to a par- ticular ideology. However, the researcher concludes that the biggest number of Euro- sceptics in the UK can be found among the Conservatives. In addition, in his study, the author identifies the main theorist of contemporary British Euroscepticism as well as the moderate and radical types of Euroscepticism. Key words: European Union, Euroscepticism, Brexit he idea of a united Europe gained special significance and was ac- Ttively discussed in the academic and political circles of Europe after the Second World War. In spite of enthusiasts, this idea also attracted sceptics and opponents. The British were the most sceptical politicians regarding European integration processes. Therefore, the aim of this arti- cle is to identify the adherents of Euroscepticism in the United Kingdom between 1950 and 2017 and to study the ideological foundations of their Eurosceptic positions. The main methods applied in this study are histori- cal and comparative methods as well as analysis. The author investigates the problem taking into consideration the positions of the leaders of the government, ruling parties and opposition in the UK, so an institutional approach is fundamental in this study.
    [Show full text]
  • The Future Impact and Effect of Brexit on Scots Law and the Scottish Legal System
    The Law Society of Scotland The Future Impact and Effect of Brexit on Scots law and the Scottish legal system I Chapter1 The Law Society of Scotland: The future impact and effect of Brexit on Scots law and the Scottish legal system Contents Foreword 1 Executive summary 2 Introduction 4 CHAPTER 1 The development of the Scottish legal system 7 CHAPTER 2 The courts and tribunals in Scotland 12 CHAPTER 3 The United Kingdom’s decision to leave the European Union 18 CHAPTER 4 The consequences of the United Kingdom leaving the European Union 25 CHAPTER 5 The EU impact on Scots Law 40 CHAPTER 6 Common frameworks 59 CHAPTER 7 Teaching EU Law in law schools post-Brexit 67 CHAPTER 8 Conclusions 70 Bibliography 74 III The Law Society of Scotland: The future impact and effect of Brexit on Scots law and the Scottish legal system Chapter IV 1 The Law Society of Scotland: The future impact and effect of Brexit on Scots law and the Scottish legal system Foreword In 2016 the United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union. In the three years since that historic vote there has been much debate on Brexit and the impact it will have throughout the UK and in Europe, however a great deal of uncertainty remains over our departure and future outwith the EU. What we can be certain of is that leaving the EU will We are very grateful to the Legal Education Foundation have a profound effect on Scots Law and on the legal whose funding has allowed us to dedicate the time and profession.
    [Show full text]
  • The 'Dispossessed', The'never-Possessed' and The
    The ‘Dispossessed’, and the ‘Bastards’ the ‘Never-Possessed’ ‘Dispossessed’, The the‘Never-Possessed’ The ‘Dispossessed’, and the‘Bastards’ Debunking Major’s Myths of the Eurosceptics the‘Never-Possessed’ Euroscepticism within the Conservative Party has been growing steadily since the Maastricth Rebellion of 1993. And yet the lessons of those turbulent months have yet to be learned properly. This book sets out clearly the reasons why some MPs rebelled and the‘Bastards’ and others did not - and points the way to the future. Debunking Major’s Myths of the Eurosceptics Between 1992 and 1993 the Maastricht Rebellion tore apart John Major’s Conservative Government. An ever-shifting group of Eurosceptic rebels consumed hours of Parliamentary time, derailed legislation and brought the government to the brink of collapse. Major denounced the rebels as the ‘Dispossessed’, the ‘Never-Possessed’ and the ‘Bastards’. This paper rebuts the myths about the Maastricht rebels. Luke Stanley Debunking Major’s Myths of the Eurosceptics Myths of Debunking Major’s With Prime Minister Cameron’s proposed renegotiation and referendum on EU The Bruges Group membership set to take place in 2017 recognising the factors affecting MPs’ willingness to defy the party line is vital. Should Cameron secure re-election at the head of a minority or slim-majority government, the ensuing Europe debate within the Conservative Party is likely to be even more divisive than Maastricht. Understanding MPs’ behaviour on Europe will allow the pro-withdrawal faction to assess the optimum methods of convincing MPs to side with them, as well as how to counter the Europhile faction’s attempts to poach their followers.
