DOCSLIB.ORG

Brexit: How Rhetoric Became Reality

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Brexit: How Rhetoric Became Reality Brexit: How Rhetoric Became Reality Year: 2017 ​ ​ ​ Semester: 6th ​ Supervisor: Helene Dyrhauge ​ Group Members: ​ Christopher Molge Andersen: #55629 Timothy Peter Murphy: #55636 Character Count: 112,348 ​ 1 Table of Contents Chapter 1: Problem Area 3 Chapter 2: Methodology 5 2.1. Introduction 5 2.2. Quantitative Methods 5 2.3. Qualitative Methods 6 2.4. Reliability and Validity of Sources 7 2.5. Project Structure 7 Chapter 3: Theory 8 3.1. Introduction 8 3.2. Euroscepticism 8 3.3. Nationalism 11 3.4. Populism 13 3.5. Use of Theory 14 Chapter 4: Background 15 The UK’s Relationship With the EU 15 4.1. Introduction 15 4.2. British Euroscepticism 16 4.3. UKiP and Euroscepticism 20 4.4. Sub-conclusion 21 Chapter 5: Analysis (Part 1) 23 5.1. Introduction: History Revisited 23 5.2. Statistical Findings 25 5.3. The Rise of UKiP 30 5.4. The Success of UKiP 31 5.5. Sub-conclusion 36 Chapter 6: Analysis (Part 2) 38 6.1. Introduction 38 6.2. David Cameron’s Miscalculations 38 6.3. How The Conservative Party Split Impacted Voters 39 6.4. Factors external to UKiP and the Conservatives (Demographics) 42 6.5. Sub-conclusion 44 2 Chapter 7: Discussion 45 Chapter 8: Conclusion 50 Bibliography 50 3 Chapter 1: Problem Area The United Kingdom’s (UK) withdrawal of its membership from the European Union (EU) (referred to as Brexit) in the EU Referendum that took place on the 23rd June 2016 (from here on known as the 2016 EU Referendum) has come to represent an internal division within both the EU, and the UK itself. The referendum was meant to represent British public opinion on whether the UK should remain or leave the EU and the high voting turnout (72.2%) illustrated much success in regards to democratic representation. However, empirical evidence also suggests an apparent division - along generational, educational and regional lines - among the British public, as demonstrated by the marginal difference of the outcome in the 2016 EU Referendum; with 51.9% of total votes in favour of a Brexit and 48.1% against (YouGov 2016). This division was further emphasised in the political rhetoric surrounding the most prioritised debate issues presented by the two official campaign organisations - the Remain (‘In’) camp and the Leave (‘Out’) camp (Hobolt, 2016). The rhetoric used by each campaign to win over voters was largely negative, and the ways in which the issues of the economy and immigration were framed at the ​ ​ national level can serve as a basis for understanding why voters chose to support Leave or Remain - where the United Kingdom’s Independence Party (UKiP) was the most united (anti-EU) political party and was influential in gaining support for the leave camps (Goodwin & Heath, 2016). While the focus of this paper will be on the role that right wingism - in particular, the role UKiP - played in the 2016 EU Referendum, it cannot sufficiently explain the Brexit outcome on its own. As such, we have chosen to look at the ongoing division within the Conservative Party (also referred to as the Tory Party or Tories) that can be seen as a closely-related explanatory factor. As Eurosceptic views are an inherent feature within the two parties, Euroscepticism will be used as a theoretical lens through which to understand each party’s positions and interests in the referendum and how these spread throughout voters in Britain. Several conceptions of nationalism will be applied to our analysis of UKiP, and, more broadly, to those advocates of the leave camps. Through our analysis of the 2016 EU Referendum, we aim to show how 4 nationalistic sentiments and Eurosceptic views were key determinants in the Brexit outcome. In doing this, we have proposed the following research question: How can the role of the United Kingdom’s Independent Party (UKiP) and Conservative Party explain the outcome of the 2016 EU referendum? In order to fully address each aspect of the research question, we have selected the following sub-questions to structure our empirical analysis: 1. What factors contributed to British Euroscepticism and the rise of United Kingdom’s Independent Party (UKiP), and how? 2. How did the division within the Conservative Party contribute to the success of the Leave Camps? 5 Chapter 2: Methodology 2.1. Introduction The purpose of this section is to identify the type of methodology that will be applied to our empirical analysis, as well as how it will be applied as such. As mentioned earlier, the aim of this paper is to explain how nationalistic sentiments and Eurosceptic views were key determinants in the Brexit outcome. As much research has been done on Brexit, we aim to use a mixed methods approach. Qualitative methods will enable us to use rich data that can provide for in-depth explanations of the phenomenon (Brexit) under observation, while quantitative methods allows us to assess such explanations through empirical testing; whether a correlation and/or causality exists between the variables (factors) under observation. As such, the quantitative inferences made can be confirmed or falsified through explanatory qualitative analysis. 