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Home , Abonoteichos, Celsus, Contra Celsum

Chapter 

Celsus of Pergamum: Locating a Critic of Early

by Stephen Goranson

lēthēs of , preserved in large part WHY LOCATE CELSUS? with ’s response in , is the most signifi cant extant second-century Celsus wrote Alēthēs Logos most probably during literary attack on Christianity. Celsus attacked the reign of , 161–180 (Borret 1967: Christianity not only for philosophic , but I, 15–21; Chadwick 1953: xxiv–xxviii; Rosenbaum also because he was alarmed about social conse- 1972: 102–11; Burke 1981: 49–57; Grant 1988: 136), quences of the spread of Christianity. His book was perhaps in 178, near the end of the Stoic-infl uenced occasioned by Christians refusing to honor the cults emperors. Origen responded with his Contra of the , avoiding military service, Celsum, which he wrote in 248 or 249 in Caesarea and even seeking martyrdom (for Greek text, see (Nautin 1977: 375–76). Celsus and Origen wrote at Borret 1967–76; for English translation, see Chad- diff erent times and in diff erent places. In various wick 1953). To understand fully Celsus’ experience passages Origen depicted a diff erent social reality of Christians and his view of this threat to society than Celsus. Consider the following example: Cel- as he perceived it, one would need to know where sus delivered some of his condemnation of Christi- he lived. Rome, , and anity via a fi ctitious Jewish character. Because this have all been proposed as Celsus’ residence. But, Jewish interlocutor of Celsus quoted from a play as this paper will show, these three cities are quite of , Origen declared that Celsus’ Jew was improbable; the evidence strongly indicates that an unpersuasive creation, because “Jews are not at Celsus lived in Pergamum in Asia Minor. all well read in Greek literature” (Origen, Contra In the following sections, fi rst, we briefl y con- Celsum [hereaft er cited as Cels.] II, 34). Probably, in sider whether and how it matters where Celsus this case, both Celsus and Origen honestly related lived. Th en, we show that Rome, Alexandria, and their experience. While the Jews Origen knew may Caesarea as proposed homes for Celsus are each not have attended such theatre productions, clearly highly improbable. Finally, the converging evi- in some times and locations Jews did, as shown, dence points to Pergamum. for instance, by an inscription in the theatre in

