The Fur Trade and Western Canadian Society, 1670-1870

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1987 The fur trade and Western Canadian society, 1670-1870

Pannekoek, Frits, 1949-

The Canadian Historical Association http://hdl.handle.net/1880/44179 book

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UNMRSITY 0> CAllUH* Series Editors: Terry Cook (National Archives of Canada)

Gabrielle Blais (National Archives Canada)of

ISSN 0068-886 ISBN 0-88798-123-2

Portage.e Coverth t "A : Hudson's y Company'sBa Employes theirn o Annual Expedition"y b H.A. Ogden.from Picturesque Canada (1882), vol. I,p. 308b. Courtesy Nationale oth f Archivesf o Canada, C-82974. THTRADR EFU E AND WESTERN CANADIAN SOCIETY 1670-1870

Frits Pannekoek

Ottawa, 1987

CANADIAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION HISTORICAL BOOKLET No. 43 Frits Pannekoe Netherland e bors th kwa n i gren d i san p w u rural Alberta. He completed his B.A. (Honours) and M.A. at Universite th Albertaf Ph.Dys o hi t Queen'd .a an , s University (Kingston) in Western Canadian fur trade studies. He was Chief of Historical Researc r Parkfo h s Canada, Prairie Region, Winnipeg, from 1975 to 1979, and since then has been Director Historie ofth c Sites Service, Alberta Culture alse H .o serves sa Secretary to the Provincial Historic Sites Board and as Alberta's representative to the Canadian Permanent Committee on Geographical Names s EditoA . Chien i r f Prairieo f Forum (1980-1986) opportunite th d ha e h ,assis o yt furtherinn i t e gth caus Westerf eo n Canadian scholarship publicationn ow s Hi . s focus on the Red River settlement and the early Western missionaries. THE FUR TRADE AND WESTERN CANADIAN SOCIETY, 1670-1870

Introduction The political, economic, and social history of present day Northwest Territories, Alberta, Saskatchewan, and Manitoba, was, for the first two hundred years of European contact produc,a fue rth tradef to variout .A s posts alon region'e gth s principal river lakesd san , traders would exchange such manufactured goods sa blankets, beads, guns, tobacco axed nativr an ,s fo e supplie beaverf so , marten, muskrad an t pelts factn .I , abundanbeaveo s s rwa t tha cam t treateti e b o ea t s da currency throughout the Canadian North West. This trading system was highly complex, involvin t onl Frenche gno y th , Scottish Canadiad an , n tradero swh came from the St. Lawrence Valley, and the British traders who came from Hudso wity nhBa their financial bas Englanden i varioue th t ,bu s native groups t onl tradr actua e store no fu historth e y th s e f i th y o wellls th d a tradf yo An . e itselfsocietw alst ne bu ,o e ythath create f intermingline to th y db fuf go r traders natived Westere an th n si n interior. Such noted scholars as Harold Adam Innis and Donald Creighton have asserted that Canada exist presens it n si t form because fue rth s treadef o wa r .Fu the single product or "staple" — like cod fish earlier in the Maritimes or wheat prairiee th laten a o n si e r tonperioe th dominanr o th s et fo tha s dse — to wa t s ta nation or region's economic and social development. The settlements, transportation routes, and financial structures created in support of the fur trade, in this view, moulded the east-west geographical unity of Canada. Innis remarked of Canada thar "presenhe t t boundaries wer dominance resule th eth f o t f eo furs...." examination A tradr fu e musth f no t first focus, therefore varioue th n o , s European thrusts into the interior from the St. Lawrence Valley and from Hudson Bay, the nrivae turth lo n t economic , social transportatiod ,an n patterns which emerged from thes traditionso etw finalld ,an y result e looth t ktheif a s o r conflict and eventual merger. Moreover, the fur trade was more than the story of fur trader theid san r activities. Native peopl strona d eha g impac trade th en to equallt i significana d d an yha t influenc nativn eo e life. Likewise peoplew ne ,a , smalo n Metis e d tradlth createe s tradeffecha e th wa ,d th e n eo y itselfan td b . Finally, new elements, perhaps best symbolized by the Christian missionaries, entered the Western interior in the nineteenth century to challenge the old supremac tradr eventuas lead it fu ee o an dt th f lyo demise. What emerges from the study of these various themes is a portrait of a unique socia economid an l c structure that helpe shapo dt continued ean affeco st e th t histor f Westeryo Northerd nan n Canada. Two Fur Trade Traditions J ~" '

The fur trade conflict between the St. Lawrence and Hudson Bay traders can be divided into four distinct chronological periods: from 1670 to 1763, 1763 to 1904,1904 to 1821, and 1821 to 1870. The first period following 1670 saw both establishmene th Britise th f o th presenc shoree e th th n Hudsof d eso o an y nBa initial e Frencforayth y . b shLawrenc St fro e mth e Valley int e Westeroth n interior. In 1668 Pierre Esprit Radisson and Medard Chouart, Sieur des Groseilliers disenchanteo ,tw d French-Canadian fur traders convinced ,ha e dth English cour severad tan l English businessmen that easy accesbese r th tfu o st norte th ho lant througy dla h Hudson Bay. Withi yearso nHudson'tw e ,th y sBa Compan beed yha n formed t proceedeI . d thereafte placo t r e posts eth it t sa mouths of the major rivers leading into the Bay, in order to entice the Indians of the interior to come to the Bay to trade. The later appearance of rival traders Francfrow mNe theid ean r Indian allies, intent upo destructioe nth e th f no British trade, precipitate dgeneratioa aggressivf no e conflict. Between 173d 1an 1749, Pierre Gaultier de Varennes, Sieur de La Verendrye, and his family established various posts in what is now Northwestern Ontario and southern Manitob briefld aan y secure dSaskatchewae parth f o t n countr tradr yfu r efo Francew Ne defeae Th .Franc f o t Britaiy eb 1759-6n ni 0 abruptly interrupted these pressure . Lawrences St fro e mmomentth e t onlth r ,bu yfo . The first period of truly intense competition, which was often vicious enough to generate violence among trading rivals, followed the establishment of British control over New France in 1763 and the subsequent effort to "deregulate" the Montreal-based St. Lawrence fur trade. A new breed of independent trader emerged to replace the renowned coureurs de bois as fur traders. These "pedlars," of first French and then British extraction, moved north and west into distane th t interior. Having established their initial bas f Lak t eitheo ea d e en r Superior — Michilimackinac to the east and Kaministikwia (later Ft. William, Thundew no pedlare rwes e th Bay th — to s )t took their trade goods deep into Westere th n interior, where they spen wintee th t r trading wit nativee hth r sfo furs. Then, at an annual rendez-vous back at the Great Lakes, they would pay off their Montreal-based suppliers with the furs they had accumulated, collect new trading t ofgoodsrepeao t fse processe d th tan , . Ofte pedlarnx fivsi r eo s compete tradr dfo e from wha essentialls twa singlya e location. The competition among both pedlars and the various Montreal interests who supplied them was so ruinous as to force both into annual agreements or partnerships. The men in the interior soon became known as "wintering partners" or "winterers." The first major partnership of this kind occurred in 1779. This did not mean, however, that all were joined thereafter in peaceful unification. Competition continue flamee th n animositf so fa o dt violencd yan e which remained part of the fur trade way of life. Alexander Mackenzie, the famous explore traderd ran , wrot particularla f eo y unpleasant situation, which led in turn to another union of interests in 1787: partnersr ou Aftef murdeo e lamine e th r, th on f anothef rgo o d ran the narrow escape of one of our clerks, who received a bullet through his powder horn, in the execution of his duty, they [the Northwesters] were compelled to allow us a share in the trade. As lf, alreadd ha e yw incurre lossda , this union was vern i , y respecta , desirable even us...o t t . Ultimately mora , e forma comprehensivd an l e union betwee nvarieta e th f yo wintering and Montreal partners was forged in 1804 as the North West Company. During this perio internecinf do e warfare amon. LawrencSt e gth e traders, Hudson'e th Company exactlt sBa no d yha been "sleepin frozee th y gnb seas "a its detractors charged. Fro late meth 1760 sen C feweo 1774tn o s t HB re tha,th n forty-four expeditions lead by William Tomison, Samuel Hearne, William Pink, and Louis Primo, among others. These expeditions possesse mandato dn o et trade. Rather, they were designed to entice the Indians to journey to the posts at baysidee th . Unfortunatel Companye th r yfo , however, this strateg onld yha y limited success, especially after the Montreal interests and their winterers began to bring the trade to the Indians (rather than expect the Indians to travel to them begad )an includo nt e significant quantitie alcohof so thein li r trade goods. In 177 Hudson'e 4th Company sBa y finally countere establishiny db n ga inland trading post, Cumberland Houselocates junctioe wa th e t t I .th d a f no river systems that connected the Arctic and the Bay with the central plains. With thi sinterioe singlth r becomd fo erha r strokewa e e eveth , n more serious increasingld an y unforgiving economie Th . c struggle betwee gianto tw f e so nth the Canadian fur trade lasted nearly half a century, escalating in fury with the formation of the North West Company in 1804 and subsiding only with the amalgamatio wearyino tw e th gf n o combatant namC s unde1821n eHB i e rth . The great crisis that finally precipitated the union by bringing the violent rivalry to a head occurred in 1816 at the junction of the Red and Assiniboine evenn a Riverss t wa fro t I .m which neither company could ever completely recover. Pressed by mounting debt and the prospect of poor fur returns, the decided earle ha th C yn di 1800principaHB s it f alloo o st e wlon shareholders, Lord Selkirk, a Scottish nobleman interested in bringing dispossessed farmers to North America, to establish one of his colonies at Red River, near present day Winnipeg, on the edge of the buffalo country. Not only did the Nor'Westers feel that the colony would be disruptive to the production of pemmican (dried buffalo mea fat n i criticato provisionine s ) th s tha o t wa lt northere th f go n interior trade, settlement in general was anathema to the wintering traders of both companies. e sprinIth n f 1816o g o forestalt , l possible e Nortactioth y hb n West Company, the Hudson's Bay Company actually seized the Nor'Westers' Ft. Gibraltar, located nea colonye th r attempted an , intercepo dt pemmicas it t n supply. In response, the Nor'Westers under Cuthbert Grant, a mixed blood of Scottish-Cree descent, retaliated by seizing the Hudson's Bay Company posts on the Assiniboine, and then by attacking the Hudson's Bay governor and killing outsidn me twent . Douglas eFt hi f yo s (the infamous Battl Sevef eo n Oaks). Later that winter Selkirk himself took possessio . WilliamFt f no greatese th , t North West Company post which was located at the head of Lake Superior. The protracted and expensive litigation that followed, combined as will be seen wit hwida e variet economif yo transportatiod can n problems, were major forces that companieo pushetw e dth unito st 1821n ei .

