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Nomination Form
141 Form No. 10-300 ,o- ' 'J-R - ft>( 15/r (i;, ~~- V ' I UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR FOR NPSUSE ONLY NATIONAL PARK SERVICE NATIONAL REGISTER OF IIlSTORIC PLACES RECEIVED INVENTORY -- NOMINATION FORM SEE INSTRUCTIONS IN HOW TO COMPLETE NATIONAL REGISTER FORMS TYPE ALL ENTRIES -- COMPLETE APPLICABLE SECTIONS- - - - - [EINAME HISTORIC Shack Mountain AND/OR COMMON raLOCATION 2 miles NNW of Charlottesville; .3 mile E of Ivy Creek; .4 mile N of STREET & NUMBER State Route 657; 1 mile NNW of intersection of State Routes 657 and 743. _NOT FOR PUBLICATION CITY. TOWN CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT Charlottesville _2( VICINITY OF Seventh (J. Kenneth Robinson) STATE CODE COUNTY CODE Virginia 51 Albemarle 003 CLASSIFICATION CATEGORY OWNERSHIP STATUS PRESENT USE _DISTRICT _PUBLIC XoccuP1Eo _AGRICULTURE _MUSEUM X...BUILDING!S) X..PRIVATE _UNOCCUPIED _COMMERCIAL _PARK _STRUCTURE _BOTH _WORK IN PROGRESS _EDUCATIONAL 2LPRIVATE RESIDENCE -SITE PUBLIC ACQUISITION ACCESSIBLE -ENTERTAINMENT -RELIGIOUS _OBJECT _IN PROCESS -YES: RESTRICTED _GOVERNMENT _SCIENTIFIC _BEING CONSIDERED - YES: UNRESTRICTED _INDUSTRIAL -TRANSPORTATION -~O _MILITARY _OTHER: [~OWNER OF PROPERTY NAME Mr. and Mrs. W. Bedford Moore, I II STREET & NUMBER Shack Mounta_in, Route 5 CITY. TOWN STATE Charlottesville _ VICINITY OF Virginia 22901 [ELOCATION OF LEGAL DESCRIPTION COURTHOUSE. REGISTRY OF DEEDS.ETC. Albemarle County Courthouse - ---•---------------------------------------~ STREET & NUMBER CITY. TOWN STATE Charlottesville. Virginia l~ REPRESENTATION I1'fEXISTING SURVEYS TITLE -
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In 1798, Thomas Jefferson and James Madison penned the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions, formally detailing the principles of nullification for the first time. Standing alone, the resolutions make a strong case for nullification. But they don’t reveal the whole story. The resolutions were actually just a first step in the strategy Madison and Jefferson developed for dealing with the unconstitutional Alien and Sedition Acts. Correspondence between the two men, and other players involved in the fight to block this early example of federal overreach, provide a much clearer picture of what they were trying to accomplish in the long run. During the summer of 1798, Congress passed four laws together known as the Alien and Sedition Acts. These laws violated several constitutional provisions and represented a gross federal usurpation of power. The first three laws dealt with the treatment of resident aliens. The Alien Friends Act gave the president sweeping power to deport “dangerous” aliens, in effect elevating the president to the role of judge, jury and “executioner.” The Alien Enemies Act allowed for the arrest, imprisonment and deportation of any male citizen of a nation at war with the U.S., even without any evidence that the individual was an actual threat. These laws unconstitutionally vested judicial powers in the executive branch and denied the accused due process. The most insidious of the laws was the Sedition Act. It essentially criminalized criticism of the federal government, a blatant violation of the First Amendment. Recognizing the Alien and Sedition Acts represented a serious threat to the constitutional system, and with few options for addressing the overreach due to Federalist Party control of the federal government, Jefferson and Madison turned to the states. -
The Civil War As Constitutional Interpretation (Reviewing Lincoln's
REVIEW The Civil War as Constitutional Interpretation Michael Stokes Paulsent Lincoln's Constitution, Daniel Farber. Chicago, 2003. Pp ix, 240. I. THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF OF A WAR OVER CONSTITUTIONAL MEANING The world will little note, nor long remember, what academics say about the Constitution. That is, probably, as it should be. The law is made-its interpretation settled-by great events, not law review articles; by wars, not words; by presidents, not professors. The Constitution we have today is in substantial measure the re- sult of the single most decisive legal interpretive event of American history: the Civil War. The outcome of Grant v Lee resolved