    [Show full text]
  • GV311 Britain and Europe Part 1
    GV311 Britain and Europe Part 1: A Troubled History Simon Hix Professor of European & Comparative Politics It didn’t start well … “Fog in the Channel. Continent Cut Off” British newspaper headline, circa. 1936 (allegedly) While others set up the EEC … “The future treaty which you are discussing has no chance of being agreed; if it was agreed, it would have no chance of being ratified; and if it were ratified, it would have no chance of being applied. And if it was applied, it would be totally unacceptable to Britain. You speak of agriculture, which we don't like, of power over customs, which we take exception to, and institutions which frighten us. Monsieur le president, messieurs, au revoir et bonne chance.” Russell Bretherton, British Foreign Office representative at a meeting of Spaak Committee, November 1955 Britain’s Alternative to EEC: European Free Trade Association Founded in January 1960 in Stockholm 8 original members: Austria, Denmark, Norway, Portugal, Sweden, Switzerland, United Kingdom, Finland (1961) Known as the “Outer 8” (vs. “Inner 6” of EEC) Joined by Iceland (1970), Liechtenstein (1991) UK and Denmark left EFTA & joined EEC in 1973, as did Portugal in 1986, and Austria, Sweden & Finland in 1995 3 of the 4 remaining members (Norway, Iceland, Liechtenstein) have an agreement with EU: European Economic Area (a “Puerto Rico relationship” !) Please Let Us In … 1961 Macmillan government applies to join 1963 De Gaulle vetoes UK membership 1967 Wilson government re-applies 1967 De Gaulle vetoes again 1969 De Gaulle replaced
    [Show full text]
  • Committee of Selection by Richard Kelly
    BRIEFING PAPER Number 08085, 11 September 2017 Committee of Selection By Richard Kelly 1. Motions to appoint a Selection Committee (12 September 2017) On 12 September 2017, the House is expected to debate a number of motions in relation to the appointment of a new select committee for the duration of this Parliament. The Committee, to be called the Selection Committee, is to have many of the functions of the Committee of Selection. Like the Committee of Selection in the last Parliament, it will have nine members, all but one of whom are whips from the Government, Official Opposition and second largest opposition party. 2. Role and operation of the Committee of Selection The Committee of Selection meets weekly in private to nominate Members to serve on Private Bill Committees and General Committees, which include Public Bill Committees, European Committees and Delegated Legislation Committees. Standing Order No 86 states that “In nominating such Members the Committee of Selection shall have regard to the qualifications of those Members nominated and to the composition of the House”.1 These nominations are not subject to approval by the House, and are reported in the Votes and Proceedings on the day the Committee of Selection’s decision. The Committee of Selection also considers nominations of members to the majority of select committees (excluding committee chairs, who are directly elected by the whole House). Nominations for select committees (departmental and non-departmental), unlike other nominations, are subject to approval by the
    [Show full text]
  • Uk General Election
    The UK’s no.1 free investment publication GENERAL ELECTION 2015: Whoever Wins, Britain Loses plus... uK General Election HOW TO POSITION YOUR PORTFOLIO FOR POST-ELECTION VOLATILITY When Disney met issue 02 - MAY 2015 Lucasfilm DISNEY SHARES FEEL THE www.masterinvestormagazine.co.uk FORCE OF STAR WARS FEATURING... David Buik ZAK MIR INTERVIEWS A CITY LEGEND The Mind of the Master JIM MELLON SHARES HIS LATEST ROBBIE BURNS JIM MELLON ALPESH PATEL EVIL KNIEVIL THOUGHTS ON THE MARKETS WELCOME I write to you in the wake of the 2015 Master Investor conference, which was by all accounts the best and most well attended in the event’s history. I would like to say a huge thank you to all the 3,800 people who attended on the day. It will be hard to raise the bar again in 2016 – but that is exactly what we aim to do! Issue no. 2 of Master Investor Magazine once again brings you a broad array of insightful articles about investing, trading, and navigating the markets in what Moneyweek’s Merryn Somerset-Webb rightly referred to as extraordinary conditions. What’s more, our authors are doing their best to identify some common misconceptions. CONTACTS For example, it’s commonly thought that “you can’t lose with property”. However, everywhere in Advertising the world, property suffers regular periods of underperformance. On page 22, I give the example of [email protected] Germany, where between 1975 and 2003 prices did not move an inch once inflation is taken into con- Editorial Enquries sideration. You’ll also learn why 80% of all residential property in Germany is unlikely to gain any real [email protected] value over the coming 20 years - and how you can focus on the remaining 20%! Subscriptions This issue is once again filled with comment and analysis that may help you to make sense of markets [email protected] and identify new opportunities.