Union was achieved through a legal instrument known as the Deed Poll. By effecn i entere C C t ceaseunione HB dNW e th e int th exis o d,th t d o elaborattan e agreements with the component parts of its former rival. Essentially the Deed Poll identified two major ranks: Chief Factors of which there would be twenty- fiveChied an , f Trader f whicso h there woul twenty-eighte db . Only Traders could become Factors and, concomitantly, only clerks could become Traders. Traders and Factors also received a share of the trade. A Factor was given 2/85 Trade a regulate e profitsd b e cenr o th an t trad e rf pe s o t178 Th 0 .d e4 wa f 5o through the annual meeting of Chief Factors known as the Northern Council, Nortmuce th s ha West Compan regulated yha trads dit e throug annuae hth l meetings at Ft. William. And in fact, despite its corporate disappearance, the North West Company's personnel dominated the new appointments, becoming fifteen of the twenty-five Chief Factors and seventeen of the twenty-eight Chief Traders.

overridine Th g regimauthoritw veste ne s Governore e ewa th th n dyn i i d ,an ultimatel s Georgwa t i ye SimpsonGovernow ne e Norther th e th f ,o r n Departmen afted an t r 1826 Governo C Rupert'f o l HB al e f th ro s l Lanal s d(a territories wer stamnexs e ehi th t called) n fortpo pu o y years,wh . Simpsod nha joined the HBC in 1820 at age thirty-four, when the fur trade rivalry was at its zenith. Not a likeable man, he was nevertheless a thorough, tough, and uncom- promising administrator. He made several exhausting and remarkable inspection trips through Rupert' poine on s t tLan a attempte d dan establiso dt hresidenca e in the North West. Rigorous to a fault, Simpson exercised strict economy, promote co-opted ha e dh alliedo fro swh Norte mth h West Company, vigor- ously defende Hudson'e dth Company'y sBa s chartered monopoly fended ,an d off political attacks in Canada and Great Britain as the agricultural potential of the West became increasingly attractive to Company critics, missionaries, and settlement advocates. Economics of the Fur Trade Beave centras Europeae rwa th o t l n t thafelha t t enjoyed enormous popularity seventeente inth eighteentd han h centuries .d 1800 Althougmi e e sth th y hb introduction of the silk hat spelled a major decline for the trade in Western Canada thay b , t time alternate uses examplr coatr fo , fu ,e mitigateeth d such vagaries of changing fashion. In structure, beaver fur consists of a surface guard hair, about two inches in lengthunderhain a d an , abouf ro inche mose on t Th . t valuable furs woule db taken in the winter when the underhair was the thickest, and the most valuable of these would actually have been Indians e worth y nfub e r,th side nex theio t r skin. The guard hair would then fall out, leaving a covering of soft downy underhair, ideal for the felting process and well preserved by the natural oils of wearere th . So important was the beaver to the economy of the North West that most trade items were calculate termn di madf so preparedr e(o ) beaver "made .On e beaver" at Ft. Simpson in the 1820s could procure a hatchet, two "made beaver" a fine knife or cap, three a blanket or flannel shirt, six to ten a second- hand gun, sixtee bluna e capot froca e( k overcoat with hood) twentd an , o yt twenty-five a new gun. Similarly, other pelts were also measured in "made beavers. . SimpsoFt t "A r instance nfo e madon , e beave o s wortt 1 wa r 1. h 2 lynx14.o t marten5 31 , 7. 9. muskrat1. o 2d t an , f coursO . standare eth f do trade by which these prices were derived could vary from year to year, from company to company, and even from post to post, depending on local conditions, markets, and the distance from York Factory or from Montreal. Furs were trade wida r dfo e rang goodsf eo . Powder, shot, guns, broad cloth, twind fisan r ehfo nets remaine mose dth t sought-after commodities throughout the history of the trade. Second in importance were brandy, hatchets, kettles, d tobaccoan , while combs, hats, beads d buttonan , s were usually leasn i t demand, although these rankings could also vary from post to post. The Indians always displayed a legitimate concern for the quality of the trade goods. Guns rarely lasted more than one or two years, and were sometimes faulty enough to explode on firing, causing permanent injury or death. There are also problems with the quality of cloth and with the sizes of such manufactured items as capotes. ...•;' ;•-- ,-,. A great deal has been written on the trade process itself. Abraham Rotstein s argueha tradr ds morfu thaewa e eth t tha exchangn na a f s itemseo wa t i ; complex series of ceremonies whose principal objectives were not only economic t socia politicabu ,d an l assertes wells ha a l e H .d thaprimare th t y motive behind Indian involvement in the trade was the creation and preservation of intricate alliance systems. Other historians like Arthur Ray have argued that trade was almost entirely an economic matter. Price and value, and individual relationships wit Indiae hth n trading captains relationshipr ,o s sometimes based on marriage alliances, were the critical factors in the evolution of the fur trade. Whil e precisth e e trade ceremony varied widely n eighteenth-centura , y account survive e eventth f t Yoro sa s k Factory. Several flotilla f canoeo s s assemble Factorye sighf th o f t o td ou , each captaine leadera y dvarioue b .Th s leaders then exchanged gifts with the Chief Factor, and in ceremonies that lasted two or three days, they made speeches and smoked the pipe. Only after these ceremonies were completed did the actual trade begin. The exchange of goods conductes wa d throug hwindoa "trade th wn i e room onl d Indiae "an y s on nwa permitte rooe timea th mt n da i , although their leade allowes rwa d behine dth trade window to ensure fair measure. Over the long term, it would appear that the fur trade was profitable. At least it has been assumed that an economic activity that survived over two hundred years must have been so. Careful examination has shown, however, that short- term profits were often illusory and that stable long-term credit was more important to survival in the trade. An analysis of the financing of the North West Company earle tradth yn e i nineteenth century clearly illustratee th s problems created by the ineffective accounting and weak credit systems of the winterer partnerships. All charges, including capital costs for such major items as buildings and boats and operating costs such as wages and supplies, were made against the year in which they occurred, simply because every year or "outfit sees separata s n"wa a e business venture. This contrasts with most com- mercial enterprises, which average capital costs over the expected "life" of the item in question in order to account for replacement or as an amortization of the costs Norte Th . h West Company practice create unrealistin da c picture th f eo profit yearr sfo whicn si h there wer capitaw efe l expenditures resulta s e .A ,th expectations of profits were generally too optimistic. At the same time, because l chargeal s were counted agains trade th t e yea whico rt h they applied coult i , d takoutfie accountmans e on er tradinyeara x th o y t si fivs r ya an r s fo eo n gso season to be "wound up." For example, statistics on goods traded would have to gatheree b d fro interioe mth Englise r postth d hsan market thed san n specifically attache propee th o dt r tradyear e timg th en .La e i mad systee eth m unworkable and the attempt to unravel the North West Company books eventually drove the accountants mad. From this perspective, the financial collapse of the North West Company was virtually inevitable, although it happened almost unknowingly. tradr fu ee systeTh m managethas wa Montreaf t o t dou l involved little real cash Montreae Th . l companies purchased trade goods from British suppliers wero turwh n ei n pai fursn di . Becaus oftet ei nthreo t too o ek tw year thosr sfo e furs to reach the European markets, the extension of credit by these suppliers was essential; in effect, this was nothing more than an elaboration of the credit system Wester e useth n di n interiowinterin e Indiae th th d y nrb an g tradere .Th real liabilit Montreae th f yo companyr fu l amoune th t , no thent s owewa ,e dth London supplier in cash, but rather a commitment to meet that debt in the "currency" f furso . Hudson'e Th Companyy sBa accounte th , whicf so h were kepmora n i t e traditional fashion, would appear to have operated on a thin profit margin throughout much of its history. A joint stock company, able to spread its liability ove numbera yearsf r o mor s wa , e effective tha limitee nth d partnershipe th f so North West Company, whic theorn hi y "woun accounts it " dup s with each out- tradr fio t e year Hudson'e .Th Company sBa y suffere longess dit t perioo n f do profit from 169 17100o t situatio,a n whic shareholdere hth s see mhavo t e toler- ated without complaint. Firm management practices were brought to the Company in 1712 by Sir Bibye Lake, Governor until 1743. During his tenure, profits range annuan d a r cen fron pe o tm 0 l 3 outla 1o 0t somf yo e £27,000. These were hardly the colossal profits suggested by the Company's opponents, t thebu y were certainly substantial enougCompane th r hfo continuo yt n ei operation t wasalln I .i l small,a ,al , reasonably successful business. competitios A n from Montreal increase lattee th eighteente n dri halth f fo h Frence th centur s a h d Revolutionaryan Napoleonid yan c wars interrupter dfu markets, new and potentially serious financial problems marked the Company's balance sheets. When Andrew Wedderburn, an established London business- man, took over the