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Home , Abdul Malik Baloch, Balach Marri, Baloch National Movement, Baluch Liberation Front, Ghulam Mohammed Baloch, Habib Jalib Baloch

Baloch Nationalism and its Impact on Political and Economic Development of (2001-2014)

THIS THESIS IS SUBMITTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF THE , LAHORE IN FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE DEGREE OFDOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

By

Javeria Jahangir Roll No.1 Session 2007

Centre for South Asian Studies, University of the Punjab, Quaid-i-Azam Campus, Lahore.

September 2015 CERTIFICATE

This is certified that the present thesis entitled, and Its Impact on Political and Economic Development of Balochistan (2001-2014), is written by Ms. Javeria Jahangir d/o Maqbool Jahangir, Roll No.1, Session 2007, Centre for South Asian Studies, University of the Punjab, Lahore, for the requirement of Ph.D degree in South Asian Studies. To the best of my knowledge the thesis is based on original research.

______Prof. Dr. Umbreen Javaid Director/Supervisor Centre for South Asian Studies, University of the Punjab, Quaid-i-Azam Campus, Lahore

DECLARATION

I hereby declare that this thesis is a result of my individual research and I have not submitted this thesis concurrently to any other university for any degree whatsoever.

Javeria Jahangir

Dedicated

To

My Father, Maqbool Jahangir (late), My Mother, Amina Ambreen And My Little Daughter Meerab i

Abstract

The Baloch Nationalism and their Movement include demands for political and economic autonomy; perseverance of cultural identity; maximum control over the natural resources and sometimes, complete independence from . The native inhabitants of Balochistan have been facing continuous oppression, inequality, injustice, deprivation of freedom, ethnic rights and isolation both on economic and political level. The Baloch nationalist leaders are continuously demanding self-determination and independence from Pakistan along with the rights of economic development, social and cultural identity, The Baloch Nationalist freedom fighters, are passionately devoted to the struggle for freedom from Pakistan. The Baloch Nationalists strongly opposed all the development projects and viewed them as a great threat to their ethnicity and a conspiracy to grab their energy resources, which would oppress them politically and economically. Many projects of Mega development have been delayed due to the uncertain circumstances and lack of suitable peaceful environment. The Baloch Nationalist Movement in Balochistan is not only destroying the golden opportunity of progress on national and international level but also playing an influential and vital role in changing the scenario of global politics. The prevailing situation is providing grounds to foreign players to play their own games, to achieve their own goals, to attain, maintain and increase their political and economic power not only in Balochistan but also in other parts of the world. Balochistan, due to its geo-strategic position, has always been influential on local, national, and international politics. This present Nationalist Movement is not only a great obstacle in the social, political and economic development of Balochistan but has also damaged the security of region as the Baloch insurgents are dreaming of Greater Independent Balochistan.

ii

Acknowledgements

It is an immense pleasure for me to write an acknowledgement because it is a big occasion for me to pay my heartiest gratitude and appreciations to all those persons who facilitated me during my research and helped me attain my ambitious goal. First of all, I am highly thankful to Allah Almighty for giving me the strength, patience and willpower that was required for the completion of this research work.

From the core of my heart, I am grateful to my Supervisor Prof. Dr. Umbreen Javaid; Director, Centre for South Asian Studies, University of the Punjab. She is one of the nicest personalities I have ever met. She has been a source of encouragement and definitely, I would not be able to complete this thesis on time without her constant support, kind cooperation and attention. She guided me at every stage of my research in such a polite and encouraging way that I do not have words to express my thankfulness to her.

I am very obliged to Dr. Mujahid Kamran, Vice Chancellor, University of the Punjab, and Prof. Dr. Kanwal Ameen, Chairperson, Doctoral Program Coordination Committee, for their valuable help during my hard time.

I am also thankful to Mr. Jaffer Riaz Kataria; Lecturer, and Mr. Mian Usman, Librarian, at Centre for South Asian Studies, for their support all the time.

Finally, my family members deserve extraordinary tribute and acknowledgment. During this research work, my mother provided me financial support and my little daughter has always been a source of inspiration and motivation for me.

Javeria Jahangir iii

List of Abbreviations

ASF Agribusiness Support Fund ARI Acute Respiratory Infections AGG Agent to Governor General ANP ADB Asian Development Bank BDA Balochistan Development Authority BRA BSO Balochistan Students Organization BPLF ‟s Liberation Front BLA Baloch Liberation Army BHT Baloch Haq Talwar BLF Balochistan Liberation Front BRP BNP Balochistan National Party BNP-A Baloch National Party Awami BNDP Balochistan National Democratic Party BNM BNC Balochistan National Congress BMDO Baloch Musallah Difai Organization BNYM Baloch National Youth Movement CMMC Mining and Metallurgical Cooperation CIA Central Investigation Agency CARs Central Asian Republics CCHF Crimean Congo Haemorrhagic Fever CLL Concurrent Legislative List DSG Defense Security Guard GoB Government of Balochistan GDP Gross Domestic Production iv

Ecnec Executive Committee of National Economic Council, Pakistan EFA (Plan) Education for All Plan ECE Early Childhood Education ECP Election Commission of Pakistan FATA Federally Administered Tribal Area FC Frontier Constabulary FDB Fisheries Development Board FLL Federal Legislative List GUPC Great United Petroleum Holdings Company GPI Gender Parity Index ISO Imamia Student Organization IP -Pakistan IP1 Iran-Pakistan- IG Inspector General JWP Jamhori Watan Party JUI-F Jamiat Ulema-e- Fazl JUP Jamiat-e-Ulema-e- Pakistan JI Jamaat-e-Islami LeJ Lashkar-e-Janghvi LFO Legal Framework Order LPG Liquid Petroleum Gas MCC Metallurgical Construction Corporation MCC Metallurgical Corp of China MNA Member of National Assembly MPNR Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Resources MDG Mega Development Goals MMA Muttahidda Majlis-i-Amal NAP National Awami Party NWFP North West Frontier Province NP National Party NP-H National Party-Hai Group v

NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization NFC National Finance Commission NES National Economic Survey NRO National Reconciliation Ordinance NCHD National Commission for Human Development OGDCL Oil and Gas Development Company Limited PPL Pakistan Petroleum Limited PNP Pakistan National Party PFAR Popular Front for Armed Resistance PPP Pakistan People‟s Party PPPP Pakistan People‟s Party Parliamentarians PkMAP Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party PML-N -Nawaz PML-Q Pakistan Muslim League-Quaid-e-Azam PADC Pak-Afghan Defense Council PSDP Public Sector Development Program RAW Research and Analysis Wing SSP Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan SEZ Special Economic Zone SMEDA Small and Medium Enterprises Development Authority SDPI Sustainable Development Policy Institute TTP Tehrik-e- Balochistan TAPI Turkmenistan--Pakistan-India TCPL Tethyan Copper Prosperity Limited TCCP Tethyan Copper Company of Pakistan UAE United Arab Emirates UNDP United Nations Development Program

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Table of Contents Title Page No Abstract i Acknowledgements ii List of Abbreviations iii-v Table of Contents vi-xv List of Tables xvi-xviii List of Maps xix Chapter One 1-15 Introduction 1. Introduction 1 2. Literature Review 5 3. Research Methodology 12 4. Research Questions 13 5. Organization of Research 13 References 16 Chapter Two 17-69 Balochistan: Land and People

1. The Baloch and Balochistan: Origin and History 17 2. Balochistan under Foreign Powers 18 2.1 Balochistan under Persian Influence 19 2.2 Balochistan under Arab Rule 20 2.3 Mongolian Invasion 21 2.4 First Organized Baloch Confederacy 21 2.5 Balochistan under British Dominance 22 3. Accession of Balochistan into Pakistan in 1947 25 vii

3.1. Conflicts between and Baloch 27 Nationalists 4. Geographical location 28 5. Physical Features and Topography 30 5.1 Topography 30 I. The Upper Highlands 30 II. The Lower Highlands 30 III. The Plains 31 IV. Deserts 31 V. The Coastal Line 31 5.2. Rivers of Balochistan 31 5.3 Forests 32 I. Juniper Forests 34 II. Chilghoza Pine Forests 34 III. Olive-Pistacia Forests 34 IV. Olive – Acacia Forests 34 V. Kohistan Forests 34 VI. Desert Forests 35 VII. Mangrove Forests 35 VIII. Alien/Invasive Forests 35 IX. Tropical Desert Thorn Forests 35 5.4 Mountain Ranges 35 6. Climate and Temperature 36 6.1. Rainfall 37 7. Economy of Balochistan 37 7.1. Natural Resources 38 I. Copper/Gold/Silver 39 II. Chromite 39 III. Iron 39 IV. Lead Zinc 40 viii

V. Antimony 40 VI. Manganese 40 VII. Fluorite 41 VIII. Barite 41 IX. Gypsum and Anhydrite 41 X. Onyx Marble 41 XI. Sand and Gravel 41 XII. Sulpher 42 XIII. Limestone 42 7.2 Energy Resources 42 I. Natural Gas and Oil 42 II. Coal 43 III. Wind Energy Potential 43 IV. Solar Energy Potential 44 8. Agriculture 44 8.1. Fruit Production 45 I. Fruits Grown in Upland Zone 45 II. Fruits Grown in Coastal Zone 45 8.2 Food Crops 45 8.3 Irrigation and Water Supply System 47 8.4 Fisheries 48 8.5 Livestock 49 9. Communication and Infrastructure 50 10. Ethnic and Linguistic Composition 51 11. Religious Behavior 55 12. Administrative Divisions of Balochistan 55 13. Tribes of Balochistan 57 14. Prominent Baloch Tribes 58 I. The Tribe 58 II. The Tribe 58 ix

III. The Tribe 59 References 60 Chapter Three 70-109 Geo-Strategic Significance of Balochistan 1. Geo Strategic Significance of Pakistan 70 2. Historical Perspective of Strategic Significance of Balochistan 70 3. Strategic Significance Due to Geographical Position 73 4. Strategic Significance of Balochistan as Marine Passage 74 5. Strategic Significance as a Safe Military Route 75 6. Strategic Significance in Trade and Commerce 75 7. Mega Development Projects of International Significance 76 7.1 Deep Sea Port 76 7.2 Infrastructure Associated to 79 I. Coastal Highway 79 II. Kashgar-Gwadar Trade Corridor 80 III. Other Important Road Networks 82 IV. Rail Networks 82 V. Up-gradation of the Gwadar Airport 82 7.3 Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India Gas Pipeline (TAPI) 83 7.4 Gwadar-Kashgar Oil and Gas Pipeline Project 85 7.5 Pak-Iran Joint Venture in Balochistan 86 I. Pak-Iran Oil Refinery Project 86 II. Iran-Pakistan Gas Pipeline Project (IP) 87 7.6 Gold/Copper Mining Projects and Strategic Importance of 89 Balochistan I. Reko Diq Gold Mining Project 89 II. Saindak Gold/Copper Mining Project 91 8. Balochistan and International Competition for Energy Resources 92 9. Significance of Balochistan in Global Politics 96 References 104 x

Chapter Four 110-162

Baloch Nationalism: Past and Present 1. Definition of Nationalism 110 2. Definition of Ethnic Nationalism 110 3. Baloch Nationalism 111 4. Key Elements in the Formation of Baloch Nationalism 111 4.1 Cultural Heritage and Traditional Values 111 I. Salient Features of Baloch Social Life 112 II. Baloch Literature 113 III. Baloch Songs and Music 113 IV. Baloch Poetry 113 V. Baloch Language 114 VI. The Baloch Anthem: Mulk Balochi (The Baloch Country) 114 4.2 Physical Terrain 114 4.3 Tribal System and Social Organization 115 4.4 Baloch Jirga System 117 4.5 Baloch Sardari System 117 5. Historical Development of Baloch Nationalism 118 I. The Revolutionary Group 120 II. The Constitutional Group 120 6. Emergence of Baloch Nationalist Movement 120 6.1 First Baloch Revolt on the Issue of Accession to Pakistan (1948) 122 6.2 Second Baloch Revolt (1958- 59) on the Issue of One-Unit Policy 124 6.3 Third Baloch Uprising (1963-69) and Policy of „‟Basic 126 Democracies‟‟ 6.4 Fourth Baloch Resistance 1973-77 129 7. Current Separatist Movement, 2005- Ongoing 130 8. Baloch Insurgents 136 9. Baloch Grievances and Main Causes of Current Insurgency 137 I. Protection of Cultural Identity 138 xi

II. Lack of Political Representation 139 III. Provincial Autonomy 141 IV. Expropriation of Resources 141 V. Financial Policies and Development Projects 142 VI. Economic Oppression 143 VII. Influx of Other Ethnic Groups and Fear of Marginalization 144 VIII. Presence of Army and Security Concerns 145 10. Governments Policies Regarding Baloch Insurgency 146 11. Interests of Foreign Powers in Baloch Nationalist Movement 149 12. Impacts of Baloch Nationalist Movements on National Level 153 References 156 Chapter Five 163-227 Political Development and Baloch Nationalism 1. Political Culture of Balochistan 163 2. Political Strains in Balochistan 164 3. Influence of Tribal Sardars on Politics 166 4. Political Attitude of Major Baloch Tribes 167 I. The Bugti Tribe 167 II. The Marri Tribe 168 III. The Mengal Tribe 169 5. Contribution of Baloch Political Parties in Political Development 170 5.1 Mainstream Political Parties 170 5.2 Baloch Nationalist Political Parties 170 5.3 Pakhtun Political Parties 172 5.4 Religious Political Parties and Their Influence 173 6. Impact of Baloch Militant Organizations on Political Environment 173 7. Religious Sectarian Groups and Impact on Political Process 176 8. Political Development in Balochistan from 2001-2014 177 9. Political Development of Balochistan during Military Regime of 177 General (1999-2008) xii

9.1 Triggers of Tension between Musharraf and Baloch Nationalists 179 I. Construction of Gwadar Port and Mega Development Projects 179 II. Clash of Economic Interests with the Non Baloch Communities 180 III. Musharraf‟s Support for US and War on Terrorism 181 IV. Involvement of Military in Political Decisions of Balochistan 181 V. Devolution of Power Plan (2002) 181 9.2 General Elections of 2002 and Political Scenario of Balochistan 182 I. Participating Political Parties 184 II. Influence of Military on Election Process 185 III. Election Results and Political Atmosphere of Balochistan 186 IV. Formation of Government 188 9.3 Detachment of Baloch Tribal Leaders from Political Process 189 9.4 Bugti‟s 15 Point Agenda to Musharraf Government 190 9.5 Baloch Armed Revolt against Musharraf 192 9.6 Musharraf‟s Policy to Appease Baloch Wrath: The Relief Package 194 2005 9.7 Amnesty Offer by Musharraf to Baloch Insurgents 197 9.8 Baloch Response to Amnesty Offer 197 10. Political Development in Balochistan during Democratic Regime 199 of (2008-2013) 10.1 Boycott of Baloch Nationalist Leaders of Elections 2008 199 10.2 Election Process and Formation of Government 200 10.3 PPP and Political Development of Balochistan 202 I. Aghaz-e-Huqooq-e-Balochistan Package 2009 203 II. Baloch Nationalist‟s Response to Balochistan Package 204 III. Political and Financial Autonomy through 18th Constitutional 206 Amendment and 7th National Finance Commission Award IV. Baloch Response and Attitude towards 18th Amendment and 210 7th NFC Award 11. Political Development in Balochistan during PML-N Regime (2013- 212 14) xiii

11.1 Pre Election Violence in Balochistan 212 11.2 Baloch Nationalist„s Attitude towards General Elections 2013 213 11.3 Election Process 2013 and Balochistan 214 11.4 Election Results and Formation of Government 214 11.5 Coalition Government of Baloch and Pakhtun in Balochistan 217 References 221 Chapter Six 228-289 Economic Development and Baloch Nationalism 1. Economic Condition of Balochistan 228 2. Population Density in Balochistan 229 3. Economic Strength of Balochistan 231 4. Agriculture and the Economic Development of Balochistan 233 I. Production of Food Crops 234 II. Production of Cash Crops 235 III. Fruit Production 236 IV. Vegetables Cultivation 238 V. Condiments of Balochistan 240 4.1 Major Challenges in the Development of Agriculture Sector 240 I. Lack of Proper Water Sources 240 II. Dominance of Small Farms 241 III. Limited Job Creation 241 IV. Lack of Quality Inputs 241 V. Inadequate Allocations for Development 241 VI. Disorganized Policies For Water Use 242 VII. Improper Access to Markets and Poor Information Systems 242 VIII. Lack of Proper Financial Policies 243 4.2 Provincial Government Plans for the Development of Agriculture 243 5. Live stock/Dairy Sector in the Economic Development 245 5.1 Major Problems of Livestock Sector 246 5.2 Economic Contribution of Live Stock 247 xiv

I. Meat 247 II. Milk 247 III. Fiber 247 IV. Fertilizers 247 V. Labor and Transport 248 VI. Land management 248 6. Fisheries in the Economic Development of Balochistan 249 I. Economic Significance of Marine Capture 250 II. Economic Significance of Coastline Aquaculture 250 III. Economic Significance of Inland Fisheries 250 6.1 Provincial Government‟s Plans for the Development of Fisheries 255 7. Significance of Mining and Energy Resources in the Economic 256 Development of Balochistan 8. Infrastructure Development Projects 259 8.1 Construction of 100 Dams in Balochistan 260 I. Economic Benefits of the Project 263 8.2 Current Economic Development Plans by Provincial Government 264 8.3 Chief Minister‟s Policy Reform Unit 265 I. Employment Opportunities 265 II. Basic Infrastructure Development Strategy 266 III. Economic Corridors Development Strategy 266 IV. Development Strategy for Growth Centers 267 V. Connectivity between Growth Centers and Economic Corridors 267 VI. Reconstruction of Provincial Highways 268 VII. Development Strategy for Coastal Regions 268 9. Major Challenges in the Economic Development 269 9.1 Poverty and Unemployment in Balochistan 269 9.2 Illiteracy and Poor Condition of Education 272 I. Development Project for Education in Balochistan by 274 Government xv

9.3 Lack of Proper Infrastructure 275 9.4 Natural Disasters and Hazards 276 I. Floods 276 II. Earthquakes 278 III. Land sliding 279 IV. Droughts 279 a. Affects of Droughts on Economic Progress 280 V. Spread of Diseases and Poor Health Awareness 281 10. Impact of Baloch Nationalist Movement on the Economic 281 Development of Balochistan References 285

Chapter Seven 291-304

Conclusion Bibliography 306-336

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List of Tables

Sr. Table Page No. No. 1 Table No. 2.1 Rivers of Balochistan 31 2 Table No. 2.2 Forests of Balochistan 33 3 Table No. 2.3 Important Mountain Ranges of Balochistan 35 4 Table no. 2.4 Metallic Minerals of Balochistan 38 5 Table No. 2.5 Non-Metallic Minerals of Balochistan 40 6 Table No. 2.6 Energy Resources of Balochistan 42 7 Table No. 2.7 Statistics on Gas Production 43 8 Table No. 2.8 Major Crops of Balochistan and Average Productivity 46 Index 9 Table No. 2.9 Population of Balochistan in Different Years 51 10 Table No. 2.10 Population of Major and Second Major Ethnic Groups in 53-54 Various Districts of Balochistan 11 Table No. 2.11 Administrative Divisions of Balochistan 55-56 12 Table No. 2.12 Tribes of Balochistan 57 13 Table No. 4.1 Levels of Baloch Jirga 118 14 Table No. 5.1 National Assembly Seats from All Pakistan in Election 186 2002 15 Table No. 5.2 National Assembly Seats from Balochistan 187 16 Table No. 5.3 Party Position in National Assembly 2002 187 17 Table No. 5.4 Composition of Senate 2002 188 18 Table No. 5.5 Baloch Militant Attacks on Government Installations 193 2001-2011 19 Table No. 5.6 Killed and Injured Persons during 2001-2011 194 20 Table No. 5.7 Composition of the National Assembly 2008 200 21 Table No. 5.8 Composition of the Provincial Assemblies 2008 201 22 Table No. 5.9 Party Position in National Assembly 2008 201 xvii

23 Table No. 5.10 National Assembly Seats from Balochistan 2008 201 24 Table No. 5.11 Provincial Assembly Party Position Balochistan 2008 202 25 Table No. 5.12 Gas Production and Consumption among the Provinces 207 2009 26 Table No. 5.13 Share in Total Transfers of Resources to the Provinces 209 under 7th NFC Award 2009-11 27 Table No. 5.14 Per Capita Transfers of Resources by Population 1990- 209 2011 28 Table No. 5.15 Elections 2013 Party Position National Assembly 215 29 Table No. 5.16 Elections 2013 Party Position Balochistan Assembly 216 30 Table No. 6.1 Demography of Balochistan 230 31 Table No. 6.2 District wise Statistics on Population and Land Mass 230 Balochistan 32 Table No. 6.3 Economic Figures of Districts of Balochistan 232 33 Table No. 6.4 Under Cultivation Area of Food Crops in Balochistan 234 34 Table No. 6.5 Production of Food Crops in Balochistan 235 35 Table No. 6.6 Regions of Cultivation of Cash Crops 235 36 Table No. 6.7 Under Cultivation Area of Cash Crops in Balochistan 236 37 Table No. 6.8 Production of Cash Crops in Balochistan 236 38 Table No. 6.9 Area under Fruit Production 237 39 Table No. 6.10 Production of Fruits 237 40 Table No. 6.11 Area under Vegetable Cultivation (Hectares) 238 41 Table No. 6.12 Production of Vegetables in Tones 239 42 Table No. 6.13 Production and Areas of Condiments of Balochistan 240 43 Table No. 6.14 Live stock Population Census Balochistan 2014 246 44 Table No. 6.15 Economic Worth of Live Stock 248 45 Table No. 6.16 Total Fish Landing and its Value on Balochistan Coast in 251 2013 46 Table No. 6.17 Area Wise Quantity of Fish on Balochistan in 2013 253 47 Table No. 6.18 Fishermen Population in 2013 255 48 Table No. 6.19 Government Plans for the Development of Fisheries 255 xviii

2012-13 49 Table No. 6.20 Worth of Minerals and Employment Cost Statistics 258 50 Table No. 6.21 Construction Strategy for 100 Dams 261 51 Table No. 6.22 Construction of 100 Dams, Package -I of 20 Dams 261 52 Table No. 6.23 Construction of 100 Dams, Package –II of 26 Dams 263 53 Table No. 6.24 Unemployed Population of Balochistan 270 54 Table No. 6.25 Statistics on Literacy Rate Balochistan 273 55 Table No. 6.26 Frequently Drought Affected Districts of Balochistan 279

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List of Maps

Sr. Map Page No. No. 1 Map No.2.1 Map of Balochistan 29 2 Map No.2.2 Districts of Balochistan 56 3 Map No.3.1 Balochistan under British Rule 71 4 Map No.3.2 Present Balochistan with Map of Pakistan 72 5 Map No.3.3 Location of Gwadar, Balochistan 77 6 Map No.3.4 The Corridors Crossing Through Balochistan 81 7 Map No.3.5 Two Proposed Gas Pipeline Projects IP&TAPI 84 8 Map No.3.6 Gwadar, the Gateway to Central Asia and China 95 Trade 9 Map No.4.1 Conflict Areas of Balochistan 135 10 Map No.6.1 Location of 100 Dams, Package-I of 20 Dams 262 11 Map No.6.2 Location of 100 Dams, Package-II of 26 Dams 264

CHAPTER ONE

Introduction

1

1. Introduction

This research is basically about the Baloch Nationalism and its impact on political and economic development of Balochistan, which is a constant cause of conflict between Baloch nationalists and the Government of Pakistan since 1947. In this research, the main focus is on the historical background of emergence of Baloch Nationalism with reference to the geo-strategic importance of this region. This research proceeds with references to the main factors which are involved in the political and economic development of Balochistan, while highlighting the role of Baloch Nationalist Sardars in the process of development and analyzing the causes behind continuous demand from Sardars of Balochistan for political and economic autonomy.