2.2. Quantitative Methods Quantitative methods incorporates both descriptive and inferential statistics, and, through the use of statistical methods, allows for the provision of more critical reviews of the data being observed. Broadly, statistics can be defined as “the art and science of collecting, analysing, presenting and interpreting data” (Anderson et al, 2011:3). As our statistical findings are based on secondary sources, the first stage - collection of data - has already been conducted and will thus be excluded from our methodological approach. Essentially, the use of statistics from secondary sources will enable us to quantify our qualitative findings, thus leading to more (conclusive) evidence-based results. The bulk of statistical data will come from both official and unofficial databases, including from the Electoral Commission, YouGov and the European Commission. Standard Eurobarometer 85 (May 2016) is a questionnaire conducted by the European Commission on public opinion regarding the EU (europa.eu). It was conducted among the EU’s 28 member states (as well as five candidate countries and the Turkish Cypriot Community) and consisted of around 1000 face-to-face interviews per country (Ibid). As the objective was to 6 gather information on public perceptions regarding a number of national- and European- issues, the national reports from the UK have been selected particularly for our analysis of the factors contributing to increased Euroscepticism and the rise of UKiP in the first working question. The questionnaires consist of a wide range of questions covering a number of topics and, as such, only those that can help to identify (and potentially explain) the causes of Eurosceptic- and nationalist- sentiments among the British public have been selected for analysis. While the data sample (of around 1000 respondents) does not sufficiently represent the views of the whole British public, it allows for the identification of general public concerns about the EU in the UK. This is due to the use of random sampling, being unbiased in its nature. 2.3. Qualitative Methods As mentioned, qualitative methods is useful for understanding the broader social context/phenomenon under observation. While the aim of using quantitative methods is to provide inferences based on statistical findings (facts), qualitative research allows for a more in-depth and comprehensive understanding of the research topic. In this paper, the purpose of the former is to identify a list of factors contributive to the Brexit outcome, and potentially whether a correlative and/or causal relationship exists between them. The purpose of the latter is to interpret how such factors have been constructed in the broader context in which they are situated. Through the use of rich, detailed and complex data, the role that these factors played in Brexit can be more thoroughly described. Our chosen qualitative sources will mostly comprise of journal articles, some newspaper reports (BBC, the Independent), and other academic publications (such as blog posts). British Social Attitudes (BSA) is one survey that will be used to gain a better insight into British attitudes towards the UK. BSA is headed by NatCen Social Research, which is Britain’s largest independent social research agency, and several reports have been selected for our analysis of nationalism and Euroscepticism. The data sample of 3000 respondents allows for a more in-depth understanding of British public concerns, and is meant to supplement the (smaller) data sample obtained from the Eurobarometer questionnaire. Surveys and reports from the UK 7 Migration Watch (2015) and the Migration Observatory (2016) will also be heavily integrated in our analysis, to complement our other selected sources. 2.4. Reliability and Validity of Sources When reviewing the sources that have been selected for our analysis, it is important to test them for both reliability and validity. Reliability involves whether or not the results obtained from the research conducted can be obtained several times if the research was to be repeated, ruling out any potential anomalies and shedding light on some external factors that may have affected the research (Hesse-Biber et al 2011:52-54). Validity refers to the correct methodological procedure being applied to research which in turn affects the accuracy of the results (Hesse-Biber et al 2011:48-51). One advantage of testing for validity is that it allows one to identify any potential bias that may have had an effect on the research be it from the author or from the sample that is being researched (Ibid). As the majority of academic literature to be used has been peer-reviewed this makes it a valid source.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • ECON Thesaurus on Brexit