Company with his relatives in 1809, it was burdened with a £50,000 overdraft and little immediate prospect of being able to retire the debt. Wedderburn reorganize begacostst d poste dcu an o n.Th t s were compelleo dt increase their relianc locan eo l provisioning agriculturan a , l colon notes y(a d earlier) was to be introduced at Red River, and redundant personnel were to be eliminated. Although this helped retard the mounting debt, by 1820 the Company had been forced to stretch its credit to £75,000. This was somewhat offset by evidence that the inland posts were beginning to show profits. Ultimately Hudson'e ,th Company sBa y survived becaus Londos eit n Directors knew exactly where every poun s investereture th dwa d n dan tha t coule db expected on each of these pounds. Unlike the NWC, the HBC was a stable organization not liable to the expiration of any agreement among independent partners, able to tap extended credit, and able to survive long periods without the payment of dividends. It can thus be argued that it was the financial structure Compane ofth y rather than geography that determined succes failurr se o th n ei staple trade. If the North West Company entered the new concern of 1821 with any strengt becauss allt ha wa t ,i controllet ei dtrade cenr abouth t f pe ea to 8 t7 the peak of competition. It is unlikely that the debate over whether the Hudson's Bay Company took ove Norte rth h West Compan r viceyo versa will eve resolvede rb relae th t - ,bu tive merits of the various financial and accounting systems must become part of the argument. It seems safe to conclude, however, that in the merger the HBC London interests and the skilled HBC officers and NWC wintering partners in the West gained from the union, whereas the Montreal capitalists and the unskilled labourers lost. :;.;=, t ,>',•;„ Transportation Networks and Methods Transportatio single th s e largesnwa f t o cos e ttrader on incurre fu d e an , th n di the distinguishin traditionsgC feature casNW e d th f eo n san .I betweeC HB e nth the North West Company, "conveyance" made up fully one-half of its total operating r trad costs fu e succesey Th .conceran f so n was, therefore, often directly proportiona ingenuite th o t l t coulyi d harnes thiareae n si e on s Th . North West Company and its St. Lawrence predecessors had to create and maintain an extensive supply and transportation network, which started in Montrea ended lan d eitheAthabasce th n ri e a th Nort r Countrn fa i e r ho th f yo Columbia River basin flowing toward Pacifie sth c Ocean. The canot de maltre was used on the Montreal-to-Lake Superior route. It carried up to one hundred packs of ninety pounds each, a crew of ten, and several passengers fivo t etotap a u tonsr f ,fo lo . Usually thirty-five feet longp ,u feex si t wideo t aboud ,an t thirty inches deepmads wa bircf t e,i o h bar cedan ko r ribs sewn together with wattap (spruce tree roots). Because the canot de maltre was labour-intensiv operateo et required an , d constant replacement Norte ,th h West Company also made increasing use of large sailing vessels on the Great Lakes portio journee latth e f nth eo yeigtheentn i earld han y nineteenth century. The canot du nord was used for all travel from the western end of Lake Superior on into the interior. Twenty-four feet long, four feet wide, and eight inches deep, it was usually paddled by four to six men, and contained about thirty-fiv large th ef eo packs loadee Th . d canoe displaced about thirty-seven hundred pounds. Because canoes rarely lasted more than one or two seasons, approximately seventy were constructed each year. bees Itha n argued tha Norte tth h West Compan distinca t a s ty wa disadvan - tage in the fur trade rivalry because of the long distances from Montreal. Indeed, companieso tw afte enterprisunioe e w th th r ne f ne o ,th e only use Montreae dth l rout o convet e y passenger d mailan s , thus supportin e e claimth th g n I . amalgamated company, goods and furs were shipped in the HBC tradition via York Factor Hudson y o 1840se andy th y nBa b , , throug . PaulhSt , Minnesota, rather than along the Great Lakes-St. Lawrence route. It could be argued, of course, that this later route technologiew , usinne e gsteae th th mf so shid pan locomotive, was merely the Montreal route revamped. It also opened the door, as wil seene lb freo ,t e trader challeng o smonopolt C HB West e e th e th n yi , just as the NWC had done earlier. Since the Hudson's Bay Company used the rivers that flowed into Hudson Ba theis ya r interior transportation network, geography dictated that they could to canoee th t rel therr n no yo fo , e wer birco en h Bayside e treeth t sa . Thers ewa also in that area no tradition of canoe building nor experienced paddlers among nearbe th y native groups differen.A t solutio requireds n wa 1780e th y shals.a B - low draught, dory-like vessel, later called the York Boat, had been introduced. It was particularly effective under sail on large bodies of water, and it was not susceptible to ice damage. It was, nevertheless, very heavy and extremely cumbersome to portage. Poplar logs often had to be used as rollers to move the boats over land e boatTh . s tende o vardt sizen t yi the bu ,y usualla d yha twenty-eight foot keel werd an , e capabl hundree carryinf eo on o t d p dgan u twenty packs each weighing one hundred pounds. They were manned by a nine member crew, and carried three or four passengers plus provisions. Built of softwoods, these boats also lasted no more than two or three years. Although the boats were used well into the last decades of the nineteenth century, their eventuasignales wa d 1859-6dn len i 0 whe firse nth t river steamboat nsonA e ,th Northup, Riverd appeareRe e . th n do Technological innovatio transportation i n demonstrate ingenuite dth f yo enterpriser fu e th adaptinn si g their far-flung operation harsa o st h landd An . whil transportatioe eth n networ Lawrence. "Empire St th e f ko th f eo " probably overextende resourcee dth NWCe emphasizd th f di s o t ,i east-wese eth t unitf yo the country. The general pattern set by the Montreal canoe routes and fur trade posts was later repeated by railroads, highways, airlines, and telecommuni- cations systems d thu an centras ,i s o understandint l nation'e gth s historical development. • \) Social Dimensions and Labour Structures fue r Th Canadiatrade th f eo n West, vereves it yn i earl y years, require dwora k force comprising hundred employeesf so wels ,a mans a l y indigenous families, India mixed nan d blood mako t , e clothing, moccasins snowshoesd ,an o t d an , construct and man boats, canoes, carts, and buildings. The fur traders themselves married, had families, and over time created a new way of life unique to the North West. While historians disagree ove precise rth e natur societe th f eo y that emerged, they do agree that both the Hudson's Bay Company and the North West Company evolved their own social and labour structures. The important contribution of natives and Metis to these structures will be examined separately. Historian Jennifer Brown describes the North West Company as a series of Anglo-Scots partnerships based on close personal and family associations. Within these partnerships, there was some opportunity for advancement, but a clear line divided the senior partners or "bourgeois" from the French-Canadian labourer r "voyageurs.o s n 180I " e Nort4th h West Company employed 839 people: 45 bourgeois, 76 clerks, 45 interpreters, 16 guides, and 657 voyageurs. The partnership structure of course evolved over time, but it was also true 11 that a number of the important bourgeois were related to Simon McTavish, who in 1779 joined the first major coalition of business interests that would eventually become the North West Company. His successors, the brothers William and Duncan McGillivray, were also his nephews. Close family ties between bourgeois in Montreal and the winterers who represented the Company's interest e interioth n i s r ensure da unit f purposeo y . Alexander Mackenzie, Simon Fraser, Angus Shaw othed an , r famous Nor'Westers were also all related through marriage. The importance of the Scottish connection becomes clear when it is considered that of the 128 senior fur trade figures from Scottis176a d 1800o 0t ha 7 h7 ,background . What set the bourgeois and clerks apart from the voyageurs was not only their Scots heritag kinshid ean p ties t theibu , r lifestyle, which eighteent e eveth n ni h nineteentd an h century manage reaco dt h luxuriou eved san n profligate levels. When one of the bourgeois travelled in the interior, he did so in absolute com- fort, often accompanie servantsy db favorits wels hi a , s a l e food wined san n I . 178 7numbea senioe th f ro traders forme Beavee dth r Club restricted ,an s dit membership to those who had wintered in the interior. All such traders actually in Montreal and able to attend were required to be present. The fare included such esoteric Westeriteme th f so n interio roass ra t beave pemmicand ran , sup- plemente quantitiey db finese th f sto wine spiritsd san excellenn .A t description of such a session was given by the bourgeois, George Landmann: In those days we dined at four o'clock, and after taking a satisfactory quantit winef yo , perhap bottlsa e each marriee ,th d men... retired, leaving abou dozea t drino nt theio kt begarw health no n ni e ,;W . right earnest and true highland style, and by four o'clock in the morning, the whole of us had arrived at such a state of perfection, that we could all give the war-whoop as well as Mackenzie and McGillivray, we could all sing admirably, we could all drink like '' l thoughal e coule fishesw w td d an , table dancth en eo withou t '•''