Nationalism is defined as a belief, faith and a political philosophy that rivets an individual who identifies himself or becomes emotionally involved to his nation. Nationalism consists of national uniqueness, by distinction with the related construct of devotion and loyalty which involves the social training and personal conduct that support the judgment and actions of a state. (Despina, 2005:135-155). According to a political or sociological viewpoint, there are two main standpoints which highlight the genesis and foundation of nationalism. One is called the primordialist perspective that explains nationalism as an expression of the ancient and perceived evolutionary human tendency to classify themselves into distinct groups based on the resemblance and similarity of birth. The second view describes nationalism as a modern occurrence that requires the structural conditions of modern society in order to exist. (Motyl, 2001:251). Ethnic nationalism is also a type of nationalism, in which a nation defines itself in terms of ethnicity. The innermost theme of ethnic nationalists is that "nations are defined by a shared heritage, which usually includes a common language, a common faith, and a common ethnic ancestry". (Muller, 2008) Ethnic nationalism also indicates the set of ideas of a cultureshared group with a same cultural background and common language. 2

However it is something different from entirely cultural definitions of a nation which prompt people to become members of a nation by cultural amalgamation and purely linguistic definitions.

The population of Balochistan consists of many ethnic groups. The major ethnic groups include Baloch, Pakhtuns and Brahvi. Other groups are and those who are usually known as „‟settlers‟‟. The small population of Balochistan has an exceptional ethnic and tribal variety. Most of the people in cities and town understand and speak more than two languages along with Balochi. The other languages such as , Brahvi, Saraiki, Sindhi, Darri and Persian are also spoken. (PILDAT, 2012:9)

Balochistan is the largest province of Pakistan but at the same time, it has the smallest amount of population that constitutes only 5% of the total population of Pakistan. Balochistan‟s geographical area spreads over 347,190 Sq, Kilometers, which forms 43.6 per cent of the total area of Pakistan. (http://www.balochistan.gov.pk) this largest province is the least literate and least developed area. It became a part of Pakistan on August 14, 1947 and got the status of province in 1972.

The location of Balochistan connects Iranian Plateau with South East Asia, Central Asia to its long coast line in the shores of the and makes this region geographically an important place. Balochistan is a mountainous desert area, which shares borders with Iran, Afghanistan and on its Southern Boundary is located the Arabian Sea with strategically important port of Gwadar on the Makran Coast, which is a direct approach to the Strait of Hormuz. Historically Balochistan‟s western region was the southern part of o Baluchestan province in Iran. In the east, was Pakistani Balochistan and in the northwest, the Helmand province of Afghanistan existed. The Gulf of is located on its southern border. It shares borders with all the other three provinces of Pakistan, North West Frontier Province (NWFP) 3 through Federally Administered Tribal Area (FATA) in the north, Punjab in the extreme north east and in east.

There were four princely states under the , three states Makran, Las Bela and were attached to Pakistan in 1947 after independence (Hasnat, 2011: 78). At that time the one part of Balochistan was known as the British Balochistan consisted of , Pishin, , and Lasbela and the second part was known as native Balochistan constituting Kalat, Kharan and Makran. Makran was made a district of Balochistan, less than an area of 800 kilometers around Gwadar, Gwadar used to be a part of Oman until Pakistan purchased it in September 1958. („‟Balochistan Problems and Solutions‟‟,2011) and became a part of Balochistan in 1977.

After Pakistan‟s creation in 1947, the new state had to face uprising from Baloch nationalists of Kalat who were trying to secede in 1948 and 1958. The movement gained energy by the time and created a regular political chaos; the government of Pakistan had to launch a military operation in 1973 against the insurgents and imposed heavy attacks on the baloch separatists with the help of Iran. The movement was suppressed with the imposition of martial law in 1977. But the nationalist-separatist groups again became active with the invasion of Afghanistan in 2001and the war in North- worsen the situation of conflict, and resulted in the killings of non-Baloch settlers in balochistan by separatists since 2006.

Since Balochistan is the largest territory of Pakistan, it holds a huge amount of oil, gas and other mineral resources, and is an exclusive economic zone of Pakistan which spreads over 180,000 square kilometers potentially rich in oil, gas and minerals like gold, chromite, copper, iron, marble. There are two very important naval bases of Pakistan are located at Gwadar and Omara. Gwadar, as an alternative to the port is of significant strategic importance to Pakistan, with Chinese involvement (Grare, 2006: 4-5). Balochistan provides 49% of Pakistan‟s 4 energy requirements as well as Balochistan‟s natural gas production provide 36% of Pakistan‟s total gas production. (ICG, 2006: 16). Balochistan has always remained politically less important. The strong hold of Central Government and the unacquainted style of the decision-making process have alienated the people of Balochistan. There have been four insurgencies in Balochistan; in 1948, 1958, 1962 and 1973; and four military operations have been conducted against Baloch nationalists but they all resulted in a worse chaos and enhanced the sense of deprivation, disaffection and disappointment in the Baloch People.

The announcement of Gwadar Mega project in 2001 and the assassination of by Pakistani Military forces in 2006, ignited Baloch nationalism again and gave it the form of a separatist movement which soon turned into a fight for an independent Balochistan and the province is facing another rebellion by Balochi Nationalists groups such as the Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA), the Baloch Republican Army (BRA) and the Baloch Liberation Front (BLF). These militant groups have been fighting for their political and economic rights according to the 1973 Constitution. The killing of Baloch nationalists in response by narrowed any more cahnces of peace. During 2011-2014, many mega projects worth billions of rupees in collaboration with foreign countries were launched for economic development of Balochistan, construction of mega Gwadar Port is the most prominent and significant of all, but the plan to establish military cantonments at , Gwadar, Dera Bugti and Kohlu, and involvement of other countries, created an impression on Baloch Nationalists that the development was to be achieved by keeping Baloch people suppressed and under pressure and the influence of foreign communities in these projects may harm and damage the basic Baloch National Identity.

This research brings into the light the impacts and effects on political and economic development of Balochistan in current scenario while keeping in view the historical background of Baloch Nationalism, its origins, role and reasons behind it‟s uprising again and again. 5

2. Literature Review

The topic of Baloch Nationalism is not new in the history; a lot of work has been done on this topic as it is gaining significance with each passing day. Much has been written earlier but the present work is an effort to add knowledge and understanding how Baloch Nationalism has played role in the development of least populated area of Pakistan. Though it is a difficult task to go through and analyze all the literature available, yet an effort has been made.

 Nina Swidler (2014) examines tribalism and nationalism as historical processes in Kalat which was slightly colonial in two ways. It was located on the far reaches of the Indian Empire, and British interests were geostrategic rather than economic. The British nominated Kalat a native state, but eliminated the powers of the ruler in favour of Tribal chiefs and tribal governance through Jirga (tribal court). This created tensions between local officials and the Central Government, which was determined that the outlook of Kalat State be maintained. Sardars and jirgas have become significant as a traditional feature of baloch society. (Swidler, Nina (2014). Remotely Colonial: History and Politics in Balochistan. New York: Oxford University Press)  Zahid Choudhary‟s book edited and compiled by Zaidi, Hassan Jafar. (2013). Pakistan Ki Siyasi Tareekh (Balochistan Volume 7), comprises of more then 12 volumes which cover all the historical background of Indo-Pak, Hindu- Muslim and Colonial conflict at the time of creation of Pakistan.. The book provides good information about the circumstances which led to the partition of Sub-Continent.  Maria Malik (2013) elaborates Balochistan, with a special focus on the level of the socio-political, economic and strategic implications that are involved in present insurgency is likely to affect Pakistan as well as the region.(Maria Malik (2013). Balochistan Conundrum-The Real Perspective, Islamabad: Poorab Academy.) 6

 Naseer Dashti (2012) provides knowledge on the historical background of Balochistan and Baloch nation. He states that, a group of Indo-Iranic tribes, was called Balaschik about three thousand years ago (Dashti, 2012: 138) and was established in the northwestern Caspian region of Balashagan. Due to hard circumstances, they migrated towards south and eastern parts of Iranian Plateau, and then settled in present day Balochistan. During their hard and twisted travel from Balashagan to Balochistan, they faced discrimination, exile, and brutality of Persian, Arab and other powers. During 17th century, Baloch started cultural and political development and formed a nation state; Kalat. In 1839, the British occupied Balochistan and divided it into different parts (Dashti, 2012: 140-150). When the British left India in 1947, Balochistan recovered its independence but soon Pakistan occupied it in 1948. The book explains the origin of the Baloch state and their history of survival against powerful forces. (Naseer Dashti, (2012). The Baloch and Balochistan: A Historical Account from the Beginning to the Fall of the Baloch State. USA: Trafford Publishing.)  (2011) defines Balochistan as Pakistan‟s largest province rich with natural gas, gold and copper on the borders of Iran and Afghanistan. the Baloch have a harsh history of utilization and repression by federal government and a heavy influence by the country‟s military. The writer highlights the issue of the disappearance of hundreds of Baloch political workers and their brutal murder by the Pakistani security services. The government and the Baloch nationalists have confronted each other four times since the creation of Pakistan in 1947; the ongoing conflict involves more organized and drastic magnitude. The author takes a look at the changes in the dimension of Baloch movement changed during last decade. (Malik Siraj Akbar (2011). The Redefined Dimensions of Baloch Nationalist Movement, USA: Xlibris, Corporation)  Feroz Ahmad (1999) presents a very significant work about the ineffectiveness of ethnic politics in Pakistan. He gives a detailed picture of different ethnic groups in Pakistan, the evolution of their group identity and 7

the social and economic conditions of the state in which they work together. He provides a detailed analysis of the challenges of identity which the emerging state faced with the creation of Pakistan. The volatile nature of Pakistan‟s ethnic problem and the role of state have been emphasized with a complete detail about the crisis and armed resistance in Balochistan. The author has successfully highlighted the problems of ethnic groups in Pakistan and the factors which are realted to their national integration. (Ahmed, Feroz (1999). Ethnicity and Politics in Pakistan. Karachi: Oxford.)  Adeel (2005) has provided very valuable knowledge about ethnic politics in Pakistan. He talks about a diverse range of issues related to ethnic conflict in Pakistan and presents an obvious picture of centre state relationship and the tyrannically centralizing policies of the Pakistani state. The book is a detailed study of the absence of representative rule, provincial autonomy, ethnic and regional restlessness and deals ethnic conflict as a political issue, and an effort for power gain between the major and the minor elements. (Khan, A. (2005). Politics of Identity: Ethnic Nationalism and the State in Pakistan. New Dehli: Sage Publications)  An autobiography of Khan of Kalat state is very helpful in every research on Balochistan. He recalls every event in pre and post independence period and exposes many secrets. He has given a detailed account of accession of Kalat state with Pakistan. (Baloch, A. Y. K M. (2009). 2nd Edition, Inside Balochistan. Karachi: Royal Book Company.)  A book by (1994) provides rich information on the socio-cultural and political aspects of Balochistan. The writer describes many socio-cultural, political, economic and administrative aspects of Balochistan, while analyzing them. The book is a compilation of his published articles which were written to highlight the ancient and historical legacies of Balochistan. (Kundi, A. M (1994). Balochistan; A Socio-Cultural and Political Analysis. Quetta: Qasim Printers). 8

 Syed Iqbal Ahmad (1992) presents very significant and valuable work the geo strategic and political importance of Balochistan. He highlights the factors which make this region the most significant for the security of Pakistan as a link between South Asia, the Middle East and Central Asia. The writer also discusses the consequences of Soviet invasion in Afghanistan in 1979 and its impact on Balochistan and overall political situation of Pakistan. (Ahmad, Iqbal Syed. (1992). Balochistan: Its Strategic Importance. Karachi: Royal Book Co.)  A very important work on the historical and political background and process is found in the book written by A.B Awan, (1995) which provides knowledge about historical background to post-independence Pakistan and the evolution of political process in Balochistan. He explains the nature of Baloch ethnicity along with their struggle from a nomadic life to the British rule. Later on, the author describes the evolution of political events and processes in Balochistan after the creation of Pakistan. The book does not only provide important information about domestic inconsistency but also highlights the influence of political, economical and cultural impacts of Russia, on baloch neighboring country; Afghanistan. (Awan, B. A (1995).Balochistan: Historical and Political Process. Landon; New Century Publishers).  Selig S. Harrison (1981) contributes a lot in any research about Baloch nationalism and briefly gives a good back ground to the origins of the Baloch people then he talks about the real nature of Baloch nationalism rather than the made up theories about nationalism. The author views Baloch nationalism as a vibrant and self motivated observable fact which draws attention in its own right rather than as a subsidiary aspect of the larger problems of Pakistani and Iranian nationalism. He carefully examines Pakistani and Iranian political and strategic attitudes to the Baloch and their demands. He further emphasizes upon the long lasting impacts of these political attitudes which are important in the formation of Baloch movement and affect the probabilities for conciliation between the Baloch and Government. The book successfully explains the major grievances of baloch nationalists such as their 9

demands for autonomy and the possibilities of due adjustments between the Baloch and Central Government. The author also considers Russian influence and attitude toward Baloch separatism and explains the ideology behind the Baloch struggle for both independence and justice. (Harrison, Selig. S, (1981). In Afghanistan‘s Shadow: Baloch Nationalism and Soviet Temptation. New York; Carneige Endowment for International Peace)  A very precious and valuable book of Justice Mir Khuda Buksh Marri (1974). This book, by Justice Marri really provides a valuable knowledge about the origin, civilization, language and history of Baloch people from Tell-Harire and Allepo in Nothern to ancient Babylonian, Kerman, Balochistan and from the beginning to the present. (Marri, Mir Khuda Bakhsh. (1974).Searchlights on Balochs and Balochistan. Karachi: Royal Book Company.)  Fred Scholz (2002) explores the long-term impacts of prevailing external influence on local nomadic societies especially on Balochistan. the author explains the externally stimulated twist of internal structures and their importance for the development of the present time. This book presents a valuable knowledge about the different aspects of life of nomads, tribal societies, and Balochistan. This is a deep study of the transformation of the nomadic structure of Balochistan into their present developed society. (Scholz, Fred. (2002). Nomadism and Colonialism: A Hundred Years of Baluchistan (1872-1972). USA: Oxford University Press.)  Farhan Hanif Siddique (2012) explains the Pakistani government‟s treatment and attitude towards different ethnic groups after military operation in East Pakistan. The author gives a detailed description about the ethnic movements that took place after the creation of Bangladesh such as the Baloch revolt in the 1970s, the Sindhi uprising in the 1980s and Mohajir movement in the 1990s. This book is a critical analysis of ethnicity and nationalism and evaluates the nationalist ideology within ethnic groups as a basic factor in all the cultural movements. He challenges the argument that nationalism is only related to modern-industrialized socio-economic settings (Siddique, 2012: 3). 10

He takes evidence from Pakistan and tries to state that ethnic movements originate from three distinct socio-economic territories; tribal (Baloch), rural (Sindh) and urban (Mohajir). His provides knowledge about the origins of Baloch, Sindhi and Mohajir ethnic conflicts in Pakistan and their relations with the central government. (Siddiqi, Farhan Hanif. (2012). The Politics of Ethnicity in Pakistan: The Baloch, Sindhi and Mohajir Ethnic Movements (Routledge Contemporary South Asia Series). USA: Routledge.)  Robert G. Wirsing (2008) examines the current Baloch separatist insurgency in the context of energy and natural resources of this region. The writer is of the view that a rapid increase in the demand of energy in Pakistan and other neighboring nations, and the turbulence in resource rich province of Balochistan regarding their energy deposits has magnified the importance of Balochistan on national and international level. The situation becomes more complicated when Pakistan has not been able to cope with the separatist movement launched by baloch tribes. The writer suggests that Pakistan needs to renovate its policies regarding baloch demands and their protest against government in order to control the unlimited conflict and to treat the Baloch people as associates in energy development, not as opponents or rivals. (Wrising, Robert.G., (2008). Baloch Nationalism and the Geopolitics of Energy Resources: A Changing Context of Separatism in Pakistan, retrieved from http://www.dtic.mil/dtic/tr/fulltext/u2/a480237.pdf on 2 April, 2015)  Jason R. Murtha, (2011) gives a detailed introduction of strategic significance of Balochistan regional affairs which is increasing day by day due to the natural gas, oil and other precious minerals. The author explains why Balochistan is gaining attention from foreign investor and developers. In addition to natural resources, the geographical location of Balochistan makes it the most important region to connect the Middle East, Central Asia and South Asia. The emphasis of the author is upon the construction of Gwadar Port, which is likely to play the key role in bringing economic and political globalization to the region. But the same port is also the main cause of current baloch insurgency and has created an unstable situation both on 11

national and international level. As many surrounding nations such as China, India, Iran, US, Russia and Afghanistan; has their own interest in Balochistan. (Murtha, Jason R. (2011). „‘The Strategic Importance of Balochistan‖ California: Naval Postgraduate School, Monterey.)  Martin Axmann, (2008) explains the origin of Baloch nationalism during the 20th century and analyzes the emergence of Baloch national movement in British India. The author discusses the reasons of decline and collapse of Kalat. The of Kalat lacked the ability to integrate itself with British but at the same time, increased connection and attachment to British Indian affairs, and the political, administrative, and constitutional development of Balochistan. The author tries to highlight the facts behind the materialization of Baloch movement and their attempt to turn Balochistan to its pre-colonial status. He also searches into the causes of rapid rise of Baloch nationalist movement, and the political and cultural structure of Baloch society. The book also discusses the political demands of Baloch nationalists. The writer states that the emergence of a Baloch national movement based on their ethnic identity is a result of the historical and political conditions created by the British and a reaction to the territorial, political, and cultural inclusion in the (Axmann, Martin (2008). Back to the Future: The and the Genesis of Nationalism 1915-1955. London: Oxford University Press).  Mir Sherbaz , (2011) narrates that Balochistan is Pakistan's most neglected province, where the basic facilities are still almost non-existent, people are living as they did centuries ago. He also highlights the powerful influence of strong tradition of the tribal system where law made by tribal chiefs, rules all aspects of lives of people. Political and economic negligence has made Balochistan a centre of lawlessness. The chances of civil war continue to float and the possibilities of province's split from the rest of the country in the wake of current insurgency. This writer attempts to explain the major causes or factors of Balochistan crises which have strong historical roots, demands a multi-dimensional and an urgent solution. Mir Sherbaz 12

Khetran is a Baloch native and son of the chieftain of the historic Khetran tribe and takes keen interest in the province's political and development affairs. (Khetran, Mir Sherbaz. (2011). Crisis in Balochistan: The Way Forward, LAP LAMBERT Academic Publishing.)  Alexander Kouzminov, (2010) explains that Baloch people were not willing to join Pakistan and they have always been challenging the Pakistani Government as an independent entity. That‟s why there is a constant atmosphere of violence in this region. He also emphasizes the role of external forces which try to exploit baloch alienation from Pakistan. He discusses the progress of post colonial Balochistan, its geopolitical worth, and the fundamental grievances of the Baloch. The writer attempts to analyze the reasons behind recent phase of violence in Balochistan and highlights the latest position of insurgency. He predicts the possible impacts of long-lasting violence in Balochistan on Pakistan. (Kouzminov, Alexander. (2010). Balochistan in Turmoil: Pakistan at Crossroads. Manas Publications)  Mehmood ‟s book is worth studying to be aware of social construction of Baloch Society after the creation of Pakistan in 1947 onwards. The writer provides details on gradual development of local government system in Balochistan and keeps his focus on the function and influence of these political systems on tribal society of Balochistan. The writer successfully brings into light the socio-economic organization and the administrative system of the baloch tribes. (Shah, A. M. (1994). Sardari, Jirga and Local Government System in Balochistan. Lahore : Idara-e-Tadrees.)