    STUDY Requested by the ECON Committee ECON Thesaurus on Brexit Fourth edition Policy Department for Economic, Scientific and Quality of Life Policies Authors: Stephanie Honnefelder, Doris Kolassa, Sophia Gernert, Roberto Silvestri Directorate General for Internal Policies of the Union July 2017 EN DIRECTORATE GENERAL FOR INTERNAL POLICIES POLICY DEPARTMENT A: ECONOMIC AND SCIENTIFIC POLICY ECON Thesaurus on Brexit Fourth edition Abstract This thesaurus is a collection of ECON related articles, papers and studies on the possible withdrawal of the UK from the EU. Recent literature from various sources is categorised, chronologically listed – while keeping the content of previous editions - and briefly summarised. To facilitate the use of this tool and to allow an easy access, certain documents may appear in more than one category. The thesaurus is non-exhaustive and may be updated. This document was provided by Policy Department A at the request of the ECON Committee. IP/A/ECON/2017-15 July 2017 PE 607.326 EN This document was requested by the European Parliament's Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs. AUTHORS Stephanie HONNEFELDER Doris KOLASSA Sophia GERNERT, trainee Roberto SILVESTRI, trainee RESPONSIBLE ADMINISTRATOR Stephanie HONNEFELDER Policy Department A: Economic and Scientific Policy European Parliament B-1047 Brussels E-mail: [email protected] LINGUISTIC VERSIONS Original: EN ABOUT THE EDITOR Policy departments provide in-house and external expertise to support EP committees and other parliamentary bodies
    [Show full text]
  • Brexit and the Future of the US–EU and US–UK Relationships
    Special relationships in flux: Brexit and the future of the US–EU and US–UK relationships TIM OLIVER AND MICHAEL JOHN WILLIAMS If the United Kingdom votes to leave the European Union in the referendum of June 2016 then one of the United States’ closest allies, one of the EU’s largest member states and a leading member of NATO will negotiate a withdrawal from the EU, popularly known as ‘Brexit’. While talk of a UK–US ‘special relation- ship’ or of Britain as a ‘transatlantic bridge’ can be overplayed, not least by British prime ministers, the UK is a central player in US–European relations.1 This reflects not only Britain’s close relations with Washington, its role in European security and its membership of the EU; it also reflects America’s role as a European power and Europe’s interests in the United States. A Brexit has the potential to make a significant impact on transatlantic relations. It will change both the UK as a country and Britain’s place in the world.2 It will also change the EU, reshape European geopolitics, affect NATO and change the US–UK and US–EU relationships, both internally and in respect of their place in the world. Such is the potential impact of Brexit on the United States that, in an interview with the BBC’s Jon Sopel in summer 2015, President Obama stated: I will say this, that having the United Kingdom in the European Union gives us much greater confidence about the strength of the transatlantic union and is part of the corner- stone of institutions built after World War II that has made the world safer and more prosperous.
    [Show full text]
  • E:\Publications\Making the Links\Peoples Guide No Canada.Pmd
    CONTENTS Written by ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 2 Maude Barlow and Tony Clarke Edited by INTRODUCTION 3 Brent Patterson Cover design by PART ONE - The World Trade Organization 5 Flavio Rojas What is the WTO? 5 Layout by How does the WTO work? 5 Laura Sewell How do WTO rules affect our lives? 8 What happened in Seattle? 10 The Council of Canadians 502 – 151 Slater Street What happened in Doha? 10 Ottawa, Ontario What will be the critical issues in Cancun? 11 K1P 5H3 Phone PART TWO - The Free Trade Area of the Americas 14 1 800 387-7177 What is the FTAA? 14 Fax What is in the FTAA? 15 613 233-6776 How will the FTAA enforce its rules? 19 How will the FTAA rules affect our lives? 20 e-mail [email protected] What will be the critical issues in Miami? 23 Web site PART THREE - The Dangerous Combination 26 www.canadians.org What impact will the WTO and the FTAA have on the ISBN 0-9689719-5-4 peoples of the Americas and elsewhere? 26 This report was produced by the Council of How could the WTO and FTAA trade politics play out? 33 Canadians and the Polaris Institute, in association with the International Forum on CONCLUSION 38 Globalization. SOURCES AND FURTHER READING 40 WEB RESOURCES 41 ABOUT THE AUTHORS 42 MAKING THE LINKS: A Peoples’ Guide to the World Trade Organization and the Free Trade Area of the Americas 1 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS We wish to thank the following individuals for their contributions to this paper: Ellen Gould, Scott Sinclair, Lori Wallach, Steven Shrybman, Vandana Shiva, Martin Khor, Shefali Sharma, Barry Coates, Sarah Larrain, Pablo Salon, Ken Traynor, Timi Gerson, Victor Menotti, Oliver Hoedeman, Aileen Kwa, Walden Bello, Mike Waghorn, Clare Joy, and Ronnie Hall.