disturbin gsingla e decanter, glas plate...r so discoveree W . d that i t completa s wa e delusion.. brokplatee e w th l d esal .glasan s bottles, '*' : antable dth e also.... Apparently, such revelry was also evident at the annual summer meetings between the wintering and Montreal partners at Ft. William, where dinner was greae helth n td i hal l which could accommodate ovehundredo rtw thesn O . e occasions, however, everyon e companth n i e y participated from guido t e partner, although the partners did dine from the formal head table set with the best crysta chind an l a while overlookin trestle gth e tablelowee th f sro orders. voyageure Th smose werth r t eparfo t French Canadian , increasinglysor f o , French-Cree extraction. Whil route n fror e e interioo e mo th t r cleathera s rewa social hierarch canoese th n yi . Eac mannes h wa foremana y db steersmana , ,

12 severad an l middlemen. Withi canoe n th forema e controln eth i s nwa . Every four or six canoes had a "guide," or pilot, who had authority over the entire brigade. Those voyageur paddleo swh Montreal-Fte dth . William route were known as "pork eaters," those who paddled the interior waterways, hommesdu nord. The considerable difference in status between a homme du nord and "pork eater" was reflected in their pay. In the early 1800s, for example, steersmen on the Montreal route received only slightly more than one-half the pay of their Western counterparts. Each voyageur also received appropriate provisions, but these were charge theio dt r account. Since generallthis swa deficitn yi lifa ,f eo perpetual servitud almoss ewa t ensured combativenese th s .A Montreae th f so l fur trade ended voyageurse th , ' wages inevitably slumped. The Hudson's Bay Company work and social structure was different in several important ways. For instance, until 1810, the officers did not share in the proceeds of the Company's profits. The "Chief Factor," who was responsible for the operation of a major post and its trading hinterland, reported directly to a "Governor," who was in turn responsible to the London Committee. At the bayside earlpostse th yn i , eighteenth century Chiee th , f Factors ship'e th r so , captains when in port, were invested with absolute authority. They were advised by a council of officers, which generally included the senior craftsmen and the sloopmaster. The skilled craftsmen at the post included shipwrights, carpenters, coopers, masons, and blacksmiths, all of whom were generally engaged under three five-yeao t - r contracts. Internally poste th , s were organized very much along paternalistic familia householr o l d lines, tempere understandable th y db e militar navad yan l consideration oversean a f so s trading operation. By the early nineteenth century, about 80 per cent of the British labour force in the HBC had been recruited in Scotland's northern Orkney Islands. Virtually l weral e drawn fro e middlmth d lowean e r rank f rurao s l parishese Th . Orkneymen received a minimum annual wage of £6, plus room, board, and clothing as labourers, and as much as £20 to £30 plus room, board, and clothing for more complex occupations suc boas ha t building. Ver workew e yfe th n di fur trade for a lifetime. Most served for eight years or less, and managed to save majorite th f theio y r incomes fara r mfo back home. Opportunitiee th r fo s Orkneyme fue r th mov trado nn t i p eu hierarchy wer great eno begio t n with, d probablan y decline e nineteentth s a d h century wor . Ironicallyon e e th , Orkneymen acquire undeserven da d reputatio beinr nfo g unreliabl somed ean - what less than diligent. As union with the North West Company became inevitable Compane th , y mad efforn ea decreaso t t e their number tradee th n si . Jennifer Brown has argued that in the pre-union Hudson's Bay Company, officer recruitment was less influenced by blood connections and ethnicity than in the North West Company. At least in the early eighteenth century, it was possible for men to rise to officer status through the ranks. By the end of the century, however, the Company's need for white collar labour had forced it to

13 recruit directly in Britain for clerks and writers. Such a corporate solution reduced the chance of promotion through the ranks. Like all male organizations in one measure or another, personal friendships between officers and subordi- nates had a great deal to do with the rise of an individual through the system. Within the Hudson's Bay Company, then, work connections rather than social clas r familo s y connection were more important consideration upwarn i s d mobility.

equalln A y important evolutioe factoth tradr n i rfu f ene o societ th s ywa extensive networ f servanko t families that derived fro distinctive mth e North West Compan Hudson'd yan Company sBa y traditions 1800y B .Norte th , h West Company alone was responsible for the feeding of twelve to fifteen hundred native women and children. At the Bayside, in defiance of Hudson's Bay Company's stringent policy against cohabitation, the officers, and probably a significant number of labourers, rather rapidly established marriage alliances wit daughtere hth prominenf so t Indian leaders. Indian wives were vital help- mates whose presence not only cemented alliances, but who undertook the chore snowshoe-makingf so , hide preparation sewingd an , occasion O . n they also acted as guides and translators. There is some evidence to suggest that before 180 0eve n multiplsomd officerC nme ha ed HB san e wives, althouge hth fur traders from Montreal rarel mord yha e than one. Marriages were solemnized with much ceremony by the chief officer, according to the custom of the country (a lafa^on dupays dur o nord). Indiae Th n practic seriaf eo l marriage, whicn hi th eNor'Westere casth f eo s could mean "turnin f wivegof s upon retiremeno t Canada, did exist, but became less and less prevalent as the European influence expanded towards the latter part of the nineteenth century.

Fur traders made every effort to have their mixed blood children marry well. late eTh eighteent nineteentd han h centurie significana w ssa t increase th n ei number of mixed blood marriages between fur trading families. Sylvia Van Kirk otherd an s convincingly argue that these growing ties wer foundatioe eth r nfo the unique society that emerge Wese th n dti before 1870.

Such mixed blood marriage t theisme r first serious challenge earle th yn si nineteenth century. The private life of George Simpson, Governor of Rupert's

Land, illustrate changee th s s that particulary affected mixed blood women. >x Simpson's marriage to his British cousin, after two liaisons with native women a lafaQon dupays, set the tone for a number of senior fur trade marriages. In 1821 I he had "married" Betsey Sinclair, the mixed blood daughter of a former Company officer 1822n I . borndaughterd a , ha afte m e ehi sh r askee ,h dfriena d to arrange for someone else to care for her. Later, in 1825, he took up with Margaret Taylor, the sister of his personal servant, but after two more children h1830n i e "turne f orden ,i of r marro t rd he whits yhi e cousin.