3. Research Methodology

This research work is a qualitative type of study with a historical and analytical research method. A convenient approach is adopted according to the requirement of research work. Primary data collection was made through autobiographies of relevant personalities and Government documents etc. Secondary sources include 13 data collection from books, journals, articles, news papers, internet search, articles, magazines, research papers and dissertations.

4. Research Questions

In this study, an effort has been made to answers these research questions:

1. What role has been played by Baloch Nationalism in the political and Economic Development of Balochistan?

2. What factors have led to Baloch Nationalism? 3. How can the Baloch Nationalists be brought into mainstream politics?

4. What kind of projects for economic and political development have been launched in Balochistan during last decade and how they are beneficial for the improvement of Baloch region?

5. How much Baloch Nationalism is effecting the process of development in Balochistan, whether the Baloch Nationalists are rendering their co-operation for political and economic development or not? Keeping a focus on the tribal system and their internal conflicts. 6. What is the present scenario of political and economic development, keeping in view the influence of an ongoing insurgency (started in 2005) in Balochistan by Baloch Nationalists.

5. Organization of Research

The research is divided into seven chapters.The Chapter One is an introduction to the research topic, which includes literature review, research questions, and methodology and chapter scheme.

14

The Chapter Two; Balochistan: Land and People; provides detailed information about the Land and people of Balochistan, its historical background with an emphasis on Baloch struggle for protecting the integrity and identity as a unique Ethnic Group. Moreover, it includes the basic information about natural resources, ethnic composition, social attitude, political attitude and geographical features of Balochistan.

This Chapter Three; Geo Strategic Significance of Balochistan; elaborates in detail the geo-strategic significance of Balochistan, while focusing on those factors which have given this region an increased importance on national and international level. The strategic importance of Balochistan has great potential of becoming the major participant in the development of Pakistan. Moreover, the reasons of developing interests of foreign and regional nation‟s powers in Balochistan have been high lightened in context of Mega Development Projects and geographical location of the region. This chapter analyzes the strategic significance of Balochistan as a key factor in global politics.

The Chapter Four; Baloch Nationalism: Past and Present; is about the historical development of Baloch Nationalism, and a detailed discussion about baloch Tribal System and highlights the history of uprising of Baloch nationalism which includes the basic elements in the formation of Baloch Nationalism. Baloch tribal structure and internal conflicts on national level have been emphasized. It discusses the genesis of Baloch Sardari system and its influential role on the social and political conditions of Balochistan. Baloch relations and conflicts with central government and the history of all the baloch uprisings have been discussed with a special reference to ongoing Baloch insurgency.

The Chapter Five; Political Development and Baloch Nationalism; provides information on political structure of Balochistan, during the period from 2001-2014, Government policies regarding betterment of political system in Balochistan and role of Baloch Politicians and local Nationalists leaders. This chapter will discuss political 15 issues between Baloch Nationalists and Central Government as well as the internal political conflicts between major political parties of Balochistan with an analytical approach to understand the overall political structure and performance of political institutes in the development of Balochistan.

The Chapter Six; Economic Development and Baloch Nationalism; will discuss in detail the major projects of economic development of Balochistan, launched by the Government of Pakistan, during 2001-2014 some of which are sponsored and supported by foreign countries, and the impact of these projects on economic conditions of Balochistan in context of Baloch Nationalism. The factors involved in the success and failure of economic development programs will be studied in the light of Baloch ideology of their ethnic identity and current insurgency.

The Chapter Seven; Conclusion; will conclude the overall written chapters with suggestions to bring Baloch Nationalism into mainstream political and economic scenario.

16

References

Balochistan Problems and Solutions, (2011) retrieved from http://www.thevision21.org/article-detail.php?cid=14&aid=31 on December 9, 2014

Despina, Rothi, (2005). National Attachment and Patriotism in a European Nation: A British Study, Political Psychology, 26. pp 135-155

Motyl, Alexander, ed. (2001). Encyclopedia of Nationalism.1., San Diego: Academic Press

Muller, Jerry. Z., (March/April 2008) Us and Them, The Enduring Power of Ethnic Nationalism, retrieved from https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/europe/2008-03- 02/us-and-them on 2014,Dec.8

PILDAT (March, 2012) Balochistan: Civil-Military Relations, Islamabad: Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency.

CHAPTER TWO

Balochistan: Land and People

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1. The Baloch and Balochistan: Origin and History

The current land of Balochistan is divided into three parts, Northern Balochistan, Western Balochistan and Eastern Balochistan, extended between three countries that are Afghanistan, Iran and Pakistan by a differentiating border called Goldsmith Line. It was drawn by British General Goldsmith in 1870-1872. Balochistan became a part of Pakistan on August 14, 1947 and got the status of province in 1972. The location of Balochistan which connects Iranian Plateau with South East Asia and the Central Asian States to the coastal line on the Arabian Sea provides it with a great significance in the terms of geography.

The evidence for the origin of Baloch people and their arrival to the present land is available through many archeological, historical and anthropology theories yet their origin has not been recognized accurately. The Baloch always managed themselves as a tribal union. Balochistan is the land where one of the earliest human civilizations; Mehrgar is found in Eastern Balochistan; (PIPS, 2009:14) the Kech civilization in Makran has its history in 4000 BC.

Baloch people have been living and ruling their land for a thousand of years as most ancient tribes of the world. A theory about the origin of Balochs is Semitic Connection, according to which the Baloch had a correlation with civilization of Western Asia in the valley of Allepo. According to historians, Baloch were a Semitic race inhabited in Syria during second millennium BC. (Britannica, 1990: 60) They moved from Allepo to Iran and then shifted to present day Balochistan. The Baloch people were basically nomadic, roaming in search of water, food and shelter. And the region which became their final destination was called Balochistan, the Land of Balochs. (Britannica, 1990: 62) Prior to their arrival from Kirman to Makran, two other tribes, Brahvi and Pakhtun were already settled in Balochistan. It is also mentioned in historical evidences that Kurds and Balochs were two groups of the same tribe which migrated to Balochistan from Allepo during 4 A.D. Majority of the 18

Kurds settled down in , Turkey and North Iran and the Baloch decided to make Mount Al Burz Valley, their homeland.

According to Marco polo, this area was called Kesmacoran, headed by an independent ruler and the people were involved in agriculture and trading both overland and by sea in all directions. (Spooner, 1989:609) Baloch started immigrating into the coastal area Makran in the 11th century AD, and became strong in 13th century with the invasion of Turkish Tribes into the Iranian Plateau from the East. According to the Baloch Epic tradition, they belong to Arabic Origin and Migrated from Aleppo in Syria after the battle of Karbala in 680 AD. According to the tradition, they claim to have fought against Caliph Yazeed in the Battle of Karbala, the epic tradition claims that Baloch were Shia who migrated from Hallab Allepo, Syria to in Seistan, Iran and subsequently to Makran and other Parts of Balochistan (Dames, 1907:2) but a historical evidence states that the Baloch already existed in 1665 AD. in the region called Kirman (Baloch, 1965: pp8-9)

According to the Baloch epics, the administration of Mir Chakar and Mir Hammal in 15th and created in them a true Islamic force and after fighting on the side of Hazrat Imam Hussain, they left Karbala and reached Sistan where they settled in the region of Rudbar, peacefully under the rule of Shams-ul-Din, but due to the unfriendly behavior of the next ruler , Badar-ud-Din, the Balochs had to leave Rudbar, some tribes migrated to south east ward and some went towards south west ward.(Elfenbein,1989:640) Another theory reveals that during 5th to 8th centuries, Balochs migrated from the Southern Caspian to Iran and Afghanistan and later on, they marched towards Pakistan due to unavailability of sufficient pastures and suppression of feudal land controls.

2. Balochistan under Foreign Powers

Throughout the history, the land of Balochistan has been a significant centre of attraction to various external powers. The geographic location of this region has 19 been a major factor in creating interest of different forces to capture the Baloch region to enhance their political power. Being a resource rich land and a safe link to the other countries, Balochistan has always been attacked and ruled over by various external intruders.

2.1. Balochistan under Persian Influence

Balochistan was a link between Mesopotamia and Iranian Palteau and Indo- Gangetic Plain, and was called as . chose as a route for his army in 325 BC at the time of his return from India after conquering Punjab. (Kokaislova and Kokaisl, 2012) Alexander crossed Lasbela, and Makran Coast. After the death of Alexander, Gedrosia became a part of the which was a political power in ancient Iran and the Persian Sassanid Dynasty in 3rd Century A.D. Sassanid Empire was the last pre-Islamic Iranian empire from 224 to 651 A.D. In 1849, Iran overpowered Baloch people in Kerman and gained control of Bumpur.

The Baloch political condition experienced an extreme change in 19th century when the British and Persian Empires divided Balochistan between India and the Persian Kingdom. In the 19th and 20th century, the Baloch demonstrated their contempt for the twisted and unfair division and revolted against British and Persian rule. Due to that division, many parts of Balochistan were handed over to Iran and Afghanistan. In 1928, the Persian forces again started the invasion procedure against Baloch and occupied Balochistan. The Baloch were defeated and Western Balochistan became a part of Persia. In 1932, the Baloch Conference of chaired by Baloch Nationalist leader, Nawab Yousaf Aziz Magsi rejected the Iranian occupation of Western Baluchistan. (Forbes, BTV). He initiated the Baloch national independence movement to secure the Baloch cultural identity and the rich traditional values which were badly crushed by the ruling states. In 1933, Mir , a prominent Baloch leader, strongly opposed the partition of Balochistan and introduced the first map of Greater Balochistan. In 1934, Magsi, the head of the 20

Baloch national movement, recommended an armed resistence for the freedomof Balochistan.

2.2. Balochistan under the Arab Rule

The Arabs invaded Balochistan in the 7th century AD and brought social, religious, economic and political changes into the region. Balochistan came under Islamic influence for the first time in 40 AD, when the Arabs conquered Iran and entered into Makran. They established their strength in the region as Daulat Mehdania Makran and Daulat Mutaghariba Tooran (Sabir, 2010) which is now known as Kalat Zone. The Arab rule spread the teachings of Islam in the area and the Baloch tribes gradually embraced Islam.

The second invasion of Arabs was made from the west by an Arab General, Muhammad Bin Qasim in 712 AD. Qasim came though Mekran, and conquered Sindh, parts of Balochistan and Punjab up to and then in 10th century, a Turkish Sultan from Ghazna, Mehmood Ghaznavi captured the region. After that, Balochistan came under Mughals who ruled over there for more than two thousand years. (Mubarakpuri, 1987:256) The Arabs ruled Balochistan from 7th to 10th century. Khuzdar was made its capital. (Encyclopedia of Islam, 1936: 634) Balochistan made remarkable progress in the fields of agriculture and over all social structure was developed by the Arab rulers. During the last years of Arab rule, the Baloch tribes developed the tendency of establishing their own semi-independent tribal confederation. The influence of the Arab strated destabilizing in 10th century and Balochistan once again slipped into Persian track. (Britannica, 1990: 62) In the 11th century, Nasir-ud-din Subuktagin became the new ruler of Balochistan and it was the beginning of Ghaznivid dynasty. The Sultan Mahmud of (999- 1025 A.D.) attacked Hind and Sindh many times, and successfully gain control over some parts of Punjab, Sindh, NWFP and Balochistan. In 1219, Muhammad Khan of Khawarizem made Balochistan a part of Saljuk Empire, which is now known as Khewa in Central Asia. (Gazetteer of India, 1984:275) In the 1595 it became a part 21 of the and later in 17th century, Nadir Shah and Abbas Safavid of Persia captured it (PIPS, 2009:16) then Ahmed Shah of Afghanistan established his rule in 1747.(„‟Explore Balochistan‟‟, 2013) The Khanate of Kalat emerged in 1758 when Nasir Khan revolted against the Afghans. From 1400 to 1948 AD, hold of the ruling and invading powers on Balochistan had got weakened and the Baloch emerged as a powerful force, the decline of Islamic Caliphate gave rise to Baloch command and dominion. By the end of 14th century, the Baloch had got control over most of the Balochistan (Baloch, 1983:11). The authority and remarkable progress of Baloch social, political and cultural organization is the feature of this era. During 14th century, the Baloch tribes who had migrated from western parts of present Balochistan in Iran took over in the area up to Jhalanwan. This tribal alliance which was headed by Mir Jalal was the first Baloch confederacy. Ahmed Shah Durrani from Afghanistan started his rule in 1747. The Kalat come into view in 1758 when Nasir Khan protested against the Afghans. Kalat remained the dominant authority in Balochistan by the 18th century.

2.3. Mongolian Invasion

At the beginning of the l3th century, in 1223 A.D Balochistan came under pressure of severe attacks by the Mongols. Mongolian attacks badly damaged and shattered Baloch polity. (Gazetteer of India, 1984:275) Along with Mongols, the Turkish invaders from the 10th to 13th century, caused heavy loss and destruction to Balochistan and played an important role in creating a strong emotion of patriotism in the Balochi Tribes to get them united against these forces and to become loyal to their Tribal Chiefs.

2.4. First Organized Baloch Confederacy

In the 15th century, a Baloch leader Mir Chakar launched a Baloch union which included area from Multan, through Mari-Bugti territory to Kharan, and from the Sulaiman Mountain in the north to Mekran coast. (Gazetteer of India, 1984:276) Mir 22

Chakar ruled for about twenty five years. During his period of influence, His leadership and well managed policies created new values in the fields of art, literature, bravery and devotion.

He was the man who is still idealized and loved by Baloch people with a great sense of respect and honor. He was the first great leader who successfully managed to control the politically and economically scattered Baloch tribes. He helped his people by restoring the lost martial values of the Baloch confederacy. While giving them an identity by uniting them as one nation, about three hundred and fifty years before the British conquered Quetta and Kalat. His period is called the "classical age" (Baloch, 1977:72) He was the first leader to establish control of Baloch people over their own land, Balochistan. The classical age ended with the death of in about 1556 A.D. (Marri 1974: 17)

2.5. Balochistan under British Dominance

Before the first Afghan war in 1839, British increased their interest and involvement into the region and they started efforts to gain control over Balochistan. For this purpose, they adopted different strategies like military expeditions and treaties (Gazetteer of India, 1984:289). The conract between the British and Khan of Kalat occurred in 1838, when the Indian army crossed over the Bolan Pass to reach to Afghanistan. (PILDAT, 2012:13) The rapidly rising threat from Russia compelled the British to arrange for a safe passage from Kalat to Kandhar through Ahikarpur- Jacobabad-Dhadhar-Bolan Pass-Quetta-Khojak. (Dupree, 1973:378) The British had to choose Bolan Pass as their route because the ruler of Punjab, Ranjit Singh had refused to allow British to cross through his region.

In 1876, British Balochistan came into existence when areas of Sibi, Pishin, Chaman, Shararod and Thal Chotyali were taken over by British from Afghanistan. In 1876 Sir Robert Sandeman accomplished a treaty with the Khan of Kalat to bring the states of Kharan, Makran, and Las Bela, under British control (Isa: 2007:8). 23

According to the treaty Kalat handed over the matters of foreign affairs and defence to British. Under this treaty, political agents were appointed by British who held supreme power and Khan of Kalat became powerless. The British occupied Quetta in 1877 and established their dominance in Balochistan. They divided Balochistan into three different areas based on ethnic divisions and military strategy. (Gazetteer of India, 1984:333) The divisions were as:

1. British Balochistan 2. Agency territories including Marri and Bugti Area 3. Native states of Kalat, Lasbela, Makran and Kharan

The Sandeman system gave the Tribal Sardars, complete self-sufficiency under the supervision of British. They were paid their remuneration by the British. The Khan of Kalat lost the power to run the affairs of Sardars, even the development projects were supervised by the British political agents only. The British goal was to appease Baloch Sardars to prevent any freedom-movement and to strengthen British influence in a strategically significant region. Sandeman used the tribal chiefs for this purpose by supporting them and giving other privileges like honorable titles and financial aid. This was an important system which increased autonomy and power of Sardars, but consequently, damaged the traditional baloch social system and intensified class divisions. This new administrative system drastically changed the character of the Jirga, an assembly which used to play the role of public court to provide justice to people and a new system of Shahi (royal) Jirga was introduced instead, (Ahmed, 1973:10) which was consisted of only the Sardars and aristocrats.

This system empowered the British with strength to control any uprising against them while damaging the last institution of a purely tribal nature, gave rise to unbreakable class difference and gave the Sardars vast powers over the lives and property of the people. The Shahi Jirga was permitted to compel taxes in property and could confiscate women. The Political Agent knowing as AGG (Agent to Governor General) had the authority to modify all the decisions. The role of Sardars 24 was too much extended that they could take decisions independently, even against the benefit of people. They preservation of law and order was the duty of Sardars, establishment of levy corps was made to supervise the process. (Ahmed, 1973:10) The levies use to recruit tribal staff with the approval of the Sardars. The Sardars were bound to pay salaries to the tribal workers, and kept the rest of the capital with their ownselves, which was provided by British Army for that puprospe.

In the year of 1883, British government got Bolan Pass, on permanent lease from Kalat. (PIPS, 2009:18) British rulers gave complete freedom and autonomy to Baloch Tribal chiefs to manage all their internal tribal affairs according to their cultural traditions and customs. In 1893, after two fights with Afghanistan, the area from to Balochistan, of the was ceded to Afghanistan by Sir Mortimer Durrand. (Khan, 2009:1073). The British wanted to turn Balochistan into a buffer zone between India and Russia, and as a protected way from Sindh to Afghanistan. The Durand Line with Afghanistan and Goldsmith Line with Iran borders were drawn by British colonial rulers while ignoring the significance of native inhabitants and historic ethnic territories. These borders were drawn to create division between the Pakhtuns and Baloch tribes of Iran, Afghanistan and Pakistan. The British formulated laws and regulations to support the reliance of Balochistan and gain control over its socio-political system.

The border line of western Balochistan was fixed in 1872, when Iran conquered it. The main objectives of the British were based on strategic and military interests, so they did not pay attention to the economic development of Balochistan. Increased taxes led to the landlessness of many Baloch farmers, spreading economic decline (Khan, 2009: 1074). A new business class from the Punjab and Sindh regions came over and gained control of economic developments in Balochistan. This activity inspired nationalist attitude and reaction amongst the local Baloch people. (Khan, 2009: 1074). Ethno-nationalist movements started uprising throughout the 1930s, with local elites promoting a separate state towards the end of the British Raj (Grare, 2006: 9). The British occupation of Kalat in 1839 was a significant incident in Baloch 25 history which changed the destiny of the Baloch people. The Baloch were detached of their land and had to face long-lasting occupation by foreign forces. The social structure of Balochistan was based on tribal communities which were the only authority to maintain political structure of Baloch region without any concept of single state authority. Political unity was inappropriate and an unfamiliar to the tribal mode of their social life. ―Whilst several conquering armies including Persian, Afghan, Sindhi and Sikh continuously overran the region, all avoided permanent control of the tribes‖ (Khan, 2003: 282) In 17th century, the most prominent tribal confederacy was established in Kalat, and in 18th century, a successful effort was made by Khan of Kalat, Nasir Khan, to unite and organize the tribes of Kalat. And the first unified Baloch Army was established operating an administrative and military system (Khan, 2003: pp 282-286).

3. Accession of Balochistan into Pakistan in 1947

Balochistan was an important land, so the demand for the inclusion of Balochistan into Pakistan became a priority of the Muslim League. Allama included and high lighted the significance of Balochistan in his famous Presidential address of All India Muslim League in December 1930, prior to that, Quaid-e-Azam had also included democratic reforms for Balochistan in his famous „fourteen points‟ of 1928. (Talbot, 1990:117). Since then, the Muslim league continuously insisted upon the inclusion of Balochistan but there was no proper establishment of Muslim League in that province.