  Stephen Goranson

Miletus in Asia Minor, designating certain seats “He was, as it seems, a Roman lawyer,” whose for the Jews. Th e inscription, located on good fi ft h- residence in the city of Rome is “almost certain” row seats, dates from the late second or early third (Williams 1935: 79; further arguments for Rome: century (Schürer 1986: III, 167–68) — that is, a time Keim 1873; Chadwick 1953: xxviii; Borret 1976: V, between Celsus and Origen. Another inscription 137–39; Patrick 1892: 3–9). According to Bauer, in the odeum at in Caria identifi es because Celsus wrote of “the ” (Cels. the seats of certain Jews (Seager and Kraabel 1983: V, 59) and “those of the multitude” (Cels. V, 6 1 ) , 181). Th e question whether Jews would know such Celsus could not have learned about the orthodox a play as Euripides’ Bacchae was also a matter of Christian church “anywhere but in Rome” (Bauer discussion among various excavators of Sepphoris, 1971: 50, nn. 30 and 148). However, Bauer off ers no where a mosaic of Dionysius was uncovered near other supporting evidence for Rome (Burke 1981: the theatre. For instance, Batey (1991) suggested 15–16). Rome may have been a convenient place that of Nazareth saw in Sepphoris a produc- to learn of such groups as Marcellians, Valentin- tion of Th e Trojan Women by Euripides; but I am ians, and Mithraists, but this provides only a weak skeptical of his claim (Goranson 1992). argument, as these groups are all found elsewhere In another instance, Origen also criticized Cel- as well. sus for failing to note that some Christians still Th ere were some Roman offi cials named Celsus, observe Jewish law, and, in a manner of speaking, e.g., Celsus Iulius Aquilla, another Asia Minor na- informed the deceased Celsus, as if he should have tive (Friesen 1993), who became governor of Asia known, that they are called ; again, what Minor, and for whom the Library of Celsus in Ephe- Origen assumed as common knowledge may not sus is named. But our Celsus, unusually, provides have applied in the time and location of Celsus no fuller name nor title; so this provides no help. If (Cels. II, 1). Th ough the term gradually evolved Celsus were an employee of the emperor, he surely from a generic Hebrew usage, Irenaeus of Lyon would have named his benefactor. Below, we will is the fi rst Greek writer known to use the term consider the hypothesis that our Celsus can be iden- “Ebionite” as a heresy name (e.g., in Adver. Haer. tifi ed with another contemporary Celsus — who is V, 13), writing in ca. 190, that is, between the time also known only by that single name. of Celsus and Origen. Th e main argument for Rome seems to be the A recent study makes an interesting case for a patriotism of Celsus. Celsus did appeal to Chris- later date (circa 200) for the book by Celsus (Hargis tians to “help the emperor…and cooperate with 1999: 20–24). I mention it here not because I found him…” (Cels. VIII, 73). Yet Celsus demonstrates that argument persuasive (I did not), but because, no fi rsthand knowledge of Roman realia. Th ough though this study stresses the possible importance highly literate, he never quotes any authors of dating the work, it ignores the geography of nor shows any interest in Latin culture. In fact, Celsus, hence missing the possible importance of Celsus is a Hellenist to a chauvinist degree. He regionalism — a concept explored in the Galilee by asked Christians to cooperate with the Romans Eric Meyers. It may be worth noting that Origen and “their” — note, not “our” — “customary honors” himself, though he tried to place Celsus philosophi- (Cels. VIII, 69). Celsus did not bother to distinguish cally and theologically, also ignored the geographic between “the Persian or Roman emperor” in his location of Celsus, off ering no explicit speculation explanation of the importance of the hierarchy of about this matter which might have been helpful daemons who help maintain civilization if they are to historians. not “insulted” (Cels. VIII, 35). Christians, Celsus recommended, “ought to pay formal acknowledge- CELSUS OF ROME? ment to them, in so far as this is expedient” (Cels. VIII, 62). It becomes apparent that Celsus regarded Rome has been presented in several studies as the the Romans as useful in preventing barbarians from home of Celsus. For instance, Williams declared, destroying “true” — that is, Hellenistic — culture. Celsus of Pergamum 