    [Show full text]
  • Parliaments and Legislatures Series Samuel C. Patterson
    PARLIAMENTS AND LEGISLATURES SERIES SAMUEL C. PATTERSON GENERAL ADVISORY EDITOR Party Discipline and Parliamentary Government EDITED BY SHAUN BOWLER, DAVID M. FARRELL, AND RICHARD S. KATZ OHI O STATE UNIVERSITY PRESS COLUMBUS Copyright © 1999 by The Ohio State University. All rights reserved. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Party discipline and parliamentary government / edited by Shaun Bowler, David M. Farrell, and Richard S. Katz. p. cm. — (Parliaments and legislatures series) Based on papers presented at a workshop which was part of the European Consortium for Political Research's joint sessions in France in 1995. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8142-0796-0 (cl: alk. paper). — ISBN 0-8142-5000-9 (pa : alk. paper) 1. Party discipline—Europe, Western. 2. Political parties—Europe, Western. 3. Legislative bodies—Europe, Western. I. Bowler, Shaun, 1958- . II. Farrell, David M., 1960- . III. Katz, Richard S. IV. European Consortium for Political Research. V. Series. JN94.A979P376 1998 328.3/75/ 094—dc21 98-11722 CIP Text design by Nighthawk Design. Type set in Times New Roman by Graphic Composition, Inc. Printed by Bookcrafters, Inc.. The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials. ANSI Z39.48-1992. 98765432 1 Contents Foreword vii Preface ix Part I: Theories and Definitions 1 Party Cohesion, Party Discipline, and Parliaments 3 Shaun Bowler, David M. Farrell, and Richard S. Katz 2 How Political Parties Emerged from the Primeval Slime: Party Cohesion, Party Discipline, and the Formation of Governments 23 Michael Laver and Kenneth A.
    [Show full text]
  • Political and Constitutional Reform Committee
    Political and Constitutional Reform Committee Committee Office · House of Commons · 7 Millbank · London SW1P 3JA Tel 020 7219 6287 Fax 020 7219 2681 Email [email protected] Website www.parliament.uk/pcrc Written evidence submitted to the Political and Constitutional Reform Committee on the Fixed-term Parliaments Bill On 14 July 2010, the Committee launched an inquiry into the Government’s proposals for voting and parliamentary reform. This document contains those submissions which deal with the Fixed-Term Parliaments Bill only. FTPB 01 Dr Malcolm Jack, Clerk of the House of Commons Page 2 FTPB 02 Professor Dawn Oliver, University College London 8 FTPB 03 Professor Robert Hazell, The Constitution Unit, University College 11 London FTPB 04 Professor Robert Blackburn, Professor of Constitutional Law, King’s 46 College London FTPB 05 Professor Anthony Bradley 52 FTPB01 FIXED-TERM PARLIAMENTS BILL: PRIVILEGE ASPECTS Written evidence submitted by the Clerk of the House Introduction 1. In this memorandum I address aspects of the Fixed-Term Parliaments Bill which seek to make statutory provision for matters which fall within Parliament’s exclusive cognizance and which may affect the established privileges of the House of Commons as well as upsetting the essential comity which has been established over a long period between Parliament and the Courts. 2. I make no comment on the policy purposes of the Bill; indeed it would be improper for me to do so. My concern is with the way in which provisions of the Bill impinge upon Parliamentary privilege and which may bring the Courts and Parliament into conflict.