14 latBe yth e 1820s statue ,th thesf so e country wive beed sha n further exacer- missionariew e arrivabateth ne f y o db l d theian s r white wives generaA . l questioning of the social acceptability of mixed marriages a lafaqon du pays ensued. The social and racial struggle between white and mixed blood eventually reache dclimaRivera d fu f sociaRe e o r n x,th tradi b lhu e society, wherea concentration of mixed bloods had settled. In 1850, the tensions culminated in unpleasann a sensationad an t l lawsuit. Sarah Ballenden mixee th , d blood wife of Chief Factor John Ballenden rumoures wa , havine b o dt affain ga r witha retired army officer, Captain Foss. Whitew womesa d River o Re wh n ,ni themselve keepere community'th e s th s a f so s morals, banished Mrs. Ballenden from their company. Because he had been implicated, Captain Foss sued for defamation and won, but this "strife of blood" was to have long-term reper- cussions vere th yt least.A exaggeratet ,i tensione dth s between whit mixed ean d blood and added to the increasing instability of the fur trade society. It would be a mistake to assume that most of the traders' offspring became integrated into Company society majorite Baysidee Th . th t a yr example fo , , joined their mother's Indian family and eventually formed the basis of the "homeguard. homeguare th s wa t "I d native liveo swh d aroun poste d th san handled much of the provisioning. They also served as a source of casual labour becamd an ecriticaa l componen tradine th f to g structure. Similarly childree ,th n Indiae ofth n wome voyageurd nan southere th n so n plains forme nucleue dth s of what would become the Metis peoples. While some attached themselves to the posts like the homeguards, others formed semi-nomadic communities at such place Buffals sa o Lake which were strategically locate buffale th r dfo o hunt, and where they came to control the production and distribution of pemmican. traderr fu theid e san Th r families lived their lives aroun fixee dth d posts, which varied from the unique but unbearably cold stone fort at Churchill to the more functional wooden structures at York Factory or Ft. William, to the single log shelter of the pedlar. Usually these establishments were contained within pallisaded walls, which frequently collapsed fro mlargee rotth t r.A posts, especially in the nineteenth century, there would be a "big house" for the senior traders and their families, the clerks' quarters, a men's house, and various warehouses. Despite their military character these r factorie forto s— s (places where Factors traded) — were rarely used for defence. Indeed, many of the I industrial buildings were outsid wallse eth . While for t s generalllifwa e y structure disciplinedd dan men'e th , s houses 1 were incredibly untidy even by the standard of the day. The yards with their numerous dog garbagd san e wer cacophonyea . Furnitur cruds simpled ewa ean . By contrast, the interior of the big houses were dressed with the best that British civilization could offer. There were excellent librarie . CarryFt . t a sFt , Chipewyan Yord ,an k grandee Factoryth t a d r post,an spianoforta e might grace parloure th .

H Agricultur horticulturd ean e were also practise limitea n do d scale, with gardens, fields, livestock, and barns being the norm, especially in the nineteenth century . EdmontonFt . exampler fo , s welwa ,l know fields it horsed r san n fo - racing track. Agricultural succes limites swa d however eved Rived an ,n Re r never manage sustaio dt n itself withou buffale th t o hunt.

Native People and the Fur Trade Historians and anthropologists have debated the degree to which the Indians directe benefitter do degree tradth r d d fu frowhico et e an mth h they became captives within an inevitable process of cultural erosion. It has been argued by some scholars that European technologies and the demand for furs caused permanent alteratio labouo t n r structure d Indiaan s n cultural habits. Some would further assert that the end result was a dangerous and unwarranted dependency upon European commodities that destroyed native self-sufficiency soon after first contact. acquisitione Th , quantity consumptiod an , tradf no e goods playe dsignifia - cant role in changing the nature of native societies. Metal implements, European weaponry textiled an , s soon became necessities rather than luxurie thoso st e tribes closest to white contact. Not infrequently, the natives involved in direct trade wit companiee hth actinr so intermediaries ga distann si t trading networks did not procure sufficient pelts to acquire the goods that they now perceived as vita theio t l r existence responsen I . companiee th , r independenso t traders sa noted before initiate dcredia t system, often helping their native trading partners accumulato t stupendouo es debsa impossibls t thawa t ti retireo et . There were sideo thitw hando e st straderson e systeme th , th n ' O .persona l debt structure could escalate beyond reasonable proportions itself posing either personal bankruptcy or, for the company servants, severe reprimands or possibly dis- engagement fro servicee othee mth th rn handO . herd an ,e delicat a ther s ewa e balanc maintaino et tradea , refuseo rwh exteno dt d credit riskes loshi e f dth so native contacts to those who would. Ultimately, it seemed that from the traders vantage point, a manageable level of native indebtedness was an appropriate "social control" techniqu creato et ebona dependencf do y betwee nativs nhi e suppliers and himself — a socio-economic structure that might have paved the inepe th r t fo handlin y wa f Indiago n affairs durin latee gth r settlement period. coursef O , these bonds wer uniformt eno . They varied fro native mon e grouo pt another, dependin eacn go h band's geographical position, alliance systemsd ,an relianc European eo n good dails sa y necessitie opposes sa rejectabldo t e luxuries. The Indians of the Western interior, particularly the Cree, rapidly adapted to seventeentd mi tradee e th th n .I h century, durin perioe gth firsf do t contacte ,th Cree inhabite Canadiae dth n Shield, possibl Pase Westoday'r n i ,Th fa s s yta a s Manitoba Bayside th t A . e posts, they traded thein increasinglfurd an sow r y acted as intermediaries for the natives further off in the interior. Then, as the

16 French explorers and traders moved deeper into the West, the Cree attempted to preserve their position by also moving westward. In the late 1700s, they numbered about three thousand in the Western interior, but were reduced to about sixteen hundred by the tragic measles epidemic of 1819. In order to maintain their position of dominance, the Cree were forced to ally themselves wit Assiniboinee hth moste th , numerou southere th f so n plains people. Their joint alliance against the Blackfoot Confederacy lasted until the middle of the nineteenth century and dominated the early political economy of the fur trade, even after the 1839 smallpox epidemic had altered the character of the alliance. After the Assiniboine had been ravaged by that epidemic, their territory shrank considerably. The Plains Cree, however, had by this time been vaccinated against the disease and expanded into the vacated Assiniboine lands. By the 1860s they numbered approximately ten thousand and their influence extended over much of the central plains. The south-western plains of the interior were the territory of the Blackfoot Confederacy, which included a population of some nine thousand at the beginning of the nineteenth century. The Confederacy included the Piegan, the Blood, and the Blackfeet (who gave their name to the Confederacy), their allies the Sarcee untid an , l 186 Groe 1th s Venires. They traded wit e Cree th hth t ea junction of the North and South Saskatchewan Rivers near present day Prince Albert, but since they were buffalo hunters their reliance on the fur trade was always marginal. Nevertheless t withou no trade s th ,impact s ewa it t , since they also traded pack horses, pemmican peltsx buffal,d fo wol ,an d fan o hidee th o st HBC, along with pelts obtained from raids on American traders to the south. The trade probably tended to increase the power of the Blackfoot Chiefs, since the Company recognized them as leaders in the trade ceremonies. And the trade perhaps influence e incidencth d f polygamyeo , since wives wer f criticaeo l importanc processine th n ei f buffalgo o hides. Athapaskae Th n people inhabite aree dth a Cree nort wesd th ef an h to along Churchille th . Their numbers include Haree dth , Dogribs, Slaveys, Beaverd ,an Chipewyan. They were a people who favoured the forest and the river rather tha tundre nth Athapaskane r plainstradr th ao fu impace n e o Th .th f o t s si worth noting. Direct contact began with the American pedlar, Peter Pond, when he established the first trading post in the area in 1778. During the first nineteente halth f fo h century Athapaskanse th , ' basic cultural patterns seemed havo t e been retained singlo .N e dimensio trade becomd th f eha no e important enough to alter existing cultural patterns, and the people generally remained uncommitted to the European trade system. Few of them actually made trips to earle th yn i fort1800e d grouth e an , son p faile yearappeao o d t row a tw n sr i ,rfo even thoug livet hi d onldayo ytw s away t somYe . e change occud sdi r among Athapaskanse th accentuaten gu e .Th feast-and-famine dth e cycle, causing them to disperse further throughout their hunting areas. This probably tended to

17 exaggerate tensions between various families and groups as might the increasing tendency toward specialization. Entire families were employed at gathering fish or hunting caribou for the fur posts, and thus began to gather frequently at the mea fisd han t camps nearby attractioe Th . f medicano l assistance durine gth epidemics of the nineteenth century would likely have had the same centripedal effect. In the end, however, the Athapaskans remained devoted to hunting and trapping, whil trade eth e remaine dsecondara y pursuit. The Assiniboine, like the Blackfoot, did not become entirely dependent upon the trade for their existence. They tended to trade for luxuries like alcohol and tobacco, or for a few unavoidable essentials such as ammunition. The Cree, however, were reputed to be almost totally dependent. As early as 1801 Daniel Harmon, a well known fur trader, noted of the Cree: Indiane Th thin si s quarter have bee lono ns g accustomee us o dt European goods, that it would be with difficulty that they could now obtain a livelihood without them. Especially do they need fire arms, with which to kill their game, and axes, kettles, knives, etc. They have almos bowf o arrows d e stan us losthed e t;th an y would fin nearlt di y impossibl theit cu ro et woo d with implements made of ston boner eo . A cycle of dependence was thus begun that, with the decline of the fur trade in the later 1800s, would find its focus shifting from the Company to the missions and ultimately to the Canadian government. Unfortunately, it was a cycle that these agencies were unabl unwillinr eo breao gt thu d thae kan s on t continueo st the present day.