The Pakistan Movement in Balochistan was initially launched by Nawabzada Yousaf Ali Khan who was a great admirer of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan and Allama Iqbal. He organized first All India Baloch Conference at Jacobabad on 29th December 1932 and introduced the Islamic political ideas in Balochistan. (Quddus, 1990:119). Later on Quaid-e-Azam selected Qazi Isa to launch Pakistan Movement in Balochistan and asked him to organize the Muslim League in the province. In September 1939, 26

Balochistan Provincial League was recognized as a part of All India Muslim League. (Quddus, 1990:120)

The main objective of Muslim League was to spread its influence in Balochistan regarding Pakistan Movement but with the hope of British withdrawal from sub continent, the National Party and other Baloch nationalist parties joined the movement led by Khan of Kalat for the independence of Balochistan. (Harrison, 1981:24). The British Government sent a mission, called Cripps, to Sub-Continent in March 1946 to negotiate with Indians regarding the partition of Sub-Continent. The Khan of Kalat approached the mission and discussed the independence only of Balochistan. He requested the Cripps mission to restore the Balochistan‟s pre 1876 status by regaining full independence all over Kalat territories which were held or leased by British rulers. (Baluch, 1975:255-295). Another memorandum signed by the Baloch Sardars, was sent to the British government to join Khanate. (Baluch, 1975:144). In 1947, when the British government was about to grant independence to the Sub-Continent, the Khan of Kalat filed a legal case for independence, arguing that Kalat had already been given a legal independent status like Nepal based on direct treaty relations with England and the state was not bound to deal with the British Indian Government just like the other Indian princely states. (Baloch, 1987:174). Sardar Khan Baluch, the Secretary to the Khan of Kalat stated that ―To begin with the question of a unified and freed Baluch race, the question of greater Baluchistan is inevitable‖. (Baloch, 1947:20)

But in June 1947 the tribal leaders of Balochistan were asked to take decision about the status of Balochistan, most of the Baloch Sardars decided to join Pakistan. The Nawab of Lasbella, sardars of Kharan and Makran states, the Khan of Kalat himself showed their willing to join Pakistan. (Shah, 1997:95). The British Government declared Indian Independence Act on 18th July, 1947 according to which ―Two Independent Dominions shall be set up in India, to be known respectively as India and Pakistan‖. (Indian Independence Act: 1947).The territories of Independent States, India and Pakistan were specified and „‟The Chief Commissioner‟s Province 27 of British Balochistan‟‟ (section 2 (2) (b) was included into Pakistan. There were no specification of Indian State but the Act mentioned as ‗‘nothing in this section shall be interpreted as preventing the accession of Indian states to either of the new Dominions‘‘ (section 2 (4). Kharan, Lasebela and Makran willingly acceded to Pakistan and the last ruler of Kalat stated that ‗‘I signed the merger documents in my capacity as Khan-e-Azam on 30th March, 1948 (Khan. A Yar 1975:162) and having done s upon receipt of M.A. Jinnah‘s letter, dated 2nd February, 1948, calling upon him to: ‗‘I advise you to join Pakistan without further delay‘‘. (Baloch, 2008). In 1947, when Pakistan got independence, princely states were given the choice of either join Pakistan or India or to remain independent. Khan of Kalat, Mir Ahmed Yar Khan declared Kalat as an independent state on the basis of Kalat‟s Treaty Relations 1976 with British India which were of the same status as Nepal and India. (Ali, 2005:45) The reason behind Baloch resistance was their sense of uncertainty about the future of their ethnic identity. Both the house of parliament at Kalat refused to join Pakistan. However, in 1948, Kalat was forced to annex to Pakistan with the help of army, Khan of Kalat signed an accession agreement in 1948 ending Kalat's de facto independence, (Titus, 2000:48)

3.1. Conflicts between Government of Pakistan and Baloch Nationalists

Since the creation of Pakistan in 1947, there is an on going series of conflicts in Balochistan between government of Pakistan, Government of Iran and Baloch tribes. There have been five major insurgencies in Balochistan till date. These insurgencies have their roots in both historical and contemporary factors based on Baloch Nationalism. Relations between Baloch nationalists and Central Government have always been offensive since 1947 and turned into violent reactions from Baloch nationalist tribes against the Pakistani military, central government and civil society time to time. The occurrence of nationalism includes demands of the Baloch people for political, economic and cultural autonomy.The present conflict (2005- onwards) is the fifth insurrection in Balochistan since Independence. Prior conflicts occurred in 28

1948, 1958-59, 1963-69 and 1973-77. (the causes and factors involved in these insurgencies will be discussed in detail in a separate chapter) all the uprisings were associated with a stable and firm strength of nationalist sentiment. Balochistan has constantly remained under the occupation of oppressive system. The indigenous inhabitants of Balochistan have been facing continuous oppression, inequality, injustice, deprivation of ethnic, economic and political rights. The Baloch nationalist leaders are continuously demanding self-determination along with the rights of economic development and cultural identity. The Baloch Nationalist are passionately devoted to the struggle for freedom from Pakistan.In 1928 Iran occupied the western Balochistan against which hundreds of Baloch tribesmen fought and sacrificed their lives and in 1948 Pakistan invaded the Eastern Balochistan by killing hundreds of Baloch Nationalists and annexed the Baloch territory. Baloch has never accepted the political boundaries dividing its territory nor has accepted the occupation of these states. Baloch nationalists have been struggling for the liberation of Balochistan. Pakistan and Iran‟s military have carried out a number of military operations to suppress the Baloch ambition of liberty, peace and justice till date.

4. Geographical location

Balochistan, the largest province of Pakistan is smallest in population and covers almost 44 percent of the country‟s total land area. According to 1998 Census, its population is about 6, 511,000. Balochistan geographically is bounded by 60 52' east longitudes to 24 54' north latitude and 70 17‟ east longitudes to 32 6‟ north latitude. (Census Report Balochistan, 2001:58) About 80 percent of the area is inter- mountainous. 20 percent area consists of flood and coastal plains. The important mountain ranges are Sulaiman, Toba-, Central Brahui, Kirthar, Chagai, Raskoh and central Makran and Makran coast. The Greek historian, divided Balochistan into three parts: (Pakistan Progressive, 1980: 3)

a) Aracosia; consisting of and Quetta region, b) Drangiana; comprising Helmund, Seistan and Chagai, and 29

c) Gedrosia; including Mekran Coast

Balochistan is a mountainous desert area and shares borders with Iran, Afghanistan and the Arabian Sea with strategically important port of Gwadar on the Makran Coast, which is a direct approach to the Strait of Hormuz. Balochistan shares 900 kilometer long border with Iran and 1,002 kilometer long border with Afghanistan (Sial and Basit, 2010:5). The Gulf of Oman is located on its southern border. It has common borders with the other three provinces in Pakistan, North West Frontier Province through Federally Administered Tribal Area in the north, Punjab in the extreme north east and Sindh in east.

Map. No. 2.1 Map of Balochistan

Source: http://www.nttfc.org/balochistanMap.asp accessed on 06 May, 2015

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5. Physical Features and Topography

Balochistan is located at the Southeast border of the Iranian plateau and strategically connects the Middle East and South-West Asia to Central Asia and south Asia and provides the marine frontage for the landlocked countries of central Asia. The Suleiman Mountains cover the northeast corner and Bolan Pass is a natural path to Afghanistan which was used by British as a passageway .The capital, Quetta is located in the north east of the province on the bank of the river valley near the Afghan border with a road to Kandahar in the northeast. On the east, the Sulaiman Ranges separate it from the Iranian part, in the north, Toba Kakar, in the west, Chagai hills separate it from Afghanistan and Iran. (Britannica, Vol. III, 1970: 60)

5.1. Topography

In the terms of Topography, Balochistan consists of the following features:

I. The Upper Highlands The upper highlands are located in central and northeastern areas and are surrounded by the Sulaiman Range to the east and the Toba Kakar Range to the northwest. The height of Khorasan is 3,700 meters, about 1,500 meters above sea levels. („‟About Balochistan‟‟ 2013). The upper highlands drain into the Indus River including Makran, Kharan and Chaghi in the West and Sulaiman, Pab, Kirther in the east. (Hughes, 1997:25) They descend in districts Zhob, Killa Saifullah, Pishin, Quetta, Ziarat and Kalat.

II. The Lower Highlands The lower highlands include the eastern Sulaiman Range, the lower ranges of the Makran, Kharan, and Chagi on the west; and the Pab and Kirthar ranges on the southeast. They drain southward into the Arabian Sea with an elevation ranging from 31

1970 to 3940 ft. („‟About Balochistan‟‟ 2013). Some extensions of lower high lands exist at Gwadar, Turbat, Panjgur, Kharan and Chaghi districts.

III. The Plains Balochistan has small area of plains whic include the Kachi plain in the south of Sibi and extend towards Nasirabad, the southern part of Dera Bugti, and a narrow plain along the Mekran coast stretches from Kachi to the Iranian border. The plains of Kachi, Las Bela and river Dasht cover area in addition to the Quetta and Kalat. (Gazetteer of India, 1976:266) Balochistan has two raised plains or plateau. One is the Quetta Valley and the other is in Kalat. The other is the quadrangular Plateau, measuring about 300 miles by 300 miles. On this plateau lies the ancient city of Kalat at the height of 6,318 feet. (Britannica, VOL III, 1971: 60)

IV. The Deserts The north western part consists of deserts mostly in Kharan which is an extension of the Iranian Seistan and Dasht-e-Lut (Hughes, 1997:25) and Chaghi districts vast plains are covered with black sand.

V. The Coastal Line The coastal-line is about 760 Kilometers long, with many peninsulas. The coastal area is located on Arabian Sea with the vertical hills. Important ports such as Somiani, , Jiwani and Gwadar form the Coastal Line of Balochistan. (Ahmad, 1976:45)

5.2. Rivers of Balochistan

Table No. 2.1. Rivers of Balochistan Nari River Kaha River Gaj River Hingol River 32

Dasht River Nal River Porali River Hub River Mushkel River Zhob River Gomal River Source: Generated by the researcher during research

The rivers in Balochistan do not flow in any particular direction. Nari, Kaha and Gaj Rivers in the northeastern and eastern parts are the branches of the Indus River. The southern rivers float towards the Arabian Sea. The rest conclude in lakes and swamps, which are called Hamuns. (Gazetteer of India, 1984:26). The largest river of Balochistan is Hingol. It flows southward and falls into the Arabian Sea. Other southem rivers in the Mekran coastal area are Dasht, Nal, porali, Hub and Mashkel. The Zhob River flows towards the Gomal River and joins the Indus River. („‟About Balochistan‟‟ 2013). Mashkel is the only river which flows northward and ends in Hamun-i-Mashkel. In Balochistan, the main water-bearing areas are along the Quetta-Jacobabad-Hyderabad-Karachi and Quetta - Kalat - Khuzdar - Bela - Karachi arrangements

5.3. Forests

There are different types of forests in Balochistan which play a significant role in the supply of feed for livestock and a good potential of Balochistan in the terms of natural resources while providing fuel wood, timber, wildlife products and other forest products. Balochistan has only two percent forest cover of total forestry of Pakistan. Balochistan has world‟s second largest juniper forest in Ziarat and Harboi areas of Kalat districts. There are eight different environmental regions with a vast diversity in plantation. This feature differentiates Balochistan from the rest of the country. The forest area is 2,306,910 hectares in Balochistan. (Baloch, 2015, Jan.25) Forests play 33 an important role in the economic growth of any region and fulfill many other human needs. Important forests of Balochistan are as under:

Table No. 2.2. Forests of Balochistan

Name of Forest Covered Areas 1 Juniper Forests Zarhun, Zarakhu, Takatu, Murdar, Surghund, Ziarat, Khatuka, Chautair, Harboi in Kalat and Targhatu 2 Chilghoza Pine Shingher, Kaisaghar and Speraghat hills in Zhob, Forest Sherani and Musa districts and Torghar in Killa Saifullah 3 Olive-Pistacia Zhob, Sherani, Barkhan, Loralai, , Killa Forest Saifullah, Musakhail, Kohlu, Washuk, Khuzdar, Kalat, 4 Olive – Acacia Sibi, Loralai, Musakhail, Zhob, Khuzdar and Forest Lasbella district. 5 Kohistan Salvadora, Kandi, Ber, Tamarix, Mazri, Chagird, Forests Panjgur, Kech, Gwadar, Lasbella, Sibi and Khuzdar 6 Desert Forest Kandi, Ghaz, Ber, Mazri, Haloxylon, Gugal, Chagai, Washuk, Kharan, Nushki, Lasbella, Kachhi, Sibi and Awaran 7 Mangrove Lasbela, Gwadar and Pasni Forests

8 Alien /Invasive Lasbella, Gwadar, Kech, Barkhan, Sibi, Loralai Forests and Musakhail districts 9 Tropical Desert Mekran, Lasbella, Sibi, Khuzdar and Awaran Thorn Forests Sources: Generated by the researcher during research 34

The details about these forests are as under:

I. Juniper Forests The Juniper forests are located in Zarhun, Zarakhu, Takatu, Murdar, Surghund, Ziarat, Khatuka, Chautair, Harboi in Kalat and Targhatu areas. Balochistan‟s Junipers are one of the biggest forests in the world. A major portion of Ziarat is covered with juniper trees.The juniper forests are spread over an area of about 2.30,000 acres. („‟The Juniper Forests‟‟, 2008) Juniper berries are used as a spice while a kind of very useful oil is also extracted from juniper trees. They also produce medical herbs like Epherda and Artimesia.

II. Chilghoza Pine Forests In the north of Balochistan, Shingher, Kaisaghar and Speraghat hills in Zhob, Sherani and Musa Khel districts and Torghar in are the main areas of chilgoza pine forests.

III. Olive-Pistacia Forests Zhob, Sherani, Barkhan, Loralai, Harnai, Killa Saifullah, Musakhail, Kohlu, Washuk, Khuzdar, Kalat, Bolan areas have forests of Pine-nuts and olives which are very significant in terms of export and are widely used in medicines and other purposes.

IV. Olive – Acacia Forests Theses forests are located in Sibi, Loralai, Musakhail, Zhob and Khuzdar districts and adjoining area of Lasbella district.

V. Kohistan Forests kohistan forests are located in Salvadora, Kandi, Ber, Tamarix, Mazri, Chagird, Panjgur, Kech, Gwadar, Lasbella, Sibi and Khuzdar districts.

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VI. Desert Forests Desert forests are mainly found in Kandi, Ghaz, Ber, Mazri, Haloxylon, Gugal, Chagai, Washuk, Kharan, Nushki, Lasbella, Kachhi, Sibi and Awaran districts.

VII. Mangrove Forests Mangrove forests protect coastal areas from cyclones, these forests are located in Lasbela, Gwadar and Pasni.

VIII. Alien/Invasive Forests Theses are located in Lasbella, Gwadar, Kech, Barkhan, Sibi, Loralai & Musakhail districts.

XI. Tropical Desert Thorn Forests Mekran, Lasbella, Sibi, Khuzdar and Awaran districts are known for tropical desert thornforests. („‟Forest Resource‟‟, 2015). The forests are decreasing rapidly because majority of the population is facing energy shortage like gas and electricity and people are cutting off trees to produce fuel and to overcome the insufficiency of basic facilities in terms of energy and to provide food to the livestock.

5.4. Mountain Ranges

Baluchistan has many barren but rich in mineral sources mountain ranges. There are many passes located in these mountains which connect Pakistan with Afghanistan.

Table No. 2.3. Important Mountain Ranges of Balochistan Sr. Mountain Range Location No 1 Chaghi Range Along Iran and Afghan Border 2 The Central Brahvi Range Central Balochistan as a Southern Branch of Himalaya, Bolan Pass, Harnai Pass and Mula 36

Pass are located here

3 The Suleiman Range North to south direction equivalent to the Indus River. Kaisargarh with a height of 3,441 meters and Takhat-e-Suleiman 3,379 meters are the highest peaks in the North. 4 The Toba Kakar Range In the north on the border with Afghanistan 5 Bugti Hills and Sibi Division 6 Central Mekran Range 7 Giandari Range On the Border of Balochistan and Punjab in Dera Bugti and Sibi 8 Marri Hills Kohlu Distraict in Sibi Division 9 Mekran Coast Range 10 Ras Koh Hills On the border between of Kalat Division and of Source: Generated by the researcher during research

6. Climate and Temperature

Balochistan has an extraordinary variety in the terms of landscape which is prominently visible in climate. The climate of Balochistan contains almost all the types such as hot, humid, temperate and cold in the various places. The major portion of Balochistan possesses a steamy and humid climate. The Upper Highlands face severe conditions during winter season, the temperature falls many degrees below freezing point, whereas the summers are moderate. (Kazi, 1976:45) In the valleys of Balochistan temperature has a variety according to their altitude, soil structure, nearness to lakes, and direction of winds.

The valleys of Quetta, Zhob and Ziarat are usually cold with high chances of fog, rain, and snow in winters. The valleys of Kalat and Khuzdar in Lower Highlands also 37 fall in the same category along with Panjgur in the Upper Coastal Region (Gazetteer of India, Vol. VI, 1976:273) The plains and deserts become extremely hot during summers and the temperature normally exceeds fifty degree centigrade. Noshki in the north, Sibi and Dhadar in the middle, and Turbat in the Coastal region are considered to be among the hottest. Strong winds also play a prominent role in the climate of Balochistan. These winds blow from the North West by the mountains like Himalaya and Hundukush from Siberia to the areas of Chagi. The Coastal region remains under the influence of Arabian Sea and the climate is hot, humid in summers, and moderate in winters. (Kazi, 1976:45)

6.1. Rainfall

The climate of Balochistan is semi- arid Mediterranean, with annual rainfall from 200 to 350 mili meters. („‟Provincial Disaster‟‟, 2006:11) and a changeable quantity of this total fall in the form of snow and rain in the winter season and as extreme spell of rain in summer. The constant aridity makes agriculture almost impossible. Balochistan never receives the Monsoon rains like other parts of Pakistan. The average of annual rainfall is between two to three inches in winter season. (Gazetteer of India, Vol. VI, 1976:273) Some parts of the Lower Highlands and the coastal areas enjoy rain mostly in the summer.

7. Economy of Balochistan

The economy is largely depends upon the production of natural oil, natural gas, coal, and minerals which is utilized for domestic use and export. The Baloch people are farmers basically but in the coastal area fishery is also a second big source of income. Due to the constant political and security disturbance and tensed situation, Balochistan is not profiting from its vast resources and therefore the people live in poorest conditions. Limited farming and fishing is another contributing factor in the economy of Balochistan. The important economic sectors include mining of copper, 38 gold and other precious minerals. The agriculture sector and live stock are also a part of rural economy and livelihood.

7.1. Natural Resources

Balochistan is spreading over largest territory of Pakistan, it holds an extensive amount of oil, gas, coal and other mineral resources and is an exclusive economic zone of 180,000 square kilometers rich in oil, gas, gold, chromites, copper, iron, marble, along with two coastal ports, Gwadar and Omara. Gwadar plays a substitute to the Karachi port in Sindh province and is of great significant strategic importance to Pakistan (Grare, 2006: 4-5). Balochistan is a rich land in terms of minerals which are divided into two categories, metallic and Non-Metallic mineral resources.

Table No. 2.4. Metallic Minerals of Balochistan Mineral Estimated Location Deposits 1 Copper 2 Billion Tons Chaghi, Khuzdar, Lasbela 2 Gold 20 Billion Ounces Chaghi, Khuzdar, Lasbela 3 Chromite Unknown Khuzdar, Lasbela, Chagi, Khuzdar, Kharan, Killa Saifulla, Wad, Sonaro and Muslim Bagh 4 Iron 200 Million Tons Chaghi, Khuzdar, Lasbela, Mastung, Dilband, Chilghazi, Chigendik, Amir Chah, and Pachin Koh. 5 Lead Zinc 26 Million Tons Lasbela , Khuzdar 6 Antimony 26,000 Tons Qila Abdullah, Panjgure, Turbat and Kharan District 7 Manganes 580,500 Tons Lasbela, Khuzdar, Qila e Saifullah,Chaghi and Zhob Source: Generated by the researcher during research 39

The details about the importance of these minerals are as under:

I. Copper Gold/Silver Balochistan has vast resources of copper and all these reserves are found in Chaghi, Khuzdar, Lasbela districts, in Chaghi at least 12 deposits are found with substantial quantities of gold and silver. („‟Geological Survey of Pakistan‟‟, 2009) Two major projects of mining copper gold are Sandak Copper-Gold and Reko Diq copper-Gold deposits. The Sandak project was started in 1995 and is producing 15,672 tons of copper blister, 51852 ounces of gold and 97356 ounces of silver are being produced annually.(„‟An Overview of Mineral Potential‟‟, 2013:7) Reko Diq deposit was discovered in 1978-79 in Chaghi as a joint venture between Balochistan, Canada and Chile partnership. The mining of about two billion tons of copper and twenty million ounces of gold reserves and a large scale of silver deposit are estimated in this project.

II. Chromite Lasbela, Chagi, Khuzdar, Kharan, Killa Saifulla, Wad, Sonaro and Muslim Bagh are the parts of Balochistan having deposits of Chromite, („‟Mineral Resources of Balochistan‟‟, 2013) in Zhob Valley is the most significant source chromite. Some other areas such as Ras Koh and Wad in southern Balochistan have some deposits. The entire amount of explored Chromite is exported.

III. Iron The reserves of Iron are estimated at 200 million tons, and mainly found in the areas of Chaghi, Khuzdar, Lasbela and Mastung Districts. („‟Mineral Resources of Balochistan‟‟, 2013) Chaghi alone produces about 30 million tons of Iron. Many other deposits of iron have been found in Dilband, Chilghazi, Chigendik, Amir Chah, and Pachin Koh..(„‟An Overview of Mineral Potential‟‟, 2013:7)

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IV. Lead Zinc Reserves of lead-zinc have been recognized in Lasbella and Khuzdar districts at Duddar, Gunga and Surmai areas and total reserves estimated are about 26 million tons. Lead is used in ammunitions. (Geological Survey of Pakistan, 2009 )

V. Antimony Antimony is found near Qila Abdullah, Panjgure, Turbat and in district Pishin. Recently found in Kharan district. Present estimate of Antimony is 26,000 tons. Antimony is an important metal. which is used in the production of safety matches, in cartridges, in tracer bullets and similar light signals. (Geological Survey of Pakistan, 2009).

VI. Manganese Manganese is found in Lasbela, Khuzdar, Qila Saifullah, Chaghi and Zhob districts. („‟An Overview of Mineral Potential‟‟, 2013:15). A total of 580,500 tons of manganese has been estimated.

Table No. 2.5. Non Metallic Minerals of Balochistan Mineral Estimated Reserves Location 1 Fluorite 100,000 Tons Maran, Phad-i-Maran and Dilband 2 Barite 30 Million Tons Kalat, Lasbella, Uthal and Khuzdar 3 Gypsum & Anhydrite 7 Million Tons Sibi and Lora lai 4 Onyx Marble 12 Million Tons Chagi, Khuzdar, Lasbela and Bolan 5 Lime Stone Enormous Reserves Chaghi and Zhob 6 Sulpher 787,000 tons Chaghi and Kachi District Source: Generated by the researcher during research

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The details are as under:

VII. Fluorite Significant reserves of fluorite are found at Maran, Phad-i-Maran and Dilband areas of . The total estimated reserves are about 100,000 tons. („‟Mineral Reserves in Balochistan‟‟, 2013)

VIII. Barite Vast reserves of barite are found in Kalat, Lasbella, Uthal and Khuzdar districts Total estimated reserves are over 30 million tons. Average annual production is about 25,000 tons.