    [Show full text]
  • The Future Relationship Between the United Kingdom and the European Union
    THE FUTURE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE UNITED KINGDOM AND THE EUROPEAN UNION Cm 9593 THE FUTURE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE UNITED KINGDOM AND THE EUROPEAN UNION Presented to Parliament by the Prime Minister by Command of Her Majesty July 2018 Cm 9593 © Crown copyright 2018 Any enquiries regarding this publication This publication is licensed under the terms should be sent to us at of the Open Government Licence v3.0 except [email protected] where otherwise stated. To view this licence, visit nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open- ISBN 978-1-5286-0701-8 government-licence/version/3 CCS0718050590-001 07/18 Where we have identified any third party copyright information you will need to obtain Printed on paper containing 75% recycled permission from the copyright holders fibre content minimum. concerned. Printed in the UK by the APS Group on This publication is available at behalf of the Controller of Her Majesty’s www.gov.uk/government/publications Stationery Office The future relationship between the United Kingdom and the European Union 1 Foreword by the Prime Minister In the referendum on 23 June 2016 – the largest ever democratic exercise in the United Kingdom – the British people voted to leave the European Union. And that is what we will do – leaving the Single Market and the Customs Union, ending free movement and the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice in this country, leaving the Common Agricultural Policy and the Common Fisheries Policy, and ending the days of sending vast sums of money to the EU every year. We will take back control of our money, laws, and borders, and begin a new exciting chapter in our nation’s history.
    [Show full text]
  • Full Text of the Speech by Prime Minister Theresa May
    Full text of the speech by Prime Minister Theresa May "A little over six months ago, the British people voted for change. They voted to shape a brighter future for our country. They voted to leave the European Union and embrace the world. And they did so with their eyes open: accepting that the road ahead will be uncertain at times, but believing that it leads towards a brighter future for their children - and their grandchildren too. And it is the job of this Government to deliver it. That means more than negotiating our new relationship with the EU. It means taking the opportunity of this great moment of national change to step back and ask ourselves what kind of country we want to be. My answer is clear. I want this United Kingdom to emerge from this period of change stronger, fairer, more united and more outward-looking than ever before. I want us to be a secure, prosperous, tolerant country - a magnet for international talent and a home to the pioneers and innovators who will shape the world ahead. I want us to be a truly Global Britain - the best friend and neighbour to our European partners, but a country that reaches beyond the borders of Europe too. A country that goes out into the world to build relationships with old friends and new allies alike. I want Britain to be what we have the potential, talent and ambition to be. A great, global trading nation that is respected around the world and strong, confident and united at home.
    [Show full text]
  • Building Our Industrial Strategy: Green Paper
    Green Paper January 2017 Contents Foreword .................................................................................................................................... 3 Introduction ............................................................................................................................... 5 How to respond to this Green Paper ................................................................................ 8 Summary ..................................................................................................................................10 Investing in science, research and innovation ............................................................25 Developing skills ...................................................................................................................37 Upgrading infrastructure ....................................................................................................51 Supporting businesses to start and grow ....................................................................61 Improving procurement ......................................................................................................71 Encouraging trade and inward investment ..................................................................79 Delivering affordable energy and clean growth ..........................................................89 Cultivating world-leading sectors ...................................................................................97 Driving growth across the whole country
    [Show full text]
  • Britain's European Question and an In/Out Referendum
    To be or not to be in Europe: is that the question? Britain’s European question and an in/out referendum TIM OLIVER* ‘It is time to settle this European question in British politics.’ David Cameron, 23 January 2013.1 Britain’s European question It came as no surprise to those who follow the issue of the European Union in British politics that David Cameron’s January 2013 speech on Europe excited a great deal of comment. The EU is among the most divisive issues in British politics. Cameron himself drew on this to justify his committing the Conservative Party, should it win the general election in 2015, to seek a renegotiated position for the UK within the EU which would then be put to the British people in an in/out referendum. Growing public frustrations at UK–EU relations were, he argued, the result of both a longstanding failure to consult the British people about their country’s place in the EU, and a changing EU that was undermining the current relationship between Britain and the Union. As a result, he argued, ‘the democratic consent for the EU in Britain is now wafer-thin’. Cameron’s speech was met with both criticism and praise from Eurosceptics and pro-Europeans alike.2 In a speech at Chatham House backing Cameron’s plan, the former Conservative prime minister Sir John Major best captured some of the hopes for a referendum: ‘The relationship with Europe has poisoned British politics for too long, distracted parliament from other issues and come close to destroying the Conservative Party.