MetisThe mixee Th d blood communitie Westere th f so n interior importano ,s alreads ta y seen to so many aspects of the fur trade, have too often been regarded as one group wit hsingla e identity situatioe .Th mor r fa s nei complex eighteente th n .I h century, the Indian women around the Bayside factories often mated with the Company's servant bord san e their children. Their mixed blood progeny, except for those who identified with their European fathers, were usually absorbed into their mother's familie foro st homeguare mth d Cree difficuls i t .I determino t t e whether English-speaking "half breeds," perhaps best identifie Hudsoe th s da n Ba becomt yno Englishd di e o absorbewh , homeguars da d Cree actually devel- oped an identity of their own. After the founding of Selkirk's Red River Colony in 1812, and later with the union of the two companies and the appearance of discharge retired dan d servant settlemente th n si opportunite ,th y aros sucr efo h peopl foro et muniqua e English-speaking mixed blood community. Becausf eo their association wit e Companyhth e Hudsoth , Englisy nBa notd r hdi ,fo example, side wit oppositioe Metie th hth n e foundini s th o nt f Selkirk'go s

18 settlement. They were a people "in between," not certain of whether they were Indian, British Metisr ,o . criseresulYete a s th a ,f sto withi settlemene nth e th n ti 1860 theilargeld n san row y Protestant heritage, those Hudso Englisy nBa n hi Rived Re r increasingly identified with their European ancestry. Many others, however, who had moved to the interior or already lived there, such as Charles Pratt, the Church Missionary Society catechist, and his entire family, joined various Indian band eventualld san y moved onto reserves with them.

Metise Th contrasty b , , were mixed blood resulting from union f Creeso women with the North West Company's French-Canadian voyageurs or with the NWC's Scottish bourgeois, although unions with Ojibwa Chipewyad yan n women also occurred. As a result, the Metis were Roman Catholic and Cree- or French-speaking earls A . s 1812-14ya Metie th , s numbered several thousand. They lived a semi-nomadic existence, ranging across the plains with settlement at such places as Buffalo Lake, Ft. Carlton, Ft. Edmonton, Rocky Mountain House, and of course Red River. ,'it e mosTh t famouearle th yf o sMeti s Cuthberswa t Gran f Whito t e Horse Plain. Grant's father Nor'Westera , . Chipewyabeed Ft t ha ,n a 1789n ni d an , lates wa r place charg n dNorte i th f eho West Company' sUppee postth n sro Assiniboine. Here Grant was born of an Indian mother. When his father died, Cuthbert was sent away for his education, first to Montreal and then to Scotland. returnee H Northwese th o dt 1812n i t , jus Selkirs ta establishins kwa w ne e gth settlement at Red River. It was Grant's leadership of the fight against the colony that precipitate dcoalitioa sentimenf no t amon Metie gth s thaoftes ha t n been seen, along wit Riee hth l Resistanc Northwese f 186th eo d 9an t Rebelliof no 1885 fosterins ,a securind gan gMetia s sens nationhoodf eo . Whe becamt ni e clear that, despit destructioe eth Governof no r Semple's part t Seveya n Oaks, their oppositio failedd nha , Grant persuade Metie dth settlo st riven eo r lots along the Assiniboine near the White Horse Plain and along the banks of the Red, south of the Assiniboine. (The English-speaking settlements were a few miles to the north.) Settled or not, the Metis economy centred on the buffalo hunt. To ensure a steady supply of pemmica staplthe neas provisio furthe tradenof companie,the s strategicalld ha y established trading house maie th n si bison regions firse th t n .I decade nineteente th f so h century exampler ,fo Norte ,th h West Company alone required approximately forty to sixty thousand pounds of pemmican each year. The demands of the amalgamated Company after 1821 increased dramatically, reaching approximatel e hundreyon d thousand pound n 184i s aboud 0an t double that in 1870. The Metis also supplied much of the buffalo meat required by the Red River settlement, which at even a conservative estimate would have been abou millioo ttw n pound year s183pe n r i abou d 0an t eight million pounds >n 1870.

19 Writing in the mid 1850s, Alexander Ross, the Red River historian, provides perhaps the best description of the Red River hunt, which was the largest on the plains: Imagine four hundred horsemen entering at full speed a herd of some thousand buffalof so rapin i l dal , motion. Rider cloudn si f so dusvolumed an t f smokeso , which darke aire nth , crossind gan re-crossing each othe evern ri y directio e righte shot] th nth [, n n ,o s o left, behind, before, here, there, two, thredozea ] timea e[, t na , everywhere in close succession, at the same moment. Horses stumbling, riders falling, dead and wounded animals tumbling here and there, one over the other; and this zig zag and bewildering melee continued for hours or more together in wild confusion. , t Despite this apparent chaos hunte th , s themselves were conducte struca n di - tured and orderly fashion by the captain of the hunt. So critical were the hunts tha tRived one-thirRe re Metith f do s participated afternooe on n I . 1849n ni , 1,776 cows were killed, yielding 1,213 bale drief so d meat, 166 t sackfa f so (200 Ibs bladder6 . each)55 d marrof ,an s o w (12 Ibs. each) numbee .Th cartf ro s involved in the hunt increased from 540 in 1820 to 1,210 in 1840. lifestyle Th sociabilitd ean Metise th f yo , especially durin heydae ge th th f yo fur trade from 1821 to 1860, generated much folklore. Unlike their European progenitors, they wer wort eno k oriente livt work o eno thet dthinge d — ydi .Th s that were of utmost importance were their kin, their social life, and those things that allowed one to excel in the hunt — guns and horses. Most "squatted" on their long, narrow river lots, rather than bothering to take out a formal land title, thed t littlan ypu e tim agriculturen ei , except perhap acreplano w st fe f so a t barley and a patch of potatoes. The Metis bjiilt wooden homes using the Quebec post-on-sill method revieA . theif wo r incom expenditured ean s would suggest that they took considerable prid thein ei r clothing. Meti couln sgenerallme e db y foun blua n di e cloth capote with bras sblacd buttonsan kd flannere a , l shirt which also served as a waist-coat, buff-leather moccasins, an "assumption sash" around the waist, and trousers of brown and white homespun. Women dressed more conservativel dara n yi k shir dressr to , moccasins shawa d coveo ,an lt e rth head. e Meti themselveTh w ssa mors a s e than mere buffalo hunter provid an s - sioners. By the 1840s they were agitating with considerable militancy for the right to conduct their own fur trade, despite the HBC monopoly rights, and to act as independent freighters. They were strongly encouraged in this by the Catholic clergy. In 1849 the Hudson's Bay Company in its last major effort to enforc exclusivite eth s 167it f 0yo charter arreste dMetisa , Guillaume Sayer, charged an witm dhi h traffickin Rived Re fursrn e gi cour Th . t foun guiltm dhi y but, under considerable duress from a band of armed Metis, recommended 20 mercy e ChieTh . f Factor followe droppiny db l othegal r charges. From that fue effecrtimth n tradi , s eon t larg a ewa free d ean , numbe Rived Re f rr o Meti s began to trade and freight on their own account, taking advantage of the new transportation facilities throug south e Pau. th h St o shoult lt . I rememberede db , however, that the Company remained the overwhelming economic presence in the region and continued to act as the principal employer. After 185 0smala l Metis merchant class develope Rived provided Re rdn an i d leadershi communitye th r pfo . Louis Riel' searln fathea s y membewa r thaf ro t various hi elitd esan business enterprises were symboli vitalite e th th f co f yo Metis interests. It was this small and tightly knit elite who, along with the Catholic clergy, influenced the local exercise of authority, and continued to encourage the successful opposition to the Company's monopoly, which led in turn to the final collapse of the fur trade system that had dominated the interior for nearl centurieso ytw .