the most important issue of antebellum constitutional dispute-the nature of the Union-in favor of the nationalist view of sovereignty and against the South's state-sovereignty view. It was a great Civil War, not a judicial opinion, that settled this issue. It was likewise the Civil War, not any correcting judicial decision, that reversed the most egre- gious error of the Supreme Court up to that point in our history- Dred Scott's' enshrinement of slavery as a fundamental constitutional property right of (white) citizens, immune from federal interference as a matter of "due process" of law. And it was the War, not any judi- cial decision, that reversed the most egregious error of the framers in t Briggs & Morgan Professor of Law, University of Minnesota Law School;Visiting Profes- sor of Law (2003-2004), University of St. Thomas School of Law. My thanks to John Nagle and Saikrishna Prakash for comments on earlier drafts of this Review. -
Fiske Kimball and Preservation at the Powel House
Front Parlor Much like Kimball, the methods that he employed at the Powel House could bought the house in 1931, Kimball eventually supported her efforts by be problematic. However, it is important to remember that because of his presenting Landmarks with the original woodwork taken from this room (as it As you enter the front parlor, take a moment to examine the furniture in the training and experience, Kimball believed he was doing what was necessary was not being used by the Museum) and loaning her some of the furniture. room and the architecture above the fireplace. All of these pieces have been and right to save the legacy of the Powel House. His method involved Due to the return of the room’s moldings and trim, it is one of the only rooms preserved and maintained so that they could be seen and studied today. While purchasing the key architectural pieces of the house, such as the woodwork, in the house that is original and not a reconstruction. In this room then, it is this room is the simplest architecturally because it was the only room the and reconstructing them at the Art Museum to be displayed as period rooms important to think about how history is remembered and preserved. It is not general public had access to when conducting business with Samuel and later along with contemporary furniture and paintings. Today, such invasive enough to just save the physical pieces but preservation must also engage with Elizabeth Powel, it has been preserved for the sake of the stories it can tell. -
October 1916
[Sg^gg^^ / tamiiHffiy1^ ^\\ r] ARCHITEOJVRAL D aiiiafigoj b r -- * i-ir+X. Vol. XLVI. No. 4 OCTOBER, 1919 Serial N o 25 Editor: MICHAEL A. MIKKELSEN Contributing Editor: HERBERT CROLY Business Manager: J. A. OAKLEY COVEK Water Color, by Jack Manley Rose PAGE THE AMERICAN COUNTRY HOUSE . .;. .-. 291 By Prof. Fiske Kimball. I. Practical Conditions: Natural, Economic, Social . ,. *.,, . 299 II. Artistic Conditions : Traditions and Ten^ dencies of Style . \ . .- 329 III. The Solutions : Disposition and Treatment of House and Surroundings . 350 J . .Vi Yearly Subscription United States $3.00 Foreign $4.00 Stn<7?e copies 33 cents. Entered May 22, 1902, as Second Class Matter, at New York, N. Y. Member Audit Bureau of Circulation. PUBLISHED MONTHLY BY THE ARCHITECTURAL:TURAL RECORD COMPANY VEST FORTIETH STKEET, NEW YORK F. T. MILLER, Pres. XL, Vice-Pres. J. W. FRANK, Sec'y-Treas. E. S. DODGE, Vice-Pi* ''< w : : f'lfvjf !?-; ^Tt;">7<"!{^if ^J^Y^^''*'C I''-" ^^ '^'^''^>'**-*'^j"^4!V; TIG. 1. DETAIL RESIDENCE OF H. BELLAS HESS, ESQ., HUNT1NGTON, L. I HOWELLS & STOKES, ARCHITECTS. AKCHITECTVKAL KECORD VOLVME XLVI NVMBER IV OCTOBER, 1919 <Amerioan Country <House By Fiskc KJmball the "country house" in America scribed "lots" of the city, where one may we understand no such single well- enjoy the informality of nature out-of- BYestablished form as the traditional doors. country house of England, fixed by cen- Much as has been written on the sub- turies of almost unalterable custom, with ject, we are still far from having any a life of its own which has been described such fundamental analysis of the Amer- as "the perfection of human society." ican country house of today as that Even in England today the great house which Hermann Muthesius in his classic yields in importance to the new and book "The English House" has given for smaller types which the rise of the middle England. -