    [Show full text]
  • Finding Britain's Role in a Changing World: the Principles of Global Britain
    Finding Britain’s role in a changing world Executive Summary …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………... This publication recommends how the UK Government can decide the principles and values that should underpin its concept of Global Britain’ and provides some strong suggestions of what they should be, set in the context of the Integrated Review of Security, Defence, Development and Foreign Policy. The Integrated Review takes place not only in the wake of Brexit, COVID-19 and economic turmoil but in the global context of eroding in confidence in liberal democracy and the buckling of the rule-based world order, challenged by authoritarians such revisionist powers Russia and China. The publication argues that there is a strong moral and strategic case for putting the defence of liberal democracy and open societies at the heart of UK foreign policy. It argues that the UK should take advantage of its new comparative diplomatic freedoms to be more nimble and able to take a lead on these issues. It welcomes the Government’s commitment that ‘the UK will remain distinctively open and global, working with our allies as a problem-solving and burden-sharing nation’, and argues that as an internationally focused middle power it should renew its commitment to a rule-based international order, putting in the hard yards behind the scenes working with partners and institutions both old and new to show it is still committed to multilateralism. It recognises and examines the crucial importance of listening to the views of the British people and working with them to improve accountability and policy sustainability. However, there will be times when the Government will need to lead, using public diplomacy to better inform its own citizens.
    [Show full text]
  • The New Normal? a 7-Country Comparative Study on the Impacts of COVID-19 on Trust, Social Cohesion, Democracy and Expectations for an Uncertain Future
    The New Normal? A 7-country comparative study on the impacts of COVID-19 on trust, social cohesion, democracy and expectations for an uncertain future. FR GER IT NL PL UK US 1 About More in Common More in Common is an international initiative set up in 2017 to build societies that are stronger, more united, and more resilient to the increasing threats of polarization and social division. We work with a wide range of groups in civil society, politics, government, business, faith, education, philanthropy and the media to connect people across lines of division. More in Common’s teams in France, Germany, the United Kingdom and the United States work together and share a commitment to advancing our mission. For more information please visit www.moreincommon.com or contact us at [email protected] 2 About this Study COVID-19 has upended the lives of people across the world, causing untold suffering and dislocation, with a death toll expected to soon exceed one million. The impact of the pandemic on our health, economy and society will reshape the world of the 2020s. It could result in societies becoming more deeply divided along existing fault lines, but that is not inevitable. This study shows that COVID-19 has unleashed hopes for change, especially in countries that have struggled most with the virus. It has also made us more aware of our shared humanity, of the value of strong local communities, and of the importance of our connection to nature. Many choices lie ahead as we grapple with the fallout of the pandemic.
    [Show full text]
  • For a Tolerant World Where Rational Thinking and Kindness Prevail Welcome
    Northumbria Students Union 2 Sandyford Ford, Newcastle NE1 8SB 22-24 June 2018 Newcastle FOR A TOLERANT WORLD WHERE RATIONAL THINKING AND KINDNESS PREVAIL WELCOME Welcome to Humanists UK probed some of the bigger Convention 2018, in the questions about human nature stunning city of Newcastle. We and morality. hope, over this weekend, to be inspired and entertained as One of the most striking we bring together hundreds features of Northumbrian of like-minded people to think, humanism has been its laugh, eat, and discuss ideas outward-looking nature, under one roof. We’re all here exemplifying Harold because we are humanists: Blackham’s maxim that people who shape their own ‘Humanism is about the lives in the here and now. And world, not about humanism.’ as the national organisation The North East Humanists, a for humanists in the UK, it’s partner group of Humanists Humanists UK’s mission to UK originally founded in 1957, in. And you’ll have a chance champion ideas for the one is a great example of this. to ask questions of some of life we have. This weekend The group has been a great the foremost activists working we’ll dive deep into some of supporter of the Isaac Newton to build a fairer, more rational those ideas – and we hope High School in Uganda for society in the UK and around you’ll find the talks, debates, many years now, helping the the world. and entertainment we’ve Ugandan humanists ensure put on both stimulating and that a broad-based, liberal Whether this is your first ever rewarding.
    [Show full text]