MissionaryThe Challenge In addition to these internal social and economic pressures in the West, external factors were injected int regioe oth n that also undermine e orded th ol f e ro dth fur trade. Political and economic concerns in Britain, expansionists in land-hungry Upper Canada lated ,an r politician Wese th Ottaw n s si ta w sa l aal goldea n fiel opportunityf do tradr whicn i ,fu e hwoulth pushee db d asido et accommodate their own ambitions. Foreshadowing this challenge and first on scene th e wer Christiae eth n missionaries, whose external ideas soon influenced internae th l dynamic Westerf so n society. With the arrival of the Roman Catholic Church in 1818, the Church of Englan e Methodist th n 1820i d d an , n 1840i s e missionarth , y becamn ea important social force in the interior and a catalyst in the decline of the fur trade. In opposin tradee g th missionarie e ,th s actively worked towar abolitios dit d nan for its replacement by agriculture. The fur trader for his part consistently opposed the missionary. In the end Simpson only allowed them into Rupert's Land becaus f theieo r influenc e Britisth n i eh parliament, wher egrowina g concer indigenour nfo s peoples everywher Empire th n ei e force attitudn da f eo diplomatic concession on the Company. Initially, Simpson hoped to contain the Catholic, Anglican, and other Protestant missionaries within the settlement at d RiverRe . The 1840n ni Methodistse th , appeareo wh , d least antagonistic toward the Company's trade, were permitted to establish a station at Rossville near Norway House. It was there that the Rev. James Evans perfected a Cree syllabic alphabet, which is still in use today. Much to the Company's annoyance, he also fomente degreda labouf eo r unrest abou brutae th t l conditione th n so River-Yord Re k Factory boat brigades t Simpson'A . s connivance Evans swa recalle 1846n di .

21 Yet the dam had been breached. The pressure to establish agricultural mission settlements in the interior of Rupert's Land could not now be resisted. Soon the Catholic Anglicand san stationd sha s throughou Westere th t n Interiore th n I . 1840s and 1850s, successful settlements ranging from a handful to a hundred Indian or mixed blood families were established at such sites as St. Peter's (Red River), Rossville (Norway House), Stanley (Churchill River), Pigeon Lake (central Alberta), Prince Albert (central Saskatchewan) . VictoriFt , a (east centra (northers lPa Alberta) e Th nd Manitoba)an , . l missionarieal t No s encouraged settlement with equal vigour. While eth Methodist mosd san t Anglicans believed that settlement mus startee b t d dan agriculture learned before Christianity coul e taughb d t wity successan h , Presbyterians and Catholics believed that if there was resistance to the plough, Christianity could be taught in any case. Nevertheless, missionaries invariably encouraged agriculture witt ,bu h minimal success, give soie nth l conditionse ,th unsuitable planting varieties, early frosts, and a decided lack of markets. Where settlements flourishe Rossvillet a s da onl,o s the yd ybecausdi employe th f eo - ment opportunities offered by the fur trade. Even Simpson realized that the concentration of native labour at the various posts, which the missionary influence had helped stabilize, could be of benefit to the Company. e agriculturaTh l settlements probably accentuate e cyclth df nativo e e dependenc commoa s trader fu wa et e I .nbrough th beliey b n f o tamon g missionaries that agriculture failed largely becaus Indiaf eo n inferiority rather than becaus f climatieo r soico l conditions. Despite mounting frustrations, exacer- bated by their own ignorance of Western agricultural requirements, the missionaries continually provide supplie w t anothedne ye r sfo r try. Whee nth fur trade collapsed in the late 1860s and early 1870s, the missionaries continued provido t e their habitual assistance. By encouraging agricultural settlement essentiallthas twa y antitheticae th o lt wide-open nomadibuffale tradth r d fu spreadinoy e an c b hun th lif d f eo an t g socia d moraan l l values that fragmente e communityth d e missionarieth , s increased the collective tension in Red River and thus hastened the end of the orderd ol .

Conclusion e pressureTh s which brough collapse th Westere th n o tf eo tradr nfu e were irresistible firse th nineteent e t n hal.th I f fo h century replace s beavee ,th wa t rha d with silk. Although the trade remained viable as new uses were found for fur, it made the trade marginally less profitable in an era when the Hudson's Bay Company and independent free traders were again in serious competition. More importantly, fro e 1850'mth s onwar inevitabls wa t di e that settlement would emerge to press the trade deeper and deeper into the Canadian Shield

22 furthed an furthed an r r fro centree mth populatiof so commercd nan e that were being develope southe threath e n di . Th manifesf to t destiny from Unitea d States looking to expand northward on the prairies prompted a greater interest in the Western interio boty b r h imperial politician Britain si westerd nan n expansionists in her Canadian colonies. It was therefore becoming increasingly obvious that the fur trade and its financial and social structures were marking time — and that they lacked the strength and internal cohesion to resist these other interests soon to dominate the West. purchase Th Hudson'e th f eo Compan y sBa Internationae 186n yth i y 2b l Financial Associatio interestn n witow s hit settlementn si railroad an , d dan telegraph development salmucs e ,a Rupert'f th e o s ha s Dominioe Lanth o dt n of Canada in 1869-70, marked the end of an economic and social system that had been underpinned by the fur trade. The inhabitants of Rupert's Land were not consulted over their destiny and objected strenuously enough to draw Imperial provisionaRived troopw Re ne ous o t re o st th t l Metis government under Louis Riel. But the end had been inevitable for some time. Yet, although the course of fur trade history was often determined from the metropolis, whether Londo Montrealr no uniqu,a e societ beed yha n formen di Rupert's Land and that society, with all of its diverse subcomponents, possessed sufficient vitalit f characteyo affeco t r t politics, society idead an ,Wester n si n Canada even now.

23 SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING

lase Inth t fifteen tradr years becoms fu e ha th , subjecscholarle w eth ne f o t y insights. The pre-1970 volumes which continue to survive as landmark works e A.Sar . Morton e Historye Canadianth Th , f o West o 1870t (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1939); E.E. Rich, The Hudson's Bay Company, three volumes. (Toronto: McClellan Stewartd dan , cours1960)f o d e;an H.A. Innis, The Fur Trade in Canada (Yale University Press, 1930, and reprinted in several editions since) bese .Th t brie unevef fi n synthesis remains E.E. Riche Th , Fur Trade and the Northwest to 185 7 (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1967). Of these early scholars greatese th d , Inniha t s impacsha Canadian o t n his- toriography tradr , althougfu en o studies t hno r trad Fu . e historians havt eno used Innis' staple thesis as a theoretical framework and have instead proceeded in their respective isolated directions. Thi s beesha n pointeAdriay b t dou n Tanner in "The End of Fur Trade History," Queen's Quarterly (Spring 1983), pp. 176-91. Neither A.S. Morton nor E.E. Rich constructed their work on the foundatio staple th f eno thesis. Indeed, L.G. Thomas influences ha o ,wh d many of today's fur trade historians, has pointed out in his introduction to the reprint of A.S. Morion's volume that Morton had no overriding historiographical approach, althoug attempd di e h t reinterpretation f suco s h individuals a s Selkirk and LaVerendrye. Rich for his part saw the development of the West in imperial terms and was most concerned about the politics of trade in the context of international relations. Recently there have bee excelleno ntw t survey fue rth tradf so e period: Daniel Francis , e West:Battle Birthth r e Traders th r Fu f Western o d fo an Canada (Edmonton: Hurtig Publishers, 1982) Glyndwd ;an r Williams, "The Hudson's Bay Company and the Fur Trade: 1670-1870," The Beaver (Autumn 1983). Both are highly recommended in that they attempt to encompass all of the recent research in a readable form. In recent years ther bees eha nparticulaa r concentratioe rolth e f th eo n no Indian in the fur trade. The best such work has been by Arthur Ray. Of particular importance, although the vere yar y difficult reading Indianss hi e e th ,ar n i Trader Fu 1660-1870 (Toronto: Universit Torontf yo o Press, 1974) witd ;an h Donald B. Freeman, Give us Good Measure: An Economic Analysis of Relations Between Hudson'sIndianse e th th d Companyy an Ba Before 1763 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1978). Daniel Francis and Toby Morantz, Partners in Furs: A History of the Fur Trade in Eastern James Bay 1600-1870 (Kingston and Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1983); and Shephard Krech III, The Subarctic Fur Trade: Native Social Economic Adaptations (Vancouver: Universit f Britisyo h Columbia Press, 1984 usefue ar ) l accounts e introTh . - ductory chapters in Gerald Friesen, The Canadian Prairies: A History

24 (Toronto: Universit Torontf yo o Press, 1985 alse ar )o excellent summarief so the impact of the trade on the native populations of the plains.

Major attention has recently been devoted to the social history of the trade. principae Th l volume Sylvie sKirk'ar n aVa s Many Tender Ties: Womenr Fu n i Trade Society in Western Canada 1670-1870 (Winnipeg: Watson & Dwyer, 1980); and Jennifer S.H. Brown, Strangers in Blood: Fur Trade Company Families in the Indian Country (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1980) goo.A d indicatio variouf no s other work being don laboun eo d ran social history issue containes si essayn di s edite Carod Arthuy dan b y l JuddrRa , Old Trails and New Directions: Papers of the Third North American Fur Trade Conference (Toronto: Universit Torontf yo o Press, 1980) Kirn .kVa argues that there was a unique Western society that recognized Indian-white relations and where native wome importann a d n ha determine d tan intrusioe th ds rolewa nt .I of white women beginning in the 1830s that led to the deterioration of that society. Jennifer Brown traces the differences between the fur trade social structures of the North West and Hudson's Bay Companies and redirects many earlier assumptions about the importance of family connections in the trade.