IX. Gypsum and Anhydrite Gypsum and anhydrite deposits are extracted in Spintangi in Sibi district and at Chamalong-Bahlol in . („‟An Overview of Mineral Potential‟‟,2013,15). The reserves have been estimated as over 7 million tons.

X. Onyx Marble The high quality onyx deposits are present in the Chagai belt and also are found at many areas in the central and western parts like Lasbela, Khuzdar and Bolan. The main deposits are ZardKan, Patkok, Julhi, Butak, Mashkichah, Tozghi, Chilgazi, and Zeh. („‟Mineral Reserves in Balochistan‟‟,2013). The estimated reserves of marble in the province are more than 12 million tons.

XI. Sand and Gravel Sand and gravel extraction is counted as the biggest mining industry in Balochistan. The sand and gravel are used widely by the construction industry in Portland cement, concerts, mortar and plaster. The reserves of sand and gravel are in huge and enormous amount.

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XII. Sulpher The best quality deposits of Sulphur are located in Chagai district. The deposits are found around the southern and southwestern side of a died out volcanic basin called, Koh-i-Sultan. Some deposits of sulphur are found near Sanni in Kachi district. („‟Mineral Reserves in Balochistan‟‟, 2013). Total estimated reserves of sulphur are about 787,000 tons.

XIII. Lime Stone Balochistan has vast resources of limestone expanding from coastal region near Karachi to the areas of Chagai and Zhob in the north. Limestone is a raw material which is widely utilized by cement manufacturing industries. Mostly, the limestone is found along with roads. (Geological Survey of Pakistan, 2009)

7.2. Energy Resources

Table No. 2.6. Energy Resources of Balochistan Energy Resource Location Natural Gas Sui, Loti, Pir Koh, Uch, Oil Khuzdar, Dera Bugti, Kohlu and Zarghun Coal Bolan, Sibi, Quetta, Lora Lai and Chamalang Source: Generated by the researcher during research

I. Natural Gas and Oil Gas and Oil are most important amongst the mineral resources of the province and are being consumed widely for domestic use and export purposes. In 1952, the natural gas was first discovered in Balochistan, and within a few decades Balochistan started producing almost 50 percent of the country's natural gas by 1980. (World Bank Report, 2013: 12) Balochistan provides 49 percent of Pakistan‟s total energy requirements as well as only the reservoirs of natural gas in Balochistan produce and provides 36% of Pakistan‟s total gas production.(ICG, 2006: 16) 43 presently the natural gas and oil are being produced in the areas of Sui, Loti, Pir Koh and Uch. More gas and oil reserves have been discovered at Khuzdar, Dera Bugti, Kohlu and Zarghun. (World Bank Report, 2013:4)

Table No. 2.7. Statistics on Gas Production Area Production Value in Pak. Rs. Sui 281,996 (MMCFT) 22.14 Pir Koh 32,838 (MMCFT) 66.92 Uch 56, 535 (MMCFT) 3.17 US Dollars Loti 14,085 (MMCFT) 63.20 Source: PIPS, Balochistan: Conflicts and Players, (2009). Islamabad, P.31

II. Coal Coal is also a traditionally important mineral resource and great factor in the economy of Balochistan. The coal production of around two million tons forms the highest provincial share in the national coal production (World Bank Report, 2013: 5) Coal reserves are present in Bolan, Sibi, Quetta and Lora Lai Districts. The other areas include Khost, Shahrig, Harnai, Duki, Pir Imail Ziarat, Mach and Chamalang. (Geological Survey of Pakistan, 2009). Coal is extracted by underground mining method. Total estimated reserves of all the coal fields are about 217 million tons. („‟An Overview of Mineral Potential‟‟, 2013, 11)

III. Wind Energy Potential Balochistan possesses a substantial probability for the development of alternative sources of energy like wind and solar. The regions of Nokkundi in the north-western corner and the Chaghi area have significant potential for developing wind energy resources. Balochistan's wind resource potential was estimated to be nearly equal to the total established generating capacity of Pakistan in 2011. (World Bank report, 2013: 12)

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IV. Solar Energy Potential Balochistan is considered at the highest position in the country for being potential for solar energy. ‗‘About 40 percent of the land area of Balochistan receives direct solar rays with an energy potential of more than 6 kWh per square meter per day, while the rest of the province receives direct solar radiation with an energy potential of 4.5 kWh per square meter per day. Extrapolation from these numbers gives way a total power generation potential of as much as 1.2 million Mega Watt.‖(World Bank Report, 2013:12)

8. Agriculture

Agriculture contributes one-third of the provincial GDP and about 40 percent of population is employed as labor force. Agriculture sector forms the great factor in the economy of Balochistan. (World Bank Report, 2013: 51) Agricultural production faces the shortage of water, power supply, and sufficient infrastructure. Wheat, jowar (sorghum), maize, Barley and rice are the major food crops, while fruits are the principal cash crops.

The main hurdle in the growth and progress of agriculture is insufficiency of water supply. Mostly, the cultivation in large areas depends on rain water. Under-ground water in Balochistan has fallen very low to the depths of 800 to 1000 feet. (Naseeb Ullah, 2014). Therefore the farmers now have to rely on tube wells. Tube wells require electricity which is also limited in Balochistan. Consequently, more than 50 percent of the agricultural land in Balochistan is facing problems and is becoming infertile. Fruit gardens and agriculture farms are uncultivated due to the shortage of electricity and proper water supply. In Balochistan the drought from 2000 has turned down the water Table low and underground water sources almost dried up. (Naseeb Ullah, 2014). Climate change is another obstacle in the rapid progress and development in crop production. Extreme weather conditions have a major impact on Balochistan's agriculture. In the hot regions, the extreme temperature increases the water requirement for cultivation and ample water supply is not possible through tube wells, high temperature also affects the underground water resources. Dry 45 years, with no rain fall, also cause a great loss to the farmers in the form of reduced crop production. (World Bank Report, 2013: 8)

8.1. Fruit Production

Balochistan is known for the production of grapes, cherry, almonds, peach, pomegranate, apricot, apple and date. (Waseem, 2011:28). In this regard, Balochistan is divided into two zones, Upland Zone and Coastal Zone.

I. Fruits grown in Upland Zone

The areas of fruit cultivation are Quetta, Pishin, Qilla Saifullah, Qillah Abdullah, Zhob, Loralai, Ziarat, Kalat, Khuzdar and Mastung which are famous for the production of apple, apricot, peach, plums, grapes, cherry, almonds, pear, pomegranate and melons. Red and golden varieties of apples grown in Ziarat are very famous for their delicious taste and fragrance.

II. Fruits grown in Coastal Zone

Coastal zone comprises of the districts of Turbat, Panjgoor and Kharan and Makran are famous for the production of high quality varieties of dates. The province produces about 130 varieties of date. (Haider, „‟Fruit Production in Balochistan‟‟). The contribution of Balochistan in production of fruits is 16.67 percent in Pakistan‟s total area production. (Waseem, 2011:28) high quality mango is also produced in the tropical areas of Balochistan.

8.2. Food Crops

In terms of food crops, the land of Balochistan has been categorized for the cultivation of different food grain in different areas according to the suitability of climate and temperature of the region. Cold-resistant crops are grown in eastern and southern areas and drought-resistant crops are produced in western and northern areas. (, Gadiwala, Burke, Azam and Baqa, 2014:294) However, Wheat, rice, maize, jowar, bajra and barley are the important food crops of Balochistan. Wheat 46 and jowar are cultivated on more than 50 percent of the total cultivated area of Balochistan. Jowar can be grown both as Rabi and Kharif crops. Wheat is produced mostly in the dry areas. Wheat cultivation is restricted to the areas which are able to be given sufficient and appropriate water supply.

Table No. 2.8. Major Crops of Balochistan and Average Productivity Index

Major Areas of Cultivation Average Index Crops 1 Wheat Nasirabad, Jafferabad, Lasbela, Quetta, Bolan, Jhal 83.7 kilogram Magsi, Harnai, Sibi, Mastung, Qilla Saifullah, Per Hectare Khuzdar, Dera Bugti, Kharan, Washuk, Ziarat and 2 Rice Nushki, Panjgur, Bolan, Sherani, Washuk, 71.7 kilogram Nasirabad, Jafferabad, Gwadar, Dera Bugti, Kharan Per Hectare Khuzdar, Qilasaifuula 3 Jowar is important in high productivity of 97.4 kilogram Jowar. Other areas with moderate productivity levels Per Hectare include Chagai, Nushki, Washuk, Kharan, Ladbela, Khuzdar, , Nasirabad, Dera Bugti, Sibi, Harnai, Loralai and Barkhan, Loralai and Musakhel. 4 Maize Sibi, Pishin, Harnai, Chagai, Nushki, Lasbela, Killa 95.6 kilogram Saifullah, Zhob, Sherani, Khuzdar, Kalat, Kohlu, Per Hectare Loralai, Musakhel, and Barkhan district 5 Bajra Chagai, Panjgur, Nushki, Musakhel, Dera Bugti, 105 Kilogram Washuk, Kharan, Gwadar, Sibi, Harnai, Loralai and Per Hectare Barkhan districts. 6 Barley Bolan, Jhalmagsi and Gwadar 108 kilogram Per Hectare Source: Safi, Ghulam Murtaza; Gadiwala, Muhammad Sohail; Burke, Farkhunda; Azam, Muhammad; and Baqa, Muhammad Fahad (2014).Agricultural Productivity in Balochistan Province of Pakistan, A Geographical Analysis, Journal of Basic & Applied Sciences, Volume 10. pp. 295-297

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8.3. Irrigation and Water Supply System

Although, the province of Balochistan is gifted with a large territory of lands which constitutes 44 percent of country‟s geographical area, hardly 5.6 percent land is suitable for cultivation and agriculture. Water resources of Balochistan are described in two categories:

a. Indus basin canal supplies b. Water resources outside the Indus basin. The sources outside the Indus basin consist of groundwater like springs, karezes, tube wells, dug wells and perpetual surface water resources. Most of the perpetual streams and springs have smaller sizes with wide sequential variation. (Javaid, & Shahid, 2008:2) There are about three hundred dams in Balochistan, along the irrigation plains as check dams and delay action dams. (Provincial Disaster Risk Management Plan, 2006:19) The Irrigation network in Balochistan includes canals, drains, tube-wells, small dams and flood protecting constructions on the major rivers. The major source through the centuries has always been the underground water supply system which is called Karez. But later, the construction and maintenance of karezes became a costly issue because the farmers had to bear all the expenses for digging and maintaining karezes. The share of expenses was according to the area in their possession and it was not an affordable expense for majority of the farmers. With the time, tube wells have taken place of Karezes and have become the major source of irrigation, making water resource utilization more comfortable, efficient, time saving and affordable. The maintenance of privately tube wells is the responsibility of the owners themselves, while the government tube wells are looked after by the Irrigation Department. The karezes and springs are maintained through community contribution. („‟Productive Sectors‟‟ 2013)

Shortage of water is the critical restriction to Balochistan's agricultural development. Agriculture sector in Pakistan mostly is dependant on water of the Indus Basin Irrigation System. Balochistan is situated at its side-line region and relies on inconsistent and a few consistent sources of water supplied by Indus River. 48

Balochistan has only 18 river basins for its vast region. Agriculture sector along with livestock was badly affected by a drought from 1998–2005. To fulfill the requirements of water for irrigation, the flood water, which accounts for almost two- thirds of total available water, can be utilized. This flood water is called Sailaba Water which can be stored by dams and can become a good alternate to water supply to support the production of crops and fruits. The highest potential for the agriculture sector lies in Sailaba farming, because of availability of unutilized flood water (World Bank Report, 2013: 7-8)

8.4. Fisheries

Almost all the fish produced in Balochistan come from open water oceanic capture fisheries along the 750 km coastline of the province and account for about 5.7 percent of the fish production of Balochistan. There is almost no commercial production from managed ponds and fresh water fish farming. (World Bank Report, 2013:11). Balochistan accounts for more than 70 percent of the coastline of Pakistan and about one-third of the country's fishermen, but because of the lack of skilled labor and advance facilities, contributes only around 15 percent of Pakistan‟s total fish production. (World Bank Report, 2013: 60) however, the fisheries sector in Balochistan is a good sector to provide employment to a large number of people in fish catching, and other small industries related to it like boat building. In coastal areas of Balochistan, fisheries account for up to 70 percent of the local employment. Fish produced by Balochistan, rank fourth among export commodities of Pakistan and contribute a significant share in economy. (World Bank Report, 2013:9). More than 135,000 tons of fish was caught in 2011 by an estimated 52,000 fishermen operating 7,186 boats. This represents a third of the total Pakistan fish catch (World Bank Report. 2013:9) According to Fisheries Data, Government of Balochistan 2013, inland fisheries of Balochistan caught from the areas of Nasirabad, Makran, Kalat, Quetta, Zhob and Sibi districts, contributed 932,700,000 Pakistan Rupees in the economy. („‟Fisheries Department‟‟ 2013) Since Balochistan is located in large and varied Marine fisheries resources area, especially in closeness of the Gulf of Oman, unlike the Pacific and the Atlantic Oceans this area is free of hurricanes. It can be 49 more productive than the other portion of the Indian Ocean due to the reversible wind system and long fishing season. (The Dawn, 2003, March. 17) Although, Balochistan coast is larger twice than the length of Sindh coast but fish production is less than expectations due to many reasons. The fish industry is not flourishing on modern lines because of the shortage of proper industrial frame-work. The lack of trained specialists, or education in fisheries, modern technology of fishing, manufacture of modern boats instead of small powered wooden boats, absence of modern machinery and other fish finding techniques and tools, and shortage of fish storage and preservation facilities could not properly establish fish industry in the province .

8.5. Live Stock

The livestock sector of Balochistan adds about one-third of Balochistan's agricultural GDP and about eight percent of its total GDP. Almost 70 percent of the total population is directly or indirectly associated with livestock sector to earn their livelihood. The livestock resources of Balochistan include sheep, buffaloes, pack animals, camels and poultry but sheep and goats keeping hold dominant and significant position among all. According to the Livestock Census 2006 sheep and goats are counted as 53.7 and 26.4 million respectively (World Bank Report, 2013:11) for 35 percent of the national population of such animals.

Balochistan is a waterless region and climatic conditions are not supportive enough to provide suitable opportunities for agriculture. However, sheep, goats and camels have the ability to survive well under these harsh weather conditions and are quite capable of change the meager vegetation into useful foodstuffs. Livestock is a multi- puprpose sector in Balochistan's rural economy. They provide meat and milk, which are an important source of food, it is a market product that can be sold out to earn cash, it also provides transport and farm power and most of all, the only source to provide wool and leather. Livestock occupies great share in the economy of Balochistan and is a dominant factor in rural livelihoods. Majority of rural people in Balochistan is engaged in livestock production, and some population in the urban 50 areas also maintains goats or sheep. This direct or indirect involvement in livestock production contributes 33 percent of Balochistan's agricultural value added and 8 percent of its GDP. The livestock sector is essential in Balochistan‟s economic progress for providing employment, income, and may be very helpful in the poverty mitigation. (World Bank Report, 2013: 56). Sheep raising is also a good source of income for the great majority which provides high quality wool for domestic use and export purpose. Livestock is also important and helpful in the establishment of small scale industry like cotton and wool manufacturing, food processing, carpet making, textile and leather embroidery and handicrafts.

9. Communications and Infrastructure

The road network and mediums of connectivity in Balochistan are in very poor condition. Good roads are available only in those areas where it is necessary to provide agricultural farms easy access to markets. The total length of the highways in Balochistan is 2,300 kilometers. („‟Provincial Disaster Risk‟‟, 2006:12) Balochistan has the lowest concentration of roads in Pakistan. Poor connectivity and difficult access have always been the major problems especially for the people of rural areas. There are roads to connect the major towns, Quetta, the capital of Balochistan, is connected to the in Sindh province by road. There is also a railway network in Quetta which connects the capital with other cities and other provinces as well. Quetta airport also offers domestic and international services. (Awan, 1985:131)

In the urban areas of Balochistan, the buildings and houses are constructed with cement and concrete but the economically poor majority still builds up their houses using mud. In the rural areas, mud is widely used in house building which is the most traditional method of structure building in Balochistan. The majority of population has migrated to the urban areas in search of basic facilities and affecting the rural economy by putting pressure on the urban infrastructure. The towns have the 51 facilities of water, gas and electricity but theses are not sufficient according to demand. („‟Provincial Disaster Risk‟‟, 2006:12)

10. Ethnic and Linguistic Composition.

Table No. 2.9. Population of Balochistan in Different Years

Census Total Population Urban out of Total Population 1951 I,167,167 12.38% 1961 1,353,484 16.87% 1972 2,428,678 16.45% 1981 4,323,376 15.62% 1998 6,565,885 23.89% 2009 11,934,339 23.89% Source: Majeed, Gulshan, (2011) National Integration in Pakistan: A Socio-Political Analysis of Balochistan (1972-2005), PhD Thesis, Department of Political Science, University of the Punjab, Lahore. P. 69

Balochistan is a land of many ethnic groups and minorities which form a multicultural society in terms of linguistics and ethnicity. It has been estimated that there are about five hundred tribes and sub-tribes in Balochistan (Quddus, 1990:13) Despite of small Sindhi, Persian and Sariki communities, there are three major historical and ethno-linguistic groups, Baloch, Pakhtuns and Brahvi. Other includes Hazaras and ethnic minorities from other provinces like Punjabi and Hindko speaking communities are generally known as settlers. The Punjabi community is normally considered as non-Baloch people. Akbar Bugti introduced the term „Balochistani‟ for those who had been living in Balochistan for a long time.(Sial and Basit, 2010:12) Hazara tribes are found mostly in Quetta, but also found in Khuzdar, Zhob, Loralai and Dera Murad districts other than Quetta. (Sial and Basit, 2010:14) Sindhi and Siraiki speaking Jat or Jadgals in the plains of Kachhi, Naseerabad and Lasbela areas while Persian speaking Dehwars in Mastung and Kalat. (Sabir, 2010:19). 52

Balochistan consists of racial and tribal multiplicity. Majority of the Baloch people can understand and speak more than two languages, including the National Language, . In addition to Balochi, Pashto and Brahvi languages, Saraiki, Sindhi, Darri and Persian are also spoken. (PILDAT, 2012:9) Balochi is dominant language of ten out of twenty three districts of the province. Brahvi is mostly spoken in Kalat districts. Pashto language is dominant in nine districts. is spoken in two districts. (Sayed Dr., 2008:21). Balochi is an Indi-Iranian language having three major dialects known as Western or Mekrani, Eastern or Sulaimani and in the Chagi, Kharan, and known as Rakhshani Balochi. (Sabir, 2010:19) The Baloch Tribes are in majority in the south and east of Balochistan, and the majority of Pakhtuns constitute the northern side. In the capital of the province Quetta, Pakhtun majority is dominating whereas Baloch, Hazara, and Punjabi are in minorities. Brahvi Tribes are mostly found in the Kalat region. Along the coastal line, Makrani Balochis constitute the major portion of population. Persian-speaking Dehwars mainly reside in Kalat. There are nearly 769,000 Afghan refugees including Pakhtuns, Tajiks, and Hazaras. („‟Provincial Disaster Risk‟‟2006:12).

Brahvi is another important ethnic group in Balochistan and they constitute about twenty-five percent of the total population. The ancient inhabitant of the Central Balochistan known as Brahvis belonging ancient Dravidian stock (Sabir, 2010:18) have their separate language, culture and identity. The Brahvi dominating areas are from Bolan Pass through the Bolan Hills to the coastal area of Ras Mari on the Arabian Sea. (Scholz, 2002:22)

The Baloch-Brahvi ethnic division was based upon the theory about their ethnic origin as the Baloch claim their origin in Syria and Brahvi count them as a native nation. The Brahvi maintained their origin based ethnic identity til 1970 then they merged with the Baloch. (Sial and Basit, 2010:11) Besides their own identity many Brahvis are very similar to the Baloch in their cultural values. Because of the cultural, historical, geo-political and economical resemblances, Brahvis regard themselves as Baloch. (Sabir, 2007:182) They speak a language from Dravidian group. The Brahvi 53 is the oldest language of the province. There are different opinions about origin of this language mostly it is considered a Dravidian language.(Sindhi, 2005:51) Brahvi a north Dravidian language separate the is spoken in the Central Balochistan from Quetta valley to Gizri Karachi.(Sabir, 2010:19)

The Pakhtun community constitutes another major ethnic group in Balochistan. The estimated population of Baloch make up between 40 to 60 percent, while the Pakhtuns form between 28 and 50 percent of the total population of Balochistan. (Sial and Basit, 2010:11) There is always an extensive prejudice against the Pakhtun refugees. Quetta has Pakhtuns in majority. They speak Pashto language which belongs to Indo Arian group (Sabir, 2010:20) mostly in the northern areas of Balochistan. The Dehwars community with a Tajik origin in Mastung and Kalat is also an ancient inhabitant of the Balochistan. (Sabir, 2010:23) They speak a language close to Persian known as Dewari. The Hazara community from Mongol origin mainly lives in Quetta city has their distinct culture and language known as Hazargi. (Sabir, 2010:23) Hazargi is a kind of that is spoken in the Quetta city by the Hazara community while Sindhi and Siraiki in the plain areas mostly adjourning areas to the Sindh province.