The Federal Era
CATALOGUE THREE HUNDRED THIRTY-SEVEN The Federal Era WILLIAM REESE COMPANY 409 Temple Street New Haven, CT 06511 (203) 789-8081 A Note This catalogue is devoted to the two decades from the signing of the Treaty of Paris in 1783 to the first Jefferson administration and the Louisiana Purchase, usually known to scholars as the Federal era. It saw the evolution of the United States from the uncertainties of the Confederation to the establishment of the Constitution and first federal government in 1787-89, through Washington’s two administrations and that of John Adams, and finally the Jeffersonian revolution of 1800 and the dramatic expansion of the United States. Notable items include a first edition of The Federalist; a collection of the treaties ending the Revolutionary conflict (1783); the first edition of the first American navigational guide, by Furlong (1796); the Virginia Resolutions of 1799; various important cartographical works by Norman and Mount & Page; a first edition of Benjamin’s Country Builder’s Assistant (1797); a set of Carey’s American Museum; and much more. Our catalogue 338 will be devoted to Western Americana. Available on request or via our website are our recent catalogues 331 Archives & Manuscripts, 332 French Americana, 333 Americana–Beginnings, 334 Recent Acquisitions in Americana, and 336 What I Like About the South; bulletins 41 Original Works of American Art, 42 Native Americans, 43 Cartography, and 44 Photography; e-lists (only available on our website) and many more topical lists. q A portion of our stock may be viewed at www.williamreesecompany.com. If you would like to receive e-mail notification when catalogues and lists are uploaded, please e-mail us at [email protected] or send us a fax, specifying whether you would like to receive the notifications in lieu of or in addition to paper catalogues. -
Town Meetings and Other Popular Assemblies in the American Founding
Journal of Public Deliberation Volume 15 Issue 2 Town Meeting Politics in the United States: The Idea and Practice of an American Article 7 Myth 2019 A ‘Peaceable and Orderly Manner’: Town Meetings and other Popular Assemblies in the American Founding Robert W. T. Martin Hamilton College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://www.publicdeliberation.net/jpd Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Martin, Robert W. T. (2019) "A ‘Peaceable and Orderly Manner’: Town Meetings and other Popular Assemblies in the American Founding," Journal of Public Deliberation: Vol. 15 : Iss. 2 , Article 7. Available at: https://www.publicdeliberation.net/jpd/vol15/iss2/art7 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Public Deliberation. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Public Deliberation by an authorized editor of Public Deliberation. A ‘Peaceable and Orderly Manner’: Town Meetings and other Popular Assemblies in the American Founding Abstract The New England town meeting has often been seen as the archetypical deliberative citizen forum (see, e.g., Mansbridge 1980). More recently, political theorists have begun to appreciate the way in which any particular public forum might be better understood as part of the larger deliberative system (Parkinson, Mansbridge, 2012). Much of this work draws on modern-day examples (Parkinson 2006). But a return to the American founding era reveals that while town meetings are often praised and have many democratic virtues, they also embody a limitation on popular action generally and especially on democratic dissent. Keywords deliberative democracy, town meetings, citizen assemblies, dissent, James Madison, American Founding This article is available in Journal of Public Deliberation: https://www.publicdeliberation.net/jpd/vol15/iss2/art7 Martin: A ‘Peaceable and Orderly Manner’ Introduction Much like the ancient Athenian assembly, the New England town meeting has often been seen as an archetypical deliberative citizen forum (see, e.g., Mansbridge 1980). -
Minority Report: John Marshall and the Defense of the Alien and Sedition Acts