We are allowed a rare glimpse of Celsus’ emo- CELSUS OF ALEXANDRIA? tions, as he seems to sigh: “Would that it were pos- sible to unite under one law the inhabitants of Asia, “Kelsos von Alexandreia” — such is the listing for Europe and Libya, both Greeks [Hellenes] and Celsus in the reference work, Der Kleine Pauly: barbarians even at the furthest limits” (Cels. VIII, Lexikon der Antike (Dörrie 1969; additional argu- 72). Celsus is no enthusiast for Rome; Hellenes, not ments for Alexandria, Chadwick 1953: xxix; Borret Romans, serve as the antithesis to the barbarians. 1967–76: 139–40). Th ough no ancient writer refers In his geographic list, the priority of Asia, I suggest, to him this way, many modern scholars have sought is not without signifi cance. It is not Europe, with his home there. He could have learned of Gnostic Rome (and Greece itself!), that Celsus regarded groups in Alexandria — though, again, not only as the source of this imagined spread of Hellenic there. He shows some interest in Egyptian religion, civility, nor is it Libya (i.e., Africa), including Al- but what he described was available from histo- exandria. Rather, his pleasant dream began in Asia. rians, and in particular. Celsus never Th at this dream did not begin in Greece accords claimed that he visited Egypt, and he provides no with Glucker’s conclusion that Celsus was “most eyewitness accounts of Egypt. In fact, in the extant unlikely to have been an Athenian” (Glucker 1978: text of Celsus, he nowhere claims to have traveled 144). For a parallel case where the order of terms at all and may have been disinclined or unable to appears to be signifi cant, compare Hippolytus of travel; in any case, nothing requires his presence Rome, writing ca. 225: outside Pergamum. Celsus is aware of Jewish Lo- gos theology (Cels. II, 31), which may suggest the Such is the true doctrine [alēthēs logos] name of of Alexandria to modern readers, I regard to the divine nature. O ye men, but Celsus shows no acquaintance with Philo or Greeks and Barbarians, Chaldeans and Aristobolus, as Origen noticed (Cels. IV, 51). Celsus Assyrians, Egyptians and Libyans, Indians had read Aristo of Pella, who could be his source and Ethiopians, Celts and ye who in this case (Cels. IV, 52). Celsus mentioned an lead armies, and all ye that inhabit Europe Egyptian musician named Dionysius, who tells him and Asia and Libya (Refutation of All Her- philosophers are immune to eff ects of magic (Cels. esies X, 30; trans. Roberts and Donaldson IV, 41). Th at Celsus identifi ed this acquaintance as 1886: V, 152; Greek text, numbered X.34.1, an Egyptian suggests that he was not his neighbor in Marcovich 1986). in Egypt. Hippolytus, writing in Rome, placed Europe fi rst; Williams remarked that Celsus’ book must have Celsus, of whose location we inquire, placed Asia been well known, since he imagined the text travel- fi rst. ing from Rome to Alexandria, where Origen would Keim argued that Celsus lived in Rome. Chad- encounter it (Williams 1935: 80). In fact, Origen wick argued against Keim’s presentation that our did not encounter it there. Origen did not know Celsus was the same individual as the Celsus men- of Alēthēs Logos until he had moved to Caesarea, tioned by , dismissively writing, “…cannot where his patron Ambrose sent it to him (Cels. Pref- one picture Origen’s opponent arm in arm with ace, 1 and VIII, 76, the latter asking if Ambrose will [Lucian] the Samosatene? Th ey lived at the same “search out and send” an additional treatise of Cel- time, and even in the same place.” (Chadwick 1953: sus; on Ambrose, see Trigg 1983 and Nautin 1977). xxv). Th ough Chadwick does not explicitly name Apparently, neither had Clement of Alexandria this proposed place, it is not the one Keim intended. heard of it, which would be diffi cult to conceive if As we shall see, our Celsus may, indeed, have Celsus had attacked Christianity in his city. Origen walked together with Lucian, not in Rome, but in had already written Exhortation to Martyrdom at Pergamum. Celsus was not a resident of Rome. Ambrose’s request when Ambrose — who Origen had converted from Valentinian — was still in Alexandria. But it was only aft er Ambrose  Stephen Goranson moved to in Bithynia in Asia that he 183–85). Even though Burke correctly perceived the wrote to Origen that Celsus’ book was a threat to literary nature of this description, he then reverted the faith of his Christian neighbors. Celsus’ book to the widely-held but misconceived view that the is fi rst attested not in Alexandria, but in Asia. passage indicated Celsus was familiar with the area. In this case, Origen’s protest of ignorance of Celsus CELSUS OF CAESAREA? most likely is valid. Furthermore, Celsus certainly demonstrates no knowledge of Semitic languages, According to Frend, during the reign of Marcus which would make long-term residence in Pales- Aurelius “the Christians were being challenged on tine, or any lands eastward, unlikely. In any case, their own ground, by Celsus, probably in Caesarea no other evidence supports Caesarea. in Palestine…”(Frend 1965: 268). Again, it is neces- sary to recall that Origen was unaware of the book CELSUS OF PERGAMUM Alēthēs Logos and uncertain about the identity of Celsus when he was sent the book. If Celsus had As it happens, the disdain Celsus felt for such lived in Caesarea, Origen was a suffi ciently diligent “begging priests” and “scoundrels” appeared ear- student that he would have learned about him. lier and more believably when Celsus specifi ed, as Palestine is suggested as Celsus’ home primar- especially unreasonable people, ily because he wrote of prophets in Phoenicia and begging priests of Cybele and soothsayers, Palestine who “wander about begging and roaming worshippers of Mithras and Sabazius, and around cities and military camps” and whatever else one might meet, apparitions pretend to be moved as if giving some of Hecate or of some other daemon or dae- oracular utterance…’. Blessed is he who has mons (Cels. I, 9). worshipped me now! But I will cast everlast- Th is conglomeration of groups would more likely ing fi re upon all the rest’ … they then go on be encountered in Asia Minor than in Palestine. to add incomprehensible, incoherent, and Additionally, other groups and places mentioned utterly obscure utterances, the meaning of by Celsus were found in Asia. Celsus refers to which no intelligent person could discover; places where “gods are to be seen in human form” for they are meaningless and nonsensical, (Cels. VII, 35); they are in , Greece, and and give a chance for any fool or sorcerer Cilicia. Celsus also refers to miracles of Aristeas to take the words in whatever sense he likes the Preconnesian, in northern Asia, and “a certain (Cels. VII, 9). Clazomenian,” (i.e., from near ; Cels. III, 3). (By the way, it may be noted that usage of Hebrew In a favorable reference to Asclepius foretelling the in some amulets, not limited to Palestine, may have future, Celsus named cities dedicated to him (Cels. appeared to some as especially opaque). But Celsus III, 3); these cities are in Greece and Asia Minor, rhetorically linked these prophets with the earlier e.g., Pergamum. Angel worship plays a prominent prophets in Judaea (Cels. VII, 8). Origen questioned role in Celsus’ condemnation of Jews and Chris- whether Celsus really had fi rst-hand knowledge of tians; this practice is attested in Asia Minor (Cels. these prophets, especially because Celsus claimed I, 26 and V, 6; see Burke 1981: 139–40; Johnson 1975; that, upon examining them, the prophets suppos- Kraabel 1968). Celsus is the only source for a group edly admitted that they were frauds, and thereaft er of Sibyllists (Cels. V, 61); since such a group is other- Celsus gave no details elaborating on such a coup wise unattested, they cannot be surely located, but (Cels. VII, 11). According to Burke, “all [Celsus] Phrygia (the birthplace of Montanism) was home is trying to do is characterize the OT prophets by to many “wandering prophets,” who expected, and contemporary examples from the same geographic hoped for, an end to the world — the sort of people area. Th is becomes clear if one follows his argument that worried Celsus. from the beginning of book VII…” (Burke 1981: Celsus of Pergamum 