    [Show full text]
  • Brexit: How Rhetoric Became Reality
    Brexit: How Rhetoric Became Reality Year: 2017 ​ ​ ​ Semester: 6th ​ Supervisor: Helene Dyrhauge ​ Group Members: ​ Christopher Molge Andersen: #55629 Timothy Peter Murphy: #55636 Character Count: 112,348 ​ 1 Table of Contents Chapter 1: Problem Area 3 Chapter 2: Methodology 5 2.1. Introduction 5 2.2. Quantitative Methods 5 2.3. Qualitative Methods 6 2.4. Reliability and Validity of Sources 7 2.5. Project Structure 7 Chapter 3: Theory 8 3.1. Introduction 8 3.2. Euroscepticism 8 3.3. Nationalism 11 3.4. Populism 13 3.5. Use of Theory 14 Chapter 4: Background 15 The UK’s Relationship With the EU 15 4.1. Introduction 15 4.2. British Euroscepticism 16 4.3. UKiP and Euroscepticism 20 4.4. Sub-conclusion 21 Chapter 5: Analysis (Part 1) 23 5.1. Introduction: History Revisited 23 5.2. Statistical Findings 25 5.3. The Rise of UKiP 30 5.4. The Success of UKiP 31 5.5. Sub-conclusion 36 Chapter 6: Analysis (Part 2) 38 6.1. Introduction 38 6.2. David Cameron’s Miscalculations 38 6.3. How The Conservative Party Split Impacted Voters 39 6.4. Factors external to UKiP and the Conservatives (Demographics) 42 6.5. Sub-conclusion 44 2 Chapter 7: Discussion 45 Chapter 8: Conclusion 50 Bibliography 50 3 Chapter 1: Problem Area The United Kingdom’s (UK) withdrawal of its membership from the European Union (EU) (referred to as Brexit) in the EU Referendum that took place on the 23rd June 2016 (from here on known as the 2016 EU Referendum) has come to represent an internal division within both the EU, and the UK itself.
    [Show full text]
  • EU Membership Referendum: the Campaigns
    EU membership referendum: The Campaigns www.civitas.org.uk Factsheet – EU membership referendum: The Campaigns www.civitas.org.uk ‘In’ Campaign Former Marks and Spencer boss Lord Stuart Rose launched the Britain Stronger in Europe campaign on 12 October. Britain Stronger in Europe has focused on the business case for staying in, arguing the benefits are “a stronger economy, stronger security and stronger leadership on the world stage”. Rose is attempting to defuse the claim that How does a General Election actually work? pro-Europeans are unpatriotic. The UK is a liberal democracy. This means that we democratically elect politicians, who Former Prime Ministers Sir Johnrepresent Major, Gordon our interests. Brown It and also Tony involves Blair thatare supporting individual rights the campaign, are protected. alongside Labour MP Chuka Umunna, Green Parfty MP Caroline Lucas and Conservative MP Damian Green. Former chief of the general staff Sir Peter Wall, West HamThe United type vice of liberal-chairwoman democracy Baroness we have Karren is a constitutionalBrady, BT chairman monarchy, Sir Mike where Rake the and powers of television presenter June Sarpongthe monarch are also prominentare limited figures by the interms the campaign.and conditions put down in the constitution. The Green Party and the Liberal Democrats are in favour of remaining in the EU. The Labour Party appears to have also settled on staying in following newly elected leader Jeremy Corbyn’s decision, although groups such as Labour Leave are campaigning for Brexit. Parliamentary system The UK has a parliamentary system of democratic governance. Unlike presidential and Organisations such as the Conservative Europe Group, Conservative European Mainstream, Business for New Europe, semi-presidential systems, there is an interconnection between the legislative (law- the European Movement, Open Europe, the Centre for European Reform and Labour in for Britain are campaigning to making) and executive (law-enforcing) branches of government in a parliamentary stay in the EU.
    [Show full text]