OHIO STATE LAW JOURNAL VOLUME 68, NUMBER 2, 2007 Minority Report: John Marshall and the Defense of the Alien and Sedition Acts KURT T. LASH* ALICIA HARRSON** In 1799, the Federalist minority of the Virginia House of Delegates produced an extended defense of the Alien and Sedition Acts. This Minority Report responded to Madison's famous Virginia Resolutions and efforts by Virginia Republicans to tar the Adams Administration with having exceeded its powers under the federal Constitution. Originally attributed to John Marshall by biographerAlbert Beveridge, recent biographies of Marshall have omitted the episode or rejected Beveridge's claim and the current editors of the Papers of John Marshall omitted the Minority Report from their multi-volume collection of Marshall's work. What was once an assumed (if controversial) episode in Marshall's career has disappeared from otherwise exhaustive accounts of his life and work. As in Philip K. Dick's story, Minority Report, an alternate view of events has been unceremoniously erasedfrom the official record. The authors of this Article challenge the decision to remove Marshall's name from the Minority Report. Marshall was the only person named at the time as the probable author, and Marshallhad both reason and opportunity to draft the Address. The arguments of the Report not only track Marshall's views on the Constitution, they utilize constitutional arguments that were * Professor of Law and W. Joseph Ford Fellow, Loyola Law School, Los Angeles. B.A., Whitman College; J.D., Yale Law School. I thank the wonderful staff at the Huntington Research Library for their invaluable assistance locating innumerable primary documents. -
418635 1 En Bookbackmatter 229..273
CHRONOLOGY 1776 July 4 The United States declares its independence from Great Britain. 1777 November 15 The Continental Congress adopts the Articles of Confederation and submits them to the states for ratification. 1780 September Even before Articles are ratified, Hamilton suggests convention to draft new constitution. 1781 March 1 The Articles of Confederation enter into force with ratification by Maryland, the last of the 13 states to ratify. 1783–1786 All attempts by the Continental Congress to amend the Articles are frustrated by need for unanimous approval of states. 1786 September Annapolis Convention for commercial reform among states fails for lack of quorum. Meeting adopts a resolution for Congress to propose holding a convention in Philadelphia in May 1787. 1786 Fall Shays’ Rebellion in Massachusetts alarms men of prop- erty and commerce. 1787 February 21 Continental Congress recommends that states send delegates to convention to meet in Philadelphia in May to propose alterations to Articles, so as to “render the federal constitution adequate to the exigencies of Government & the preservation of the Union.” 1787 March–April Madison, in letters to Jefferson, Randolph, and Washington, outlines major reforms he proposes, including a national veto on all state legislation. 1787 May 14 Lack of quorum delays opening of Constitutional Convention. © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2017 229 S. Slonim, Forging the American Nation, 1787–1791, DOI 10.1057/978-1-349-95163-5 230 CHRONOLOGY 1787 May 25 Convention begins deliberation with arrival of majority of state delegates. George Washington is elected as Chairman. 1787 May 29 Gov. -
A Madisonian Constitution for All Essay Series 1
A MADISONIAN CONSTITUTION FOR ALL 1 ESSAY SERIES THE RELEVANCE AND IRRELEVANCE OF JAMES MADISON TO FAITHFUL CONSTITUTIONAL INTERPRETATION BY MICHAEL STOKES PAULSEN The several departments being perfectly co-ordinate by the terms of their common commission, neither of them, it is evident, can pretend to an exclusive or superior right of settling the boundaries between their respective powers. The Federalist 49 (James Madison) I. INTRODUCTION: MADISON VERSUS MODERN PRACTICE The two most fundamental questions of constitutional law are how to interpret the Constitution and who is to do the interpreting. On these two questions—how and by whom, interpretive method and interpretive power—hang essentially every other issue of American constitutional law. There exists a clear modern consensus on the answers to these bedrock questions – and that consensus is almost certainly wrong. The error starts, subtly, by taking up the questions in reverse order: It has become common in modern times to identify