Table No. 2.10. Population of Major and Second Major Ethnic Groups in Various Districts of Balochistan

District Total Major % of Major 2nd Ethnic % of 2nd Population Ethnic Ethnic Group Ethnic Group Group Group Awaran 118173 Balochi 99.72 Other 0.094 Barkhan 288056 Balochi 58.02 Sindhi 17.70 Bolan 103545 Baloch 74.74 Other 23.2 Chaghi 202564 Balochi 93.64 Pashto 3.14 Dera 181310 Balochi 95.81 Punjabi 1.19 54

Bugti Gwadar 185498 Balochi 97.77 Punjabi 0.81 Jafar 432817 Balochi 62.25 Sindhi 23.62 Abad Jhal 109941 Balochi 68.80 Saraiki 8.22 Magsi Kalat 237834 Balochi 98.56 Sindhi 0.52 Kech 413204 Balochi 99.15 Punjabi 0.33 Khuzdar 417466 Balochi 96.69 Punjabi 1.026 Qilla 370269 Pashto 97.44 Balochi 1.62 Abdullah Qilla 193553 Pashto 99.21 Urdu 0.33 Saifullah Kohlu 99846 Balochi 91.22 Pashto 6.63 Lasbela 312695 Balochi 64.99 Sindhi 23.95 Lora Lai 297555 Pashto 92.04 Balochi 3.42 Mastung 164645 Balochi 80.11 Other 11.46 Musa khel 134056 Pashto 78.91 Balochi 13.59 Naseer 245896 Balochi 54.93 Sindhi 30.49 Abad Panjgur 234051 Balochi 99.56 Punjabi 0.14 Pishin 367183 Pashto 99.20 Urdu 0.19 Quetta 759941 Pashto 29.97 Balochi 27.6 Sibi 180398 Pashto 44.32 Balochi 28.6 Ziarat 33340 Pashto 99.52 Punjabi 0.13 Zhob 275142 Pashto 96.82 Saraiki 1.27 Source: Roofi, Yasmin, (2013). Ethnic Nationalism and Political Development: A Case Study of Pakistan, (1973-2000), PhD Thesis, Department of Political Science & International Relations, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan. P. 130

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11. Religious Behavior

Most of the Baloch tribes are Hanafi Sunni Muslims. Alongwith Muslim population there is also Hindu, Christian and Ahmadi minorities residing in Balochistan. Christian minority dominates in the district of Quetta; Ahmadi minority concentrates in the areas of Sibi and Quetta whereas are mostly concentrated in Sibi division. (Balochistan Census Report, 1981). The Muslims of Balochistan belong to two schools of thought, Hanafi Sunni Muslims and Shia Muslims. There is a non- Hanafi Zikri community in Makran. Shia Muslim Baloch are also found in Sindh and Punjab areas. (Breseeg, 2004:73)

12. Administrative Divisions of Balochistan

Balochistan is the fourth province of Pakistan and divided administratively into six divisions and thirty districts as under:

Table No. 2.11. Administrative Divisions of Balochistan

Sr. Divisions Regions and Districts No. 1 Quetta Quetta, Chaghi, Qilla Abdulla, Pishin and Nushki districts. Division 2 Zhob Zhob, Musakhel, Qila Saifullah, Loralai,, Barkhan and Sherani Division districts are included in 3 Kalat Kalat, Mastung, Khuzdar, Kharan, Washuk and Lasbela Division districts constitute the Kalat Division. Another district of this region is Awaran which used to be a sub-division of till the year 1992 and started functioning as a separate district in 1996. 4 Sibi The areas of Sibi, Ziarat, Dera Bugti, Kohlu and Harnai districts Division are the parts of Sibi Division. 56

5 Naseer Naseerabad Division is spread over the areas of Naseerabad, Abad Jafferabad, Jhal Magsi and Kacchi. The Bolan district was a Division part of Kacchi district formerly, then it was made a separate district in 1991. 6 Mekran Kech, Panjgur and Gwadar constitute Mekran Division of Division Balochistan. Source: http://balochistan.gov.pk/DistrictProfile/Profiles.htm on 22 January, 2015

Map No. 2.2 Districts of Balochistan

Source: http://www.findpk.com/yp/html/balochistan_.html on 13 March, 2015

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13. Tribes of Balochistan

There are several tribes which compile Balochistan. Three major tribes are Baloch Brahvi and Pashtoon.

Table No. 2.12 Tribes of Balochistan The Baloch Tribes The Brahvi Tribes The Pakhtun Tribes Rind Raisani Kakar Lashar Shahwani Ghilzai Marri Sumulani Jamot Sarparrah Ahmedzai Bangulzai Sherani Bugti Mohammad Shahi Luni, Domki Lehri Magsi Bezenjo Kenazai Mohammad Hasni Khosa Zehri Rakhashani Sarparrah Dashti Mengal Kurd,Sasoli Nosherwani Satakzai Gichki Lango Rodeni Notazai Sanjarani Jattak Meerwani Yagazehi Zahrozai Qambarani langove kenazai Khidai Source: (http://www.balochistan.gov.pk/ ) 58

Each tribe has many branches. The leader of a tribe is called Sardar and head of sub-tribe is called Malik, Takari or Mir. They are members of district and other local Jirgas (local court). Among the eighteen major Baloch tribes, Bugti, Mengal and Marri tribes are the prominent and participate actively in the political and economic matters and affairs of the region. The tribe from Sindh province also claims their Baloch origin. Most of these tribes speak Balochi and Brahvi Languages.

14. Prominent Baloch Tribes

Three Baloch tribes, The Bugti, the Marri and the Mengal tribe are the most prominent in terms of their political involvement and activities.

I. The Bugti Tribe

The Bugti tribe was headed by Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti. The Bugti tribe consists of about 130 Baloch tribes of almost 180,000 members. (Tahir, 2008, April.4). They are basically mountain dwelling tribes. This tribe is divided into the sub-tribes named Rahija Bugti, Masori Bugti, Mondrani, Shambani, Mothani, Pirozani and Kalpar Bugti. (Ahmed, 1998:392). All these tribes are greatly influenced by the Rahija Bugti family of Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti who was a prominent Baloch nationalist. Nawab Akbar Bugti became the tribal leader in 1939.

II. The Marri Tribe

The Marri tribe resides on the Dera Ghazi border of Balochistan, native from the Kohlo district. Their chief is Nawab and founder of a separatist movement called Baloch Liberation Army. Marri became a Marxist politician in 1958. In 1981, he shifted to Afghanistan and organized an armed force of about 5,000 men for the purpose of liberation movement. (Weaver, 2002:104). The Marri Tribe is also divided into more sub-tribes

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III. The Mengal Tribe

Ataullah Khan Mengal is the leader of the Mengal tribe with a central and dominant role in the politics of Balochistan. Unlike the Marri and Bugti tribes, the are less involved in armed struggle, although Ataullah never condemned and criticized the armed resistance against central government of Pakistan. He has been an active person in the battle with the Pakistani Army, during 1070s. Mengal exiled himself in 1980 because the domination of Punjabi community was not acceptable for him. (Harrison, 1981:66)

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CHAPTER THREE

Geo Strategic Significance of Balochistan

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1. Geo Strategic Significance of Pakistan

There are many factors which make Pakistan a prominent and significant country of South Asia. Pakistan is a state that connects the regions of South Asia and South West Asia. The neighboring countries of Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan possess rich energy resources but India and China do not. China needs access to Indian Ocean and Arabian Sea through Pakistani region, Korakaram. Pakistan provides the straight route of 2600 kilometers to Central Asian Republics. („‟Special Article‟‟, 2013, April.12) Pakistan is a passage between South Asia, West Asia and Central Asia, an easiest way to connect energy rich countries to deficient regions.

2. Historical Perspective of Strategic Significance of Balochistan

The land of Balochistan has been visited by different conquerors, travelers, settlers and traders throughout the history. Although Balochistan has witnessed many periods of obscurity, this marvelous land never lost its geo-strategic importance as it is close to Middle East, Central Asia, South Asia and Indian Ocean. This region has been a passage for historian, politicians and large foreign armies like Persian, Greek, Arab, Mongol, , Ghoris, Mughals and British, which has given Balochistan an international importance. (Gazetteer of India, 1908:274) Historically, the land of Balochistan was used only as a facilitating passage and not for the purpose of permanent settlement by foreign intruders. Except for Arabs and British, who sustained for a period of three and one century respectively. The British occupied Balochistan as a mean of communication between their Indian and Afghan bases. They had no intentions to take advantage of the natural resources of Balochistan. Alexander was the first warrior, who realized the significance of Baloch region, while returning back from India. His army marched through the areas of kalat, Quetta, Kandhar, Helmund to Kirman and Hurmuz and along Makran coast. (Imperial Gazetteer of India, 1908:275). 71

Map No. 3.1. Balochistan under British Rule

Source:http://www.thesiasat.com/2013/06/23/pakistani-medias-role-on-balochistan/ on 21 January, 2015

Alexander followed new passage between South Asia and the Middle East. In later times, these routes gained immense strategic importance for the other invaders who traveled from north towards Arabian Sea, or in opposite direction upwards from the southern shores throughout the centuries. Since two thousand years, these routes have been assuming great importance and are continuously being used. Afterwards, the Soviet invasion into Afghanistan in 1979 created far reaching impact on the significance of Balochistan. The location of Balochistan near Afghanistan, and most prominently air and land routes from and to Soviet Central Asia to the Arabian Sea. During the Arab rule, the Coast of Makran was the most suitable mean of communication. It was largely used from 7th to 10th centuries, (Holdich, 1977: 148) 72 as the best route in the region. Many areas located on Makran Coast were developed as military centers by the invading forces. Muhammad Bin Qasim, before proceeding to India, established a strong base for his army in Makran. He first occupied the regions of Panjgur and Lasbela to get secure lines of communications before attacking in Sindh. (Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol I, 1936:pp634-635) he did not follow the old northern route, instead he discovered a new southern route from Makran along with the Arabian Sea. Being a wise strategist, he realized the significance of that parallel land and sea route, which would be an advantage to utilize his land and naval forces at once.

Map No. 3.2.. Present Balochistan, with Map of Pakistan in Set.

Source :http://carnegieeurope.eu/2013/04/11/balochistan-state-versus-nation/fz4a on 11 March, 2015 73

3. Strategic Significance due to Geographical Position

The geographical location of Balochistan, which makes it a sensitive region of Pakistan, plays the key role in determining the significance of this region both. Any politico-military development in Afghanistan, Iran and the Gulf Region directly affects the security of Balochistan. (Khan. Lt. Col. 1997:2) strategically it is located in the Warm Water Belt, which has always been a region of historic interest for the super- powers, especially Soviet Union. Because of the High mountain ranges on the east and west, of Zagros range in Iran and Toba Kakar range in Pakistan and Afghanistan, Balochistan provides the most convenient route to western Afghanistan and markets of Central Asia. The plains of Balochistan are the ideal crossroads for traders between the regions of Middle East and South Asia. The Kej, Gomal, Zhob and the other passes located in the mountain ranges, from north to south, like Bolan Pass, Khojak Pass and Mulla Pass are the most accessible passages and means of communication for intruders and traders through mountains. (Holdich, 1977:290) These passes between high mountains connect the areas of Kandhar, Quetta and Kalat with Indus Basin. These passes also connect the Upper Highlands with the Lower Highlands, providing an opportunity to move vertically from Arabian Sea to Afghanistan and the Kej valley is a passage to move horizontally from East to West direction. (Holdich, 1977:297)

Like wise, the mountains of Brahvi, Kirthat and Suleiman ranges, running from East to West play the role of a great barrier for the movement from Makran Coast to Afghan border and on the other hand they create hurdle in the southern direction from the north to the Arabian Sea through central Balochistan. The Kharan desert is also a big blockage to any movement from the West to Baloc region. The travelers are confused to choosebetween the north route; Zahidan to Quetta; and the southern route that constitute the areas of Panjgur to Bela. (Holdich, 1977:302) Eventually, these two routes are the shortest passages to the Indus Basin from the west side through Zahidan-Pishin- route or Panjgur- Bela route, at the same time, it is very difficult to move towards East away from the Indus basin 74 because the Eastern side of lower Indus river is bordered by Thar and Cholistan deserts. The mountains in the west and deserts in the east, create a big difficulty for any invading force from approaching to the land of Balochistan. In past times, the most of the invaders from the west, selected the northern pass of Khyber to enter Sub-Continent.

4. Strategic Significance of Balochistan as Marine Passage

The ideal combination of geographical location, natural resources and the peculiarity of Baloch people are the main factors in establishing the strategic importance of Balochistan. Balochistan is situated at the possible marine passage in the Indian Ocean of the Eastern, Central, and Western divisions of Asia and the Indian Ocean has high significance on international level by developing great competition for dominating its sea paths which are now fundamental for the enormous world business and energy transfer. Balochistan is located in the middle of the Central, Western Southern and South-western Asia, so it is directly affected by global geo- politics.

Located at extreme proximity to the oil-rich Persian Gulf and on the border with Iran and Afghanistan, Balochistan covers almost the whole coast of Pakistan of about 470 miles on the Arabian Sea with a high value port, at Gwadar. (Mazhar, Javaid and Goraya, 2012:117) The Asian countries like China and India are rapidly increasing their demand for energy supply as emerging economic states. So, they want to establish their regional hegemony by taking hold of world energy resources and their transportation corridors, major land and maritime trade links routes, Balochistan has become the focal point of global geopolitical strategy in this region.

Balochistan has got a great maritime significance with the construction and progress of Gwadar Port because Gwadar port is strategically the access to the South Asia, Central Asia through Afghanistan, the Middle East and the eastern coasts of Africa. It also provides a land-route to Russia. (Ismail, 2014: 183). Balochistan has a potential to become an international trade path and a passage for energy 75 transportation. Moreover, the large deposits of mineral and energy resources make this region extremely important in the perspective of geo-political competition among global powers.

5. Strategic Significance as a Safe Military Route

The region of Balochistan has got a special importance as a military route because it has proven to be at an important position for the quick and abrupt increase of influence and becoming more unbeaten deployment and supplying to the Central Asia, South Asia, Middle East, China and Russia. Stations of air force and navy at Gwadar are also useful for a keen observation on any military activity and foreign control over important international choke point in the Persian Gulf, the Strait of Hormuz, and the shipping trade through the Indian Ocean. (Ismail, 2014:184). Presently, NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) war in Afghanistan also highlights the magnitude of Balochistan, being an entry point and most safe route for the easy supply of military goods fight areas in Afghanistan.

6. Strategic Significance in Trade and Commerce

Because of a unique and outstanding physical geography, Balochistan is extremely important in regional relationships. The vast reserves of oil and gas and other valuable minerals, are attracting the interest of foreign investors. The Government of Pakistan has planned and launched many important projects for economic development in Balochistan with the support and cooperation of national and international actors. These mega projects are meant to facilitate the transportation of commodities and services in the entire region more efficiently and rapidly. Topography and environment of Balochistan makes it a major site for the construction of communication infrastructure like roads and pipelines to connect the Middle East, Central Asian and South Asian regions, in addition, the Gwadar Port has the prospective of making this region globalized. The projects include High- speed Road and Rail Networks and Pipeline Projects. These projects are a benefit for Balochistan as millions of dollars would be obtained from regional and foreign 76 organizations. Afghanistan, Iran, Central Asia, Russia, India and China, all are interested to earn profit from these projects.

7. Mega Development Projects of International Significance

Mega Projects are infrastructure projects based on large civil-engineering such as highways, dams, canals and ports, built for economic development. These are equally important for the recognition of a state on national and international level.

7.1. Gwadar Deep Sea Port

Gwadar consists of 15, 216 square kilometer area and is the largest coastal district of Pakistan, located on its south western border. It consists of 600 kilometer long coastline that covers 78 percent of the provincial coastline and 55 percent of the total coastline of Pakistan. Fishing is the greatest resource of the district and about 70 percent of the population is associated directly or indirectly with fishing sector. („‟Disaster Risk Management‟‟, 2008:11) Gwadar is situated at the doorway to the Persian Gulf about 390 marine miles east of the Gulf of Hormuz and about 234 marine miles west of Karachi, about 80 kilometers from Iran, about 320 kilometers from Oman, close to ports of Chahbahar and Bander Abbas in Iran, Gwadar is a major waterway for worldwide oil supply. The importance of Gwadar was first noticed internationally during the first Gulf War. The areas of Makran Coast including Gwadar remained under Portuguese control in the 16th and 17th Century, Gwadar was a property of State of Oman, gifted by Khan of Kalat to the Sultan of Oman in the 18th century. (Zaheer, Capt. 2007:24). Gwadar was under the control of Oman until September 1958 as it was located right on the Gulf of Oman. Pakistani Prime Minister Feroz Khan Noon decided to purchase the region of Gwadar due to its ideal geographical conditions. After four years of negotiations, Sultan of Oman, Said bin Taimur sold it out to Pakistan for a payment of 3 million pounds sterling on 8th September 1958. Although Pakistan declared Gwadar a port site in 1964 but due financial problems, no further progress could be made in this regard. At that time 77

China offered the required sources for the construction of that Gwadar port. (Naseem, 2014:520) The construction of a port at Gwadar, the south western city of Balochistan is the most significant factor in determining and establishing the strategic values of Balochistan on national and international level. It is not only a great booster to the but can also play an important role in the political strategies of world powers to attain their economic supremacy over the warm waters.

Map No. 3.3. Location of Gwadar, Balochistan

Source: www.aboardthedemocracytrain.com on 10 March, 2015

Gwadar is positioned near Persian Gulf as a sharing point for the natural resources of Central Asia. (Shah, 2007:46) Gwadar port project is increasing the significance of Pakistan‟s potential as a local center of trade and has the capability of bringing 78 change in the national economy. Pakistan presently has only two commercial ports in the Indian Ocean, Karachi and Bin Qasim, largely fulfilling the domestic needs. Karachi and Qasim ports have reached their cargo handling capability and would not be able to meet future demands soon. (Shah, 2007:48). Gwadar is the most suitable alternate port amongst other potential locations of Keti Bandar, Sonmiani, Hingol, Khor Kalmat, Pasni, Jiwani and Ormara. (Malik, 2012:59) and the Government of Pakistan decided to build another port at Gwadar, on the outstanding geographic location near the key shipping routes in and out of the Persian Gulf, as the central export corridor in this region. It is about 533 km from Karachi and 120 km from the Iranian border. („‟Gwadar Port‟‟ 2015)

In 2002 China and Pakistan signed an agreement for the construction of Phase 1 of the Port which was completed in 2006, Phase II of the Gwadar project is in process. (Zaheer, 2007:25) During the 1988-1992, initially a small port was constructed at Gwadar but in 2002 the project of construction was given to China. Gwadar was inaugurated by General Pervez Musharraf and Chinese Minister for Communication, Li Shenglin, in 2007.(Naseem, 2014:521) It was at first built by China and is currently undergoing further expansions. China is providing both technical and financial assistance to extend it into a naval base.The port inaugurated practically with the arrival of a commercial ship „Pos Glory‟ on March 15, 2008. (Malik, 2012:59) then a ship from Canada carrying 52000 tons of wheat arrived at Gwadar Port. The honor of this official inauguration was done on 21st of December in the year 2008. (The Dawn, 2008, Dec. 22). The Gwadar was integrated into Balochistan in 1977. In 1993, it was decided to utilize the potential of Gwadar as a profitable place with the construction of a deep-sea port, and the construction of roads and railway networks was initated to connect it with the other parts of the country. The Phase I of the port is now being used for shipping, commercial and industrial activities. Work on phase II has been started in May 2005 at a cost of 865 million dollars. Gwadar is declared a Special Economic Zone (SEZ) to facilitate commercial and economic development. At present, the economic operations performed through this port generate about 79 nine percent of the gross income, and the development of an economic zone would increase the revenues. („‟Economic Gateway, 2015, Jan.22)

7.2. Infrastructure Associated to Gwadar Port

The purpose of Gwadar port was to utilize the region to enhance commercial and strategic significance of Balochistan as well as the development of the province. Gwadar is a port which is controlling trade and shipping transfer between the land- locked Afghanistan and the Central Asian states. Not only it is playing great role for the Gulf but also connects the China with the Middle East. Gwadar port is providing golden opportunities for economic development to Baloch people and other provinces of Pakistan as well. Keeping in view the value of Gwadar in the long-term economic potential, it must be connected with the other parts of the country and region through roads and communication infrastructure.

I. Makran Coastal Highway

The construction of the port provided stimulation for other major projects that include the 700 kilometers long Makran Coastal Highway to connect Karachi with the ports of Ormara, Pasni and Gwadar and would be extended to the Iranian border soon. This highway provided remarkable reduction in travel time to Karachi from 48 hours to only 7 hours. (Anwar, 2010:98) The link of Gwadar with Karachi was a most prior requirement for the construction of the port, because there was no proper and modern road linking Gwadar with Karachi, there are unpaved long routes between and around the hills of Makran Range. The Coastal Highway is an essential part of the Gwadar Mega Project itself. (Budhani and Mallah, 2007:7). Because of this highway, the area has become valuable for international and national investors by creating large business opportunities. It is also a shorter trade route between Karachi and Iran. (Shah, 2007: 52) the construction and development of Makran coastal highway is sponsored and assisted by China by providing financial and technical assistance to Pakistan. (Kataria and Naveed, 2014:406) 80

II. Kashgar-Gwadar Trade Corridor

Kashgar-Gwadar or Pak-China Motorway which is called a big trade corridor will be about 2,000 kilometer long within the land of Pakistan. (The News, 2013, Sep.20) This trade corridor will provide great transport facility to China, as traders can export their commodities to the international markets through the Gwadar Port in a fast and easy way, because this is the shortest possible route to the western provinces of China. The economic corridor is a step to develop strategic partnership between China and Pakistan as only an efficient transport system would provide economic and social opportunities such as improved and fast access to markets and further investments. Transport sector has an essential role in the economic expansion of a region. The economic corridor from Gwadar to Kashgar will strengthen the economy of Pakistan, Iran, Nepal, Russia, Middle East and the Central Asian Republics. (Daily Times, 2014, Apr. 26)

The 2,000 kilometer long trade corridor from Makran Coast to Kashgar in China‟s Xingjian province has been called a “game changer” by Prime Minister of Pakistan, Mian Muhammad . (Gulf News, 2013, Jul.13) This project will provide China with the shortest possible route for its essential energy imports and exports from the Gulf States, Africa and Europe. Simultaneously, the project has huge advantages for Pakistan in up gradation of economy by developing high- rank infrastructure, opening jobs for local people and helping as a strategic medium for energy imports. The cost of this project is expected to be in billions of dollars. The project includes the road and rail links passing through almost 2,000 kilometers including vast lands of unpopulated areas in Balochistan and the northern mountainous regions in Pakistan to the Karakoram Highway. (Gulf News, 2013, Jul.13).