The classic work on the Metis remains M. Giraud, Le Metis canadien (Paris: Universit Parise ed , 1945) bese Th .t recenf articleo t se t s which summarizes wor dato kt Jennifes ei r Brow Jacquelind nan e Petersen Peoplesw , Ne eds.e Th , (Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 1985). Of particular interest are the articles which attemp placo t t English-speakine eth g "half breeds contextn "i .

Biographical works relative to the fur trade are numerous but few are out- standing bese Th .t biograph Selkirf yo k continue Johe b o nst Morgan Gray, Lord d SelkirkRiverRe f o (Toronto : Macmillan, f Georg1964)o d an e; Simpson, John S. Galbraith's somewhat disappointing The Little Emperor, Go vernor Simpson of the Hudson's Bay Company (Toronto: Macmillan, 1976). The best biography of a fur trade Metis leader remains Margaret Macleod and W.L. Morton, Cuthbert Grant ofGrantown (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1963). Most of the material on the Nor'Westers is unfortunate, although Marjorie Wilkins Campbell e Sea:North th A Biographyo t f Williamo McGillivray (Toronto: Clarke Irwin, 1975 worts i ) h lookin. gat

Fur trade historians have set the Canadian standard for series of edited documents and journals. The best volumes are by the Hudson's Bay Record and Champlain Societies, though several others are worth consulting for their intro- ductions. Of particular importance are W. Kaye Lamb, ed., The Journals and Letters Alexanderr oSi f Mackenzie (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, Letterse 1970) Th Journals d s an hi ; f Simono Fraser, 1806-1808 (Toronto: Macmillan, 1960); and Victor Hopwood, ed., David Thompson: Travels in Western North America, 1784-1812 (Toronto: Macmillan, 1971). Frederick

25 Merk , Trader ed. Empired Fu , an (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1968 edition) is a classic account of Simpson's western travels. The impact of the missionaries and the declension of fur trade society is outline Frity db s Pannekoe "Thn ki e Rev. Griffiths Owed nRe Corbete th d tan River Civil War of 1869-70," Canadian Historical Review (June 1976); and "The Anglican Church and the Disintegration of Red River Society, 1818-1870, Carn "i l Berge Ramsad ran y Cook Nation:e , th eds.Weste d Th , an Essays in Honour of W.L. Morton (Toronto, 1976). See also his "The Historiograph Rived Re re Settlement,th f yo " Prairie Forum (Spring 1981). Several kits are available as well from the National Museum of Man which Sylviearle relaty b Kirth n particularla e y o e t s aVa ki Weston e Th . y useful summary. Teachers will find the Jackdaw kits on the fur trade, the North-West Passage, Selkirk, and Riel helpful explorations, but these like other school materials should be supplemented by academic readings.

26 HISTORICAL BOOKLETS SERIES

The Canadian Historical Association publishes a series of booklets to provide the general reader teacher historicae e ,th th d ,an l specialist with concise account specifif so c historical problems. They are written in English or French according to the author's preference, but will be translated and available in both languages. The booklets are on sale to the public. Apply to the Treasurer, Canadian Historical Association Wellingto5 39 , n Street, Ottawa, K ON3lA . Each membee th f ro Association receives one copy of each new booklet free at the time of publication. Prices of the booklets are $ 1.50 each ($0.25 discount to book stores).

followine Th g booklets have been publishe faro ds : 1. C.P. Stacey, The Undefended Border: The Myth and the Reality 1. G.F.G. Stanley, Louis Kiel: Patriot or Rebel? 3. Guy Fregault, Canadian Society in the French Regime . 4 W.S. MacNutt Makinge Th , Maritime e oth f Provinces, 1713-1784 5. A.L. Burt, Guy Carleton, Lord Dorchester, 1724-1808: Revised Version 6. Marcel Trudel, The Seigneurial Regime 1. F.H. Soward Departmente Th , of External Affairs Canadiand an Autonomy, 1899-1939 8. F.H. Underbill, Canadian Political Parties 9. W.L. Morton, The West and Confederation, 1857-1871 . G.O10 . Rothney, Newfoundland: HistoryA 11. Fernand Ouellet, Louis-Joseph Papineau: DividedA Soul '' ;' 12. D.C. Masters, Reciprocity: 1846-1911 (revised edition: 1983) : 13. Michel Brunei, French Canada and the Early Decades of British Rule, 1760-1791 '• '•' 14. TJ. Oleson, The Norsemen in America 15. P.B. Waite Charlottetowne Th , Conference, 1864 ' . Roge16 r Graham rthurA , Meighen . 17MurraJ . y Beck, Joseph Howe:* Anti-Confederate . W.J18 . Eccles Governmente Th , Francew oNe f 19. Paul G. Cornell, The Great Coalition ,. . W.M20 . Whitelaw Quebece Th , Conference 21. Jean-Charles Bonenfant FrenchThe , Canadians Birththe ofand Confederation 22. Helen I. Cowan, British Immigration Before Confederation , Ala23. n Wilson ClergyThe , Reserves Upperof Canada . Richar24 d Wilbur Bennette Th , Administration, 1930-1935 25. Richard A. Preston, Canadian Defence Policy and the Development of the Canadian Nation, 1867-1917 26. Lewis H. Thomas, The North- West Territories, 1870-1905 27. Eugene A. Forsey, The Canadian Labour Movement: The First Ninety Years (1812-1902) 28. Irving Abella, The Canadian Labour Movement: 1902-1960 29. Joseph Levitt, HenriBourassa—Catholic Critic ... , ..',.', ,[. ,,,, 30. Bruce G. Trigger, The Indians and the Heroic Age of New France , , -t, . R.C31 . Macleod Northe Th , West Mounted Police, . ' ''* 1873-1919 ,.'' 32. J.M.S. Careless, The Rise of Cities in Canada Before 1914 . la33 n MacPherson Co-operativee Th , Movement Prairies,e th n o 1900-1955 . Ala34 n F.J. Artibise, Prairie Urban Development, . ., f. ".1870-1930 . Richar35 d Jones, Duplessis Unione th d an Nationale Administration 36. Ernest R. Foibes, Aspects of Maritime Regionalism, 1867-1927 , • . . Rut37 h Roach Pierson, Canadian Seconde Womenth d an • World .. r Wa .. . Morri38 s Zaslow, Northweste Th Territories, 1905-1980 39. Michiel Horn, The Great Depression of the 1930s in Canada .<:!,-•;,, 40. Cornelius J. Jaenen, The Role of the Church in New France , > ., ,; ». ..

27 41. James W. St. G. Walker, Racial Discrimination in Canada: The Black Experience . Eri. Sage42 W Lewicd an r. Fischer R s , Shipping Shipbuildingd an Atlanticn i Canada, 1820-1914 . Frit43 s Pannekoek r Trade Westernd Fu e an Th , Canadian Society, 1670-1870 44. Robert Page, The Boer War and Canadian Imperialism

CANADIAE TH N HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION FOUNDED 1922 ^s OBJECTS

(a) To encourage historical research and public interest in history and more particularly in the histor f Canadayo , both nationa locald an l . promoto T (b) preservatioe eth historif no c site buildingsd san , documents, relics othed ,an r significant heirloom paste th f .so publiso T (c) h historical studie documentd san circumstances sa permity sma .

CATEGORIE MEMBERSHIF SO P (1987)

PROFESSIONAL: individuals employed in the historical profession ...... $ 40.00 STUDENT: individuals enrolle full-timn di e studies; statusupportee b o st d by letter from department chairman ...... 10.00 EMERITUS: individuals over sixty-five years ...... 10.00 GENERAL: individuals interested in Canadian history and the objectives of the Association ...... 25.00 AFFILIATED SOCIETY: organizations havin particulaga r interesn i t the objective Associatioe th f so n ...... 40.00 INSTITUTIONAL: organizations, societies, agencies, libraries, or others representing group users ...... 30.00 LIFE: ...... 400.00 All members receive the Newsletter, Historical Papers, and new titles published in the Historical and Ethnic Booklets series, Professional members also participate in the Social Science Federatio Canadaf no .

Papers read at the annual meeting of the Association are printed in the Annual Reports (now titled Historical Papers) space permitting. Copies of Reports for the years 1923-1926,1929-1930,1932, 1957-1964 and 1966-1986 are still available. The price is $ 10.00 per copy. An index to the Reports for the years 1922 to 1951 is available at $ 1.50 per copy; a similar index for the years 1952 to 1968 is availabl t $1.0 a ecopyr pe 0 . Send remittanc e TreasurerTh o t e , Canadian Historical Association 5 Wellingto39 , n Street, Ottawa, Ontario K1A ON3. FC 1 Clfc, NO.M3 C.DE

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