the power of constitutional interpretation exclusively with the decisions of courts, and especially with the decisions of the U.S. Supreme Court. The answer to the question “Who interprets?” is, most everyone today would agree, “The Supreme Court.” And once the question of interpretive power is resolved in favor of a supreme judiciary, the question of interpretive method tends to be answered in terms of deference to whatever that supreme judiciary decides. The judicial power “to say what the law is”1 thus rapidly degenerates into the cynical view that the law is “what the judges say it is.”2 It has thus become commonplace to assert that the Constitution itself contains no discernible rules or instructions concerning how it is to be interpreted. -
The Publicity of Monticello: a Private Home As Emblem and Means Benjamin Block [email protected]
University of Puget Sound Sound Ideas Summer Research 2013 The Publicity of Monticello: A Private Home as Emblem and Means Benjamin Block [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://soundideas.pugetsound.edu/summer_research Part of the American Art and Architecture Commons, Architectural History and Criticism Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Block, Benjamin, "The ubP licity of Monticello: A Private Home as Emblem and Means" (2013). Summer Research. Paper 179. http://soundideas.pugetsound.edu/summer_research/179 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Sound Ideas. It has been accepted for inclusion in Summer Research by an authorized administrator of Sound Ideas. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE PUBLICITY OF MONTICELLO: A PRIVATE HOME AS EMBLEM AND MEANS Ben Block Department of Art History September 24, 2013 1 THE PUBLICITY OF MONTICELLO: A PRIVATE HOME AS EMBLEM AND MEANS The next Augustan age will dawn on the other side of the Atlantic. There will, perhaps, be a Thucydides at Boston, a Xenophon at New York, and, in time, a Virgil at Mexico, and a Newton at Peru. At last, some curious traveller from Lima will visit England and give a description of the ruins of St. Paul's, like the editions of Balbec and Palmyra. - Horace Walpole 1 In the course of the study of Thomas Jefferson as architect, which began in earnest in 1916 with Fiske Kimball’s landmark study Thomas Jefferson, Architect , only recently have historians began to break out of the shell that Kimball placed around Jefferson’s architecture. -
Popular Nullification, Fries' Rebellion, and the Waning of Radical Republicanism, 1798-1801 Robert H
Popular Nullification, Fries' Rebellion, and the Waning of Radical Republicanism, 1798-1801 Robert H. Churchill Rutgers University In May, 1798, a Republican writing under the pseudonym "Nestor" accused President John Adams of renouncing the principles for which Ameri- cans had fought the Revolution. Seizing on Adams' comment that Americans had fought for independence only out of necessity, Nestor accused Adams of misinterpreting the meaning of the Revolution: "Did America resist because she wished only to be independent? No! Mr. Adams' assertion to the contrary, she contended for freedom as well as independence." Nestor insisted that in belittling America's struggle for freedom, Adams had revealed his hitherto veiled hostility to liberty. "The real enemy," Nestor warned his readers, "is assaulting the citadel of your dearest privileges-Fleets, standing armies, debts and taxes are preparing for you." Though Nestor dearly twisted Adams' words to the President's discredit, his prediction was borne out over the summer months of 1798. Adams and the Federalist majority did indeed pass a program of legislation intended to prepare the country for an impending war with France. These measures in- cluded new internal taxes, a larger navy and a standing army, and the borrow- ing of large sums at eight-percent interest. Republicans denounced this pro- gram as unnecessary, burdensome, and despotic. The passage of the war pro- gram of 1798, which also included the Alien and Sedition Acts, initiated a political crisis that lasted for the next two years. The crisis brought into full focus the question that was central to debates over the meaning of the Revolu- tion: whether the people might resist oppressive acts undertaken by a govern- ment of their own creation.