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Map No. 3.4. The Corridors Crossing Through Balochistan

Source: http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/bizchina/2014-06/28/content_17621525.htm on 11 March, 2015

There is a plan to set up trans-freight locations along the Kashgar-Gwadar corridor to facilitate the transportation of heavy goods, and the plan to establish economic zones and industrial parks at the major exists of Kashgar–Gwadar corridor has been prepared, according to which, each economic zone would be dealing with particular products and services, while analyzing the availability of local raw material, employees and other factors. The proposed sites for such freight stations and industrial parks include Sust, Gilgit, Abbotabad, Lorala, Kohlu, Dera Ghazi Khan, Bhakkar, Rajanpur, Kashmore, Jaccobabad, Khuzdar, Basima, Punjgur, Turbat and Gwadar. (The News, 2013, Sep.20) 82

III. Other Important Road Networks

Other important road projects include the Gwadar-Quetta-Chaman road, Pasni to Gwadar road, Ormara to Gwadar and Gwadar to Turbat road are planned to be built. Later on, these roads would be connected to each other and Pasni will be connected to the Iranian border. The entire network will finally be connected with China through Indus Highway. (Anwar, 2010:101)

Other important road networks include Gwadar-Turbat-Hushab-Khuzdar Road, Khuzdar-Ratodero Road, Gwadar-Ahmedvai Road and Gwadar-Gabd-Iran road connecting on to the highway from Chahbahr northwards. (Zaheer, 2007:25) This road network will smooth the process of the trade from China and Central Asian States to the Persian Gulf, Middle East, East Africa, the Indian Ocean through the port of Gwadar.

IV. Rail Networks

A rail track Gwadar-Dalbadin is an important link which connects the existing Quetta- Dalbadin Taftan Zahidan line but despite of strong wish of Chinese and Pakistani Government to complete this project, the process is still pending of the construction railway lines from Gwadar to Chinese south-western province because of the persistent unrest and worse conditions of law and order in Balochistan. (Ismail, 2014:187) the continuous damaging attacks on railway tracks by Baloch insurgents to stop these projects are major hurdle in the completion of this project.

V. Up-gradation of the Gwadar Airport

At present, there is a small airport at Gwadar that is suitable only for small aircrafts. The Government of Pakistan has started working on the plan for its expansion to provide facility of accommodating all major airlines. The planning to build a new airport with a long runway for the landing of giant air crafts has been outlined and the 83 construction will be started soon. The construction of the new modern airport will provide great opportunities to air cargo to and from Gwadar. After the completion of roads, railways and modern airport, Gwadar will attain the high position of a multimodal transport service provider to the regional and international traders. It will significantly reduce the overall cost of transport domestically while making the goods competitive in the international market. There are chances and capacity to start Air- Sea and Air-Land cargo services from Gwadar to the Middle East and South Asia.

The construction of Gwadar airport was approved by Executive Committee of National Economic Council, Pakistan (Ecnec) in January 2010 at a cost of Rs. 7.7 billion. But the project has been facing delays because of its cost estimate and design structure. But recently, Ecnec has approved the construction of the New Gwadar International Airport with a modified and more feasible design. This will be a 46.6 billion dollars investment program for Pakistan, and China is likely to provide 662 million dollars in assistance for developing land, airport and seaport facilities in Gwadar. The State of Oman has promised a grant of 17.5 million dollars for the construction and the Civil Aviation Authority of Pakistan is expected to bear one- tenth of the total cost from. Until 2014, Rs. 803 million had been spent on the development of Gwadar air port. (The Express Tribune, 2015, Jan.13)

7.3. Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India Gas Pipeline (TAPI)

In near future, Gwadar is predicted to be a major centre for gas and oil supply from Central Asia and Iran to South Asia and other regions because of its economic practicability. Due to an incomparable and unique geo-economic significance, Balochistan is competent enough to be an energy corridor for many states. The conditions of war in Afghanistan, Indian competition with Pakistan and stressed US - Iranian Relations can be major reasons of the delayed materialization of this passage. The Gwadar port is highly significant for China‟s future in terms of energy needs currently lies in pipeline projects. Balochistan is located at the centre of geo- economic activity which has huge potential of enriching the surrounding regions. The 84 rising geo-political and geo-economic environment has highlightened the advantage of Balochistan in West Asia, Central Asia, and South Asia.

Map No. 3.5. Two Proposed Pipeline Projects IP & TAPI

Source http://www.dawn.com/news/1134880 on 23 February, 2015

The project of moving natural gas from Central Asia to South Asia had been jammed for many years due to persistent conditions of war and insecurity in Afghanistan. In the beginning, agreements were made between Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan (TAP) gas pipelines to connect Turkmenistan with southern neighbors, including Pakistan through Afghanistan but in 2008, the project was also officially joined by India which is now known as the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India Pipeline (TAPI) with a strong support from United States. (Foster, 2008:4) The Asian Development Bank (ADB) is organizing the Project. In 2010, after inter- governmental deliberations, Turkmenistan, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and India signed an agreement in Ashgabat to build the 1,680 kilometer long pipeline. (Ahmed, 2010: 3). The proposed TAPI pipeline is expected to transport about 33 billion cubic meters per year of natural gas from the Dauletabadgas in southeast Turkmenistan along the Herat, Helmand and Kandahar highway through southern Afghanistan, through 85

Quetta and Multan in Pakistan, concluding in India. India and Pakistan will equally divide the production, and a small percentage will go to Afghanistan. (Foster, 2008: pp 1-4)

The contract of TAPI pipeline project is almost finalized. In 2014, Pakistani Federal Minister for Petroleum & Natural Resources visited Turkmenistan to get the deal finalized, which will provide a well designed intercontinental gas pipeline to the four countries. It would be a billion dollar project as many US based companies are very anxious to get the contract. (Daily Times, Jul.10, 2014). Turkmenistan has asked Pakistan‟s official companies, OGDCL and PPL to participate in activities of gas exploration under the TAPI project. OGDCL planned to drill 35 oil and gas wells during the year 2014 and so far it had drilled six wells. OGDCL has marked 31 locations for drilling and another four locations would soon be marked to speed up the searching process. (Express Tribune, 2014, Dec.5)

7.4. Gwadar-Kashgar Oil and Gas Pipeline Project

Gwadar-Kashgar oil and gas pipeline is another proposed project which would give a boost to strategic importance of Balochistan on national and international level and will provide a great support to the economic development and prosperity of Pakistan as well as Balochistan. In 2009, China started the construction of an oil refinery at Gwadar which is planned to link to Kashgar in China. The total length of the pipeline is about 2, 500 kilometers. This pipeline can be also be used for moving Saudi oil to China. (Khan, Dr.2015: 86). China is also interested in the establishment of a petrochemical oil city in Gwadar which would include an oil refinery with petrochemical logistics and storage facilities. Pakistan and China signed a deal in this regard in February, 2006 when President Pervez Musharraf‟s visited China. A Chinese company; GUPC; showed interest to carry out the viability study for the oil city project in Gwadar with an investment of 12.5 billion dollars. The proposed oil refinery will be capable of refining 60,000 barrels of crude oil daily. („‟Balochistan: Iran to Establish‟‟, 2013). The project is a part of the proposed Pak-China Energy Corridor. The pipeline from Gwadar to China will definitely save time and reduce the 86 transport distance from the Gulf to China and will support improve China‟s oil imports.

7.5. Pak-Iran Joint Venture in Balochistan

I. Pak-Iran Oil Refinery Project

Iran is intended to set up the largest refinery at Gwadar, at the cost of 4 billion US dollars. The project will have the capacity to produce almost 400,000 barrel oil daily. The plan was discussed in between Pakistan and Iran in December 2012. The agreement on project was signed by Iran and Pakistan on March 11 2013, the very day both countries announced the revival of the Iran-Pakistan pipeline project. An oil pipeline from Iran‟s territory will be constructed to Gwadar, to carry crude oil for processing. The proposed refinery in Gwadar would enable China to resume work on Gwadar oil refinery which was stopped in 2009. (Fazl-e-Haider, 2013, Mar.7) The proposed project will be completed in assistance of Pakistan State Oil (PSO).

As Pakistan is facing energy crisis and deficiency, oil imports from Iran would be highly supportive for Pakistan to fulfil its furnace oil requirements of about nine million tons per year. Iran has offered Pakistan a permanent supply of 100,000 barrels crude oil per day on delayed imbursement. (Fazl-e-Haider, 2013, Mar.7). This is one of the important proposed projects of economic developments which will enable the two neighboring countries; Pakistan and Iran to increase their business and commercial relations, and will bring a big enhancement to the economic significance of Balochistan. The proposed Refinery will help transformation of imported oil into high speed diesel which is highly demanded. (Pakistan Observer, 2003, Jan.17)

This project will help both the countries reviving their relation and promoting economic cooperation which had been going under bitter situation for last many years due to the political confusion. This will also provide an economic force to Balochistan by opening gates to great job opportunities. In addition, it will fulfil the 87 growing demand of high-speed multi purpose diesel. Moreover, heavy crude oil from Iran and its related project will result in the income of about 300 million dollars per year. (The Dawn, 2010, Mar.23). Therefore, great economic wealth and development in Balochistan would be achieved.

II. Iran-Pakistan Gas Pipeline Project (IP)

This project is a great significant development which would not only enable Pakistan to beat the prevailing energy crisis but also highly important for Balochistan itself as its gas and oil resources are not sufficient to fulfill the mounting requirements. Balochistan is the biggest energy supplier to the other regions of Pakistan and increasing energy demand in the region has exaggerated the economic and strategic importance of Balochistan. Balochistan is the only land route for the planned pipeline, the long route which would connect Iran‟s gas field to Pakistan‟s main supply system in , crosses through Baloch areas of Iran and Pakistan. (The Dawn, 2010, Mar. 23).

The IP project is under debate since 1994. Iran signed an opening agreement with Pakistan in 1995 and wished to expand the pipeline from Pakistan to India and signed another agreement with India in 1999 as well and was called as Iran- Pakistan-India (IPI) Gas Pipeline. Pakistan. (Munir, Ahsan and Zulfiqar, April 4, 2014,). In 2008, Iran showed interest in participation of China in the project. In 2010, Iran encouraged Bangladesh to be a part of the project. In 2008, India signed a nuclear agreement with US and in 2009, withdrew from IPI project with an objection on cost and security matters. In 2010, the United States pressurized Pakistan to discard the pipeline project in lieu of monetary aid for the construction of a liquid gas terminal and electricity import from Tajikistan through Afghanistan‟s Wakhan Corridor. (Munir, et al. April 4, 2014,)

Since the last two decades, no prominent progress has been made due to regional politics and pressure from US because US is aware of the fact that that IP project will bring the great projection of energy and revenues for Pakistan without US support. The project needs completion from Pakistan, while Iran has completed the 88 construction on its terrain up to Pakistan„s border. China is also wants the pipeline to be extended to Western China. (Khan, Dr. 2015:84-85)

The project has been deferred due to the threats from United States to Pakistan about sanctions of loans, which may be stopped if Pakistan goes for any deal with Iran. The reason behind these warnings is the concern of US regarding the IP project which would enable Iran to receive a large sum of foreign currency to accelerate the process of Iran‟s nuclear weapons program.

Pakistan‟s Federal Cabinet approved the plan of constructing a pipeline on Pakistan‟s side, with financial and technical assistance from Iran on January 30, 2013 and despite all the threats of economic sanctions and warnings from US, President, Asif Ali , and Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad started the construction of the 7.5 billion US dollars IP gas pipeline in March 2013. (Ansaree, 2014:53). The pipeline will transfer 750 million cubic feet of gas daily to Pakistan at the location near Gwadar, from Iran‟s South Pars field, which is the second-biggest gas field in the world. The project will generate around 4,000 megawatts of power. Iran has offered 500 million US dollars loan to Pakistan as compensation after US threat for sanctions. The amount of loan will be used in the construction of Pakistani side of pipeline which is estimated to cost Pakistan 1.5 billion dollars. Iran has offered more amounts for the construction of pipeline and an oil refinery at Gwadar. (Ashraf, 2013: pp1-2). IP Gas Pipeline project is facing the problem of security in Balochistan because the major portion of pipeline will pass through Balochistan and face major security threats especially when insurgency by Baloch Nationalists in Balochistan is at an intensified level. There is an inclination between Baloch people of damaging development projects with a perception that their economic interests are being disregarded. The production of oil in Pakistan is lesser than utilization; it has become a necessity for Pakistan to import 80 percent of its total requirement. Although, Pakistan has abundance of gas, but the extraction in is not sufficient to assure future demand, the pipeline project would have multi-dimensional benefits for Pakistan‟s plan to emphasize on natural gas for power generation projects. (Khan, 2012: 127-128) 89

7.6. Gold/Copper Mining Projects and Strategic Importance of Balochistan

I. Reko Diq Gold Mining Project

Reko Diq is a located at a remote area in the north west of Chagi district which is thinly populated desert on the wetern side of Balochistan. Reko Diq is one of the eroded relics of volcanic centers in the Chagi volcanic chain of mountains which moves in the east west across Balochistan between the Quetta city to Taftan railway and the border along with Afghanistan. Rickodek is known as the “Hillock of Gold” containing world‟s 4th largest treasures of gold and copper (Ismail, 2014:188).

Reko Diq is close to the borders of Pakistan, Afghanistan and Iran, at Chaghi in Balochistan, situated at the distance of hundered kilometers from , the city of Iran. (Siddique: February 18, 2011) It is a fact that Balochistan has a plenty of reservoirs of precious minerals but at the same time Pakistan has to rely upon foreign companies for the process of exploring, mining and refining. Reko-Diq gold can turn Balochistan into the richest province of Pakistan. It is a big need of the time that Pakistan should convert the strategic possession in Balochistan into opportunities for economic development. Reko Diq deposits are believed to hold about 12.3 million tons of copper and 20.9 million ounces of gold. (Khokhar, The News, 2011, Jul.18) The mining project at Reko Diq has always been under foreign companies, many international forces are interested in getting contract of extraction and exploration. An Australian firm; Tethyan Copper Prosperity Limited; started the exploration in 1993 with the investment of thirty million dollars but in 2006 sold the company to a Canadian and Chilean joint venture named Tethyan Copper Company of Pakistan for 230 million dollars. (The News, 2011, Jul.18). A Chinese company, China Mining and Metallurgical Cooperation is also trying to gain the mining license for Reko Diq because the reserves of gold and copper at Reko Diq are four times larger than that of Saindak. (Ashraf, 2011, Jan.4) The Balochistan Government signed the contract for the exploration with an international mining company BHP 90

Billiton in 1993, according to which Balochistan was entitled to receive 25 percent and Billiton had rights over 75 percent. TCC continued exploration under an agreement til 2006. (Lake Resource N.L.,2013). In 2006, Australian Mincor Resources; Antofagasta; singned an agreement with BHP and owned Reko Diq with 37.5 per cent, Barrick Gold with 37.5 per cent, and Balochistan with 25 percent share. (Syed, Dawn, 2013, Jan.22,) The original and initial deal was made between BHP and Balochistan Development Authority (BDA), but this process of selling and buying interests between so many companies created great problems and confusions between the involved parties including Balochistan Government.

The inability of Baloch government and mishandling of the relevant issue regarding royalty and shares pushed the project into a lingering and complex legal process in the international court. The TCC had spent about 400 million dollars till 2006, but in 2011, the Balochistan government rejected lease application of TCC with an allegation that the company violated the rules of agreement. After fruitless negotiations with the Balochistan government, TCC took the matter to the international court to seek compensation for the investement in the project. (Syed, Dawn, 2013,Jan.22). Balochistan‟s inability to handle the Reko Diq project issues resulted in a big loss. They lost a great chance of the economic progress dependent upon the development of copper and gold mine in Chagi. Balochistan missed the great chance to earn multi billion dollar foreign investment because foreign investors had lost their interest due to the constant insurgency in the region. Due to the lack of funds, Balochistan was not in a position to bear the expenses of the legal combat in the international court. The Federal Government refused to provide any financial assistance to plead the international case filed by the TCC. So, the Government‟s incompetencey made it a disputed project where no one would be able to invest till the court completes its trial. (Fazl-e-Haider, Dawn, 2013. Jan.22). The Baloch Nationalists were never happy with the involvement of foreign companies in the mining project as they thought that they were not given the justified royalty from the reserves of their own territory. The Punjab president of Watan Party, filed a petition in Supreme Court of Pakistan stating that Pakistan should get eighty percent share of the assets and the exploring foreign companies should be given only twenty 91 percent share. And a move was launched by Chief Minister of Balochistan Aslam Raisani that the government of Balochistan will itself look after the Riko Diq gold project, the vast mineral treasure worth over 3 trillion dollars and it will be linked with Saindak Copper Project after the expiry of the contract with a Chinese company in 2011. (The Nation, 2010, May.29) The Supreme Court of Pakistan has declared void and illegal a mining deal for the Reko Diq copper project which was signed 20 years ago between Balochistan government and international mining companies. The court said that the agreement reached on July 23, 1993 was in conflict with the laws of the country. (The Dawn, 2013, Jan.22)

II. Saindak Gold/Copper Mining Project

Saindak Copper-Gold Project is situated about 1250 km away from Quetta.The Saindak copper porphyry deposit was first recognized by Geological Survey of India in 1901 during the British era. The Geological Survey of Pakistan continued the investigation in early 1960 and again in 1970s when Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, the prime minister of Pakistan ordered the implementation of the project to appease the Baloch people. The dissolution of Balochistan Government by Bhutto provoked an agitation movement and the continuation of Saindak project could be a concession for the people of Balochistan. (The Dawn, 2012, May.16). The copper deposits at Saindak were discovered by a Chinese firm in 1970 and the mining process was started in 1995 by a Pakistani Government company, Saindak Metals Ltd. (SML). The project estimated reserves of 412 million tons containing on average 0.5 gram of gold per ton and 1.5 grams of silver per ton. The mine had produced about 50,000 tons since 2003 and is expected to have the capacity to produce 15,800 tons of copper, 1.5 tons of gold and 2.8 tons of silver with the average of about 2,000 tons per month, which means that it can produce 24,000 tons per year. (Shah, 2010:68) .The Saindak Project in Chagi is one of the extremely large schemes that went into trial production in 1995 at a cost of Rs17.5 billion but was closed down soon after but was revitalized in the late 1990s and given in 2002 to a Chinese company, Metallurgical Construction Corporation (MCC) on ten years lease with an agreement 92 of an annual rent of 500,000 dollars and fifty percent share of sales to the Government of Pakistan. (Kiani, Dawn, 2006, Sep. 20)

The Government of Pakistan decided to extend this deal for next five years after its expiry in 2012, as MCC has agreed to give additional five percent shares to Balochistan. Currently, Balochistan receives 35 percent shares, 15 percent goes to Central Government while MCC gets 50 percent. After 2012, this 15 percent share of the Centre will be given to Balochistan. And with the implementation of revised agreement, Balochistan will receive 55 percent. (The Express Tribune, 2011, May.17). China has also great demand for copper because of speedy economic development and need of new infrastructure. China as the producer and buyer of Saindak copper is a founder of transferring technology in metal mining in copper, needs copper from Chaghi. (Fazl-e-Haider, 2006, Oct.5)

8. Balochistan and International Competition for Energy Resources

Present Balochistan is a geographic territory of international strategic importance moreover the factor of political problem within Balochistan where the Baloch people are struggling for autonomy, better governance, and perhaps even independence from Pakistan, and the impacts of this struggle on the security of not only Balochistan but also of surrounding regions, have much high lightened the geo strategic significance of this region. “Balochistan acts as a common denominator to them. ‗‘In fact no policy of any of the countries competing for power in the region could be called comprehensive and practical unless it considers Balochistan in its defence plans. The conflicting interest of the Great Powers in the region-ranging from peripheral to central, converge in Balochistan, in a way that they subject to political pressures of varying degrees at various points of time and space‖ (Ahmad, 1992: 148)

Right after the creation of Pakistan and annexation of Balochistan into Pakistan, the Baloch have been protesting against this inclusion. Baloch nationalists have been 93 operating many armed campaigns to protect their economic and cultural rights. These attempts from Baloch people have always been resulted in an armed clash between government of Pakistan, Pakistan Military and Baloch Nationalist Groups. These nationalist movements have gained the status of insurgency by the time. There have been five periods of Baloch insurgencies in the , in 1948, 1952, 1962, 1973 and then in 2005, which is still going on and not only affecting the situation of law and security but also creating major obstacles in the way to economic development of Balochistan. The many projects of Mega development have been delayed due to the uncertain circumstances and lack of suitable peaceful environment. The on going insurgency in Balochistan is not only destroying the golden opportunity of progress on national and international level but also playing an influential and vital role in changing the scenario of global politics. The prevailing situation is providing grounds to foreign players to play their own games, to achieve their own goals, to attain, maintain and increase their political and economic power not only in Balochistan but also in other parts of the world. The first two insurgencies 1948 and 1958 were considered as an internal political matter of Pakistan which was hushed up with the help of Pakistani Military forces. But the creation of Bangladesh, alarmed the central government to take serious interest in Balochistan and during 1972-77 Balochistan government was dismissed by the Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto with a military action to handle the insurgents. Iran supported and assisted Pakistani government to control the situation but Russia and Iraq was in favour of Baloch insurgents. 1980 Balochistan had already gained attention of the world due to newly discovered gas, coal and copper reserves.