Celsus knew of Christian martyrdoms (Cels. In favor of the identifi cation is the fact that the two VIII, 6 and 52; Frend 1965: 268–302). During are contemporary writers named Celsus, whose his time was martyred in Smyrna. In interests included oracles, magic, and Christianity. Pergamum, Carpus and his companions were Th e only diffi culty in the identifi cation is that our burned alive. Aft er Carpus refused to honor the Celsus appears to be a middle Platonist, whereas emperor, according to the Acta Carpi, a woman Lucian commends to his friend, making named Agathonike rushed forward and joined Celsus appear to some readers to be an Epicurean. him. According to this account, the crowd cried, Clay, however, cautioned that Lucian modifi es “It is a terrible sentence; these are unjust decrees” actual characters in these works (Clay 1992); and, (Musurillo 1972: 29). While this account cannot be in any case, Lucian imputes no more Epicurean- considered entirely reliable, it may be suffi ciently ism to Celsus than to himself. Further, Celsus may accurate to help us understand the occasion for have changed his philosophic preferences since his Celsus’ book. As Bigg observed, while Marcus earlier book on magic (Lucian, Alexander, 21; Cels. Aurelius was wondering at the dogged persistence I, 68, a book with evident parallels in book 4, 28–42 of the Christians, Celsus was asking whether the of Hippolytus, Refutation of All Heresies), perhaps breech could be healed (Bigg 1913: 314). written in the time of (Cels. I, 8.). Galen of A contemporary of Celsus, Melito of , Pergamum also corresponded with a Celsus, listed wrote an apology to Marcus Aurelius. As excava- as an Epicurean in the account of Galen’s library tions at Sardis have shown, particularly at the large (Mueller 1891: 124). Many writers have argued synagogue, the Jewish community there prospered, against identity (e.g., Chadwick 1953: xxiv–xxvi; having been settled in Sardis for many generations. Burke 1981: 60–67; Frede 1994). Many others have Many of the synagogue donor inscriptions proudly argued for identifi cation (e.g., Keim 1873: 275–93; refer to their status as citizens of Sardis, along with Hoff mann 1987: 30–32; Schwartz 1973; for further other titles indicating various government offi ces. bibliography, see Pichler 1980). Melito spoke quite harshly of the Jews, and he Schwartz alluded to the possibility (in a note, clearly fought an uphill battle in his attempt to within parentheses, and with a question mark) show his minority community of Christians as that Celsus could have lived in the province of Asia good citizens. Th is is the sort of confl ict between or Syria (Schwartz 1960: 144, n. 2). Stern made a Jews and Christians that Celsus refl ects (Seager and similar brief observation (Stern 1980: 2, 224–5). If Kraabel 1983; Wilken 1976). Th ough Celsus shows the two contemporary authors named Celsus are no great aff ection for Judaism, he apparently was identical, this would provide additional indica- familiar with a society in which Jews played a role tion of the residence of our Celsus in Pergamum. he found acceptable — unlike the Jews in Palestine Th ough he spent years in Rome, Galen was born (and North Africa and ), who seemingly and died in Pergamum and had served as physician had not given up revolution. Celsus’ view of Chris- in the Pergamene Asclepius temple. And Lucian tianity makes sense in Asia Minor. Pergamum, shows interest in the Asclepius cult in Alexander, in particular, presents a highly plausible home the book dedicated to Celsus. for Celsus; it was a cultured city and seaport that Pergamum was dedicated to Asclepius, which once had a famous library. As noted by Josephus Celsus notes; in fact, his most favorable comments (Antiquities XVI.10.22 [247–55]), the Jewish com- concerning any cult pertain to Asclepius (Cels. munity there had good relations with Rome since III, 3; III, 24; III, 43; VII, 53). In accord with the Hasmonean times. hypothesis mentioned above, our Celsus may have An important question is whether our Celsus been acquainted with Galen of Pergamum, who is identical with the Celsus to whom Lucian dedi- had served at the Asclepius temple. Th e book that cated Alexander the False Prophet, a story about a Lucian dedicated to Celsus — our Celsus — was pre- false oracle in Abonoteichus in Asia. Alexander is cisely about the abuse of an Asclepius cult in Asia, presented as abusing the honorable Asclepius cult. and this type of abuse by soothsayers was what our  Stephen Goranson

Celsus had written about in his book on magic — a is practically the opposite of that found in the book acknowledged by Origen and Lucian. Like anti-Roman Apocalypse of John, which is starkly both Galen and Lucian, Celsus berated Christians disapproving of the mainstream Pergamene so- for privileging faith over (Wilken 1984). ciety. Much more so than Rome, Alexandria, or Pergamum experienced a cultural renaissance Caesarea, Pergamum is the plausible setting for and rebuilding, fi nanced by Hadrian, in the second Celsus. On the geographic location of Celsus, the century. Besides the above-mentioned martyr- evidence presented here certainly suggests we can doms, Pergamum had a theatre, a Panathenaea better understand the concerns of Celsus, given observance when the “robe of Athena … is seen recognition of his place in the society of Asia by every spectator” (Cels. VI, 42), numerous Cy- Minor. Surely, Celsus provides one of the most bele statues (Cels. I, 9), and many other features important sources on second-century Christianity. refl ected in Celsus’ attack on Christianity (Koester Th e realization that he encountered Christianity in 1998). Celsus’ patriotic viewpoint on Pergamum Asia Minor will help clarify that history.

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