The proposed Iran-Pakistan pipeline projects and the involvement of China also increased international interests in Balochistan. Moreover, the war in Afghanistan highlighted the powerful consequence of millions of refugees reaching the Balochistan after 1979 Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. During the Afghan occupation, Russia was trying to influence the Baloch to lift revolt against Pakistan once again. The Baloch insurgents were promised by Soviet that they would be pleased with greatest autonomy after the Soviet triumphs over Afghanistan. (Shah, 94

1997). The current ongoing insurgency in Balochistan was provoked during 2001-02 with the announcement of Gwadar Port and later on, the construction of Gwadar gave rise to another nationalist militancy between government of Pakistan and Baloch Tribal Chiefs on the issue of the security of their ethnic identity and control over the resources of Baloch region. The lack of participation of local Baloch in the project caused many Baloch to raise objections on the project. (Khan, 2009:1078) The conflict converted into a powerful insurgency in 2005 when tensions shoot up between the Bugti tribe and the central government, and the chief of Bugti Tribe, Akbar Bugti was killed during a military action. The death of Nawab Bugti increased the regional tensions and Baloch demanded full autonomy over the regional economic as well as political affairs. Before 2005, the problem was restricted to few tribes but after that incident, the circumstances became suitable for regional forces to exploit the situation and demands of Baloch insurgents, in their own favor.

Balochistan, due to its geostrategic position, has always been influential on local, national, and international politics. This present insurgency is not only an obstacle in the social, political and economic development but has also damaged the security of region as the Baloch insurgents are dreaming of Greater Balochistan which includes the Baloch living in Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan. (Ismail, 2014:181). As Balochistan borders two very significant strategic countries Afghanistan and Iran, and having majority of Baloch residents in Afghan and Iranian areas, any type of unrest or violent uprising in Pakistani Balochistan would disturb regional stability affecting the adjacent countries and consequently become a regional dispute. Baloch insurgency may create large troubles in Iran and Afghanistan due to the strong demand for greater Balochistan which includes Baloch areas of Iran and Afghanistan. (Javaid, 2010:116) . Being located in the middle of the Central, Western Southern and South-western Asia, Balochistan is always under the effects of global geo-politics. The maritime significance and potential of port Gwadar to connect Afghanistan and the Central Asian states to the Indian Ocean have given rise to global geo-political rivalry and Balochistan became an ideal profitable aim for almost all the nations. 95

Map No. 3.6. Gwadar-The gateway to Central Asia and China Trade

Source: https://www.flickr.com/search/?q=gwadar%20map on March 11, 2015

Balochistan, with plenty of energy resources and trade routes; is highly importan on international level . This unique and valuable situation provides golden opportunity to the global powers to instigate their regional play. The world is increasingly moving towards multi-polarity and economic powers are increasing in the Asian regions. USA has been at a powerful position exclusively since the collapse of the Soviet Union. The objectives of Asian states like China and India are to become economically more powerful to get global hegemony by controlling the major portion of world‟s energy resources. The situation of emerging economies is likely to create disturbance in energy supply and demand so major preference is a focus on energy markets. Demand for energy supply of China, India, and other Asian countries is quickly increasing, so it is the biggest requirement of time to spread their influence over energy resources, transit corridors and important land and naval trade links. For this purpose, Balochistan is the main focus of geo-political manipulation. The resettlement of borders as Greater Balochistan would definitely affect the economic expansion of China, Iran, India and Pakistan. United States have many times highlighted the geo-strategic and geo-political significance of Balochistan and 96 supported the idea of an independent Balochistan which could provide security to US political and geostrategic benefits.

9. Significance of Balochistan in Global Politics

In order to counter Iran, the land of Balochistan is of much importance for America. The natural resources of China and oil of the Arab world are going to eliminate in coming 30 to 40 years (Mazhar, et al. 2012: 120) and then the USA will have to take help from Central Asia, Iran and Afghanistan; and for this purpose, US would to cross Balochistan and its Coast, due to the interference of China in Balochistan, it would not be possible for USA to attain an influential position. America would not be able to extend its economic hegemony for a long time, it will be substituted by China which is going to be influential over Gwadar Port and coastal line of Balochistan. That is the main reason behind USA displeasure with the construction of Gwadar Port in collaboration with China. When the Taliban administration ended in and rebellious groups of Taliban crossed the Pak-Afghan border to enter into Balochistan and organized revolutionary struggle against the aliened forces in Afghanistan. Moreover, the re emergence of the Baloch nationalist insurgency also complicated the internal situation of Pakistan‟s security; Balochistan obtained a new geo-strategic significance and became focus of USA as a Trans border energy route. The Baloch insurgency was recharged with the development of Gwadar sea port and their demand to share the benefits of Gwadar Project attracted strong US interest in Balochistan because it has the capacity to convert Balochistan in a main corridor of energy transportation from Central Asia and Iran to other parts of the region in minimum time. The US has to maintain a crucial and essential role in the new great game of resource development in Balochistan and in other parts of Asia. Therefore, all the three prominent factors; the Taliban militancy, Baloch insurgency and future significance of Balochistan as an energy transit route, played a very strong role in attaining and developing serious attention of US to Balochistan. (Aazar, 2010:164) Prior to that, Balochistan due to its defensive proximity with Afghanistan had a significant hand in the early triumph of US war on terror post 9/11. 97

Pakistan provided US the access to airspace and airfields in Balochistan for US aerial bombing on Kabul to destroy the Taliban regime and their network in Afghanistan. (Aazar, 2010:165) Balochistan has been playing a central role in the geo strategic expansion of South and West Asia long before the US war on terror post 9/11 but during war, Balochistan‟s territorial proximity to Afghanistan was a great strategic advantage which was fully exploited by US forces.

American involvement in Balochistan is somehow blamed for supporting Baloch insurgents in order to deal with the Chinese influence in Balochistan. It is believed that CIA agents in Afghanistan provide financial support to the Baloch insurgents. (Bansal, 2008, pp.182–200) it is discovered that the US spy agency CIA is involved in enrollment of local agents in Balochistan to trace the members of Quetta based Taliban Shura. The Quetta Shura is a US term for the Taliban commanders. (Waheed, 2011, Apr.27) The incident of the arrest of a CIA Spy Raymond Davis in a murder case of two Pakistani in January 2011 increased the tension in Pakistan-US relations and exposed the CIA immoral actions in Balochistan. Above all, CIA‟s activities in Balochistan are clear sign of US growing interest in this state. In actuality, “Greater Balochistan” is the top most schemes of US, India and Israel cooperation. (Hassan, 2011, May.04) Apparently, US propagate her concerns for the stabilization of Pakistan, but at the same time, she has a deep interest in interrupting those projects that would enable China to be strategically present in this region and establish herself as an emerging economic power particularly at the Port of Gwadar. US are also interested in mounting their influence in Gwadar and other parts of Balochistan. Therefore, the any harm caused to Gwadar port is one of their main interest in Balochistan. Thus, any type of violence in Balochistan protects US interests in the region because it is helpful in delaying the development projects between China and Pakistan.

The basic objective is to limitate increasing Chinese existence in Balochistan. China is an economic rival to US and its presence in Balochistan is not beneficial for the strategic and economic future of US. The Gwadar port can serve as the marine base 98 for Chinese forces which is a matter of great anxiety for US. The Indian Ocean, near the Strait of Hormuz, a route for the export of oil from the Gulf States, will definitely come under the observation and influence of China will create serious problems for US in maintaining its monopoly in the region. The divergence of interests of various powers is also worsening the situation in Balochistan. Under the unstable and insecure circumstances in Balochistan, China will not move forward to provide any further technical or financial assistance to Pakistan for the development and progress of any economic project. (Mazari, 2005, Feb.2)

The clear objectives of US are to deteriorate Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan to establish a strong hold in Central Asian Region; to harm Chinese economic welfare in African and Middle East; by creating obstacles in the Gwadar project. This can be possible only by supporting Balochistan Nationalist Movement to disturb the situation and creating unfavorable environment for any economic investment by China. ‗‘CIA supported elements are using America, , India and Afghanistan as their platforms for organizing, planning and operational bases for execution of the plan of Independent Balochistan‘‘. (Hassan, 2011, May.04) US interests are also intended to counter Iran, The United Sates is not happy with the expansion of Chinese energy and military assets, particularly so close to Iran and the Gulf region. An unstable Balochistan is most preferable to US than an established and flourished Balochistan. Any disturbance in Balochistan reduces the possibility of development of the Iran-Pakistan oil pipeline. The US has openly shown her discomfort with the proposed pipeline project. (Bansal, 2008:182). The US is not only interested in Balochistan, but also has strong concerns about the massive resources of Central Asian States and Balochistan is the most convenient available path to these resources. US is much anxious to get control over the whole region for their future security plans and eliminate the influence of their only rival and competitor China. US interest in Balochistan highlights two long term objectives, firstly, US need a secure route to the energy resources of Central Asia, and secondly to control China. Balochistan provides the shortest passage between the Indian Ocean and Central Asia outside of the Gulf. Therefore any unrest in Balochistan directly affects and 99 effectively discourages Trans-Afghan pipeline project, planned for transferring Central Asian resources to South Asia as the control of economically strong and established states of South Asia over this region will not allow US to flourish economic hegemony.

USA and Russia have always focused their interest on Balochistan to exploit the land as a tool to make Pakistan a weaker state. Russia has encouraged the ―Secessionist Movement of Sindhu Desh, Pakhtonistan or (Independent) or Greater Balochistan‖ (Najmuddin, 1984: 60). With the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan in 1979, it was predicted that the Soviet would try to take possession of deep sea port on the Indian Ocean, and the Baloch nationalists and their rebellious activities would be significantly helpful to Soviet attempt. (Harrison, 1981:173) Having controlled Afghanistan, Russia tried hard to convince the Baloch to revolt against central government of Pakistan and the Baloch insurgents were assured by Russia that they would be given autonomy over Balochistan after the Soviet completely conquers Afghanistan. (Ismail, 2014:184) The Russian strategies were to establish their grip in Kabul as their base to raise the issues of Pakhtunistan and Greater Balochistan from the land of Kabul, and try to separate and disconnect Balochistan from Pakistan to create a new independent state under the control of Moscow or to amalgamate it with Afghanistan. ―Whether Russian loose their interest in Afghanistan, yet in Balochistan and Indian Ocean its interest would not die down‖ (Ahmad, 1992: 253). Russia also needs a suitable way to the warm waters of the Indian Oceans. Like USA, Russia also needs to preserve its monopoly in Central Asia. All the CAS are entirely depend on Russia for their energy projects export. Soviet Interests in Balochistan have various aspects which are not much different than that of US. Russia wants to control the Gulf oil, which constitute almost 60 percent of world‟s known reserves. Any trouble in Balochistan gives Russia a chance to daunt Trans- Afhgan pipeline or other projects. A Russian influenced Balochistan would bring the natural resources of the Indian Ocean and Antarctica under direct control and pressure of Russia. Fish catch from Indian Ocean and particularly from Arabian Sea, which constitutes almost 1/3rd of total fish catch, will be transported to Central Asia 100

Republics over lands, without any trouble, in less time, thus will be more economical. (Ahmad, 1992: 256) Balochistan is also the shortest route to the world‟s largest untapped mineral resources of Antarctica. (Mazhar, et al. 2012:119). All these future probabilities which can provide economical stability to Russia are related to Balochistan.

Balochistan is the only Province with direct border with Iran. The geographical location plays a very significant role in shaping the relations between Pakistan and Iran in the socio-cultural and economic perspectives. Balochistan is the only factor which can directly influence Pak-Iran relations both negatively and positively. Unfortunately, there are some disappointing and inadequate factors which are causing confusions, doubts and stress and making Balochistan a weakening factor in Pak-Iran relations. Balochistan plays a key role in the Pak-Iran economic and social incorporation. The close relation between the people of both countries on the basis of many religious and cultural similarities significantly increases the economic, cultural and social communication. Infrastructure projects of roads and railways networks can make possible easy trade. The proposed venture of oil refinery in Hub will do a lot for the promotion and betterment of economic cooperation between Pakistan and Iran, which has been going through a tensed situation in the past few years because of political misunderstanding over Afghanistan issue. (Khan, 2012:137). The project will be an economic momentum to this least developed province. It will also make possible the exploration of oil and gas in Baloch region. The project of gas pipeline between Iran-Pakistan is the most constructive feature of economic relationship which would bring profit to both the countries equally. The ongoing insurgency in Balochistan has badly affected the friendly relations of the two countries as the Iranian government blame Pakistan for being associated with the Balochistan based Jandullah Organization which is a group of Baloch nationalist militants which is also creating political disturbances in Iranian areas with the assistance of US. (Khan, 2012:137) Moreover, the increasing competition between Gwadar and Port, and strong rivalry between India, China and Pakistan to 101 increase their influence in Central Asia through these ports, have already disturbed economic and political relations of Iran and Pakistan.

Chabahar seaport is situated at about 70 kilometer distance from Gwadar, completed with Chinese assistance. Both ports are great competitors as both are constructed with the same objectives in a same region. The difference between the two lies in the fact that Gwadar port is facing many issues like the bad security situation in Balochistan and lack of proper infrastructure of connecting links to main highways. The project is not making progress due to slow and process of development. While there is no such situation at Chabahar which is being developed rapidly and also has gained attention and interest of China successfully. Not only China but also Iran, Afghanistan and India are equally emphasizing at Chabahar Port ahead of Gwadar as regional trade and commerce center. The Chabahar is located outside the Strait of Hormuz, in Economic and Industrial Zone of Iran, away from the route of intense sea traffic in the Gulf waters and provides more convenient entrance to ships. A rail and road infrastructure is also being constructed between Chabahar and Herat to connect with Central Asian States. India is seriously interested in the development of Chabahar just to stay away from Pakistani route to Iran, Afghanistan and Central Asia. (Hussain, 2015:146) Chabahar is somehow is an Indian financed Port and a plan to counter and decrease the emerging power of Gwadar and to diminish the reliance of Central Asia on the port of Gwadar. (Khan, 2012:135) As Gwadar port is expected to improve not only Pakistan‟s but also Chinese influence in Central Asia and beyond. Because it is a trade route for the landlocked Central Asian States and this new trade route would have tremendous economic impetus to Pakistan in the form of new and great investments as the CARs will rely upon Pakistan for their trade and commerce. Chabahar is providing India with an easy approach to Afghanistan through the Indian Ocean. An agreement between India, Iran and Afghanistan has been signed according to that, Central Asia and Afghanistan are bound to give special preference and tariff reduction to Indian trade goods. (Khan, 2012:135) Therefore, Gwadar port is a threatening factor to Indian trade through Indian Ocean. Gwadar would create 102 harmful impact on commercial interest of India by enabling Pakistan to implement vast control over entire energy routes. Gwadar will also enable China to observe and examine Indian naval movement in the Persian Gulf and Arabian Sea and any nautical cooperation between India and Iran will be easily monitored by China. Similarly, Iran has clear apprehensions about the use of Gwadar port by the US to observe activities inside Iran. (Asia Times, 2005, April.29).

India is trying also to counter the Chinese sway in the Arabian Sea, Persian Gulf, and the Indian Ocean. So India chose Iran as her strategic ally. India has spent gigantic amount on the construction and development of Iranian Port of Chahbahar which will facilitate Indian trade activities to Afghanistan and Central Asia through roads and rail links. The Chinese involvement in Pakistani Gwadar and Indian influence on Iranian Chahbahar has resulted not only in economic competition and strategic rivalry between India, Pakistan and China but also has increased risk of controversy for the resources of Central Asia. The antagonism between China and India has an unfavorable impact on the Pak-Iran relations. Gwadar and Chahbahar are the main factors in geo-strategic and economic rivalry. China is largely alarmed by the Indian intensification in the Indian Ocean and the Arabian Sea. Moreover, the progress in Indo-US relations and mutual aid for Afghanistan and Central Asia by Iran and India became a matter of serious attention for China. (Khan, 2013: 79-80) India is trying for good associations with Pakistani neighbors just to contain Pakistan and to counterbalance Chinese emerging power, because China is the only power which is quite capable of competing and suppress Indian hegemony and supremacy in the region. As Indian navy is greater than that of Pakistan, therefore to surpass India, Pakistan needs Chinese support and cooperation in all the Mega Projects in Balochistan which is in the best welfare of both China and Pakistan. Through the Gwadar, China can keep a strict watch on Indian approach and emergence in the Indian Ocean, the Arabian Sea, and Persian Gulf. (Khan, 2013: 79-80).

So far as Afghanistan is concerned, she has historically been remained a dispute between major powers. Mostly, Afghanistan remains in state of war and process of 103 nation building, so there is no functional type of economy in Afghanistan and mostly depends on limited agriculture which does not fulfil the food requirements of Afghans and they have to depend upon foreign donations for survival. (Shah, 2007:65) The TAPI project is a big hope to help restore the Afghan economy as the project could generate about 300 million dollars royalty to Afghanistan and other foreign investments in the project may do a lot to stabilize and revive Afghan economy with the renovation of other infrastructure. Afghanistan used to manage its trade through the Karachi port, but now the Gwadar port will serve this purpose well. Afghanistan has admitted the significance of Gwadar as a gateway to wealth for Afghanistan and also has offered support for the development of the Gwadar port. (The Dawn, 2003, Aug.5)

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CHAPTER FOUR

Baloch Nationalism: Past and Present

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1. Definition of Nationalism

The term nationalism is normally applied to explain two conditions, firstly, it describes the attitude of the people of a nation who care about their national identity, and secondly; it refers to those steps and actions which are taken by a nation to achieve or maintain their right of self-determination.

‗‘The territorial state as political unit is seen by nationalists as centrally belonging to one ethnic-cultural group and as actively charged with protecting and promulgating its traditions.‘‘ („‟Nationalism‟‟, 2015, Dec.14). Whereas an ethnic group is categorized as a social group of people who identify themselves on the basis of common inherited culture and social practices, they are liable to be related with a mutual cultural heritage, history, language and ideology, and with figurative systems like religion, folklore and ritual, cuisine, and costumes. (Siddiqi, 2012: 2)

2. Definition of Ethnic Nationalism

‗‘Ethnicity refers to rather complex combination of racial, cultural, and historical characteristics by which societies are occasionally divided into separate and probably hostile, political families. Ethnicity is basic since it provides for a sense of ethnic identity where cultural and linguistic symbols are used for internal cohesion and for differentiation from other groups.‘‘ (Laif and Hamza, 2009:50). The cultural and linguistic are more important factors in the formation of ethnic nationalism. These are two very features which assign a distinctive identity to a specific group. Groups which possess a distinctive ethnic identity can be found in various states but they exist within the state and national structures. The sense of a unique identity creates problems only when ethnic movements take the form of nationalist movement and try to establish their own state. (Amin, 1993:2) nationalism is the political belief of a particular community which demands an equal and independent status. Nationalism is an emotion of protection of interests of the inhabitants and state. But the Ethnic nationalism defines the nation in terms of ethnicity that includes 111 the same culture, social values, traditions and language of a group, which they inherit from their forfathers.(Laif and Hamza, 2009:51-53)

3. Baloch Nationalism

Baloch nationalism claims that the Baloch people of Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan are a unique and distinctive ethno-linguistic group and should be honored as a distinct nation. The Baloch Nationalists are of the view that ethnic loyalty is greater than religious loyalty so the Baloch people should not be considered a nation on the basis of Islam. (Harrison, 1978:140). This theory is totally opposite of the idea behind the creation of Pakistan, under which all Muslims are one nation. Baloch nationalism promotes secular ideology where racial and kinfolk‟s loyalties are most important features of Baloch society and play an essential role in determining their sovereign identity.

4. Key Elements in the Formation of Baloch Nationalism

The main elements which constitute the foundations of Baloch Nationalism are the basic reasons of the Baloch nationalists‟ demands, which range from bigger cultural, economic and political rights and political autonomy, to absolute independence and the creation of a separate state. Divided among Iran, Afghanistan, and Pakistan, the Baloch are very possessive about their ethnic identity which lies in their traditional nomadic life and they do not accept the barriers of national boundaries and any type of central administration. According to Baloch, their nationalism has its foundation on these basic factors:

4.1. Cultural Heritage and Traditional Values

The culture can be defined in different ways. The Cultural heritage is a blend of language, ideas, beliefs, customs, values, attributes, codes of honor, institutions, religion, law, ethics, rituals, fairs and festivals of a specific group of people. The Baloch are very proud of their cultural distinctiveness with their centuries old folk literature. The folk literature explains the magnificence of Baloch land and tales 112 about their triumphant battles against the foreign invaders. (Harrison, 1978:140) and the Baloch people have been successfully protecting the remnants of their cultural values which have very strong and unshakable impact on the society and contribute a lot in the formation of such circumstances which make Balochistan rich in terms of ethnic, linguistic and cultural diversity.

I. Salient Features of Baloch Social Life

The Baloch are generally sociable and friendly people. They are generally intellectual, cultured, and cultivated. Culturally, they are rich and self dependent. A prominent tradition of irrigation system introduced by the Baloch is Karez system, (the underground water supply used for cultivation) is unique to Baloch society and manifest their civilized intellect. (Baloch: 2002:09-11) The social life of Baloch people is very simple. They are much concerned and aware of their ancient social traditions and they feel much delight in following those values and customs. Cultural values, customs and traditions are followed according to Islamic faith. Baloch handicraft is world-renowned. Shalwar Qamis is the common and popular dress among all tribes in Balochistan. In the rural areas turban is also an essential part of the casual and formal dress. Different tribes have their own turban tying styles. (Sabir and Razzaq, 2010:21-23)

The Baloch language and cultural heritage provides a significant base for their theory of nationalism. A combination of social standards, value systems, traditions, folklore and cultural environment is of the central importance in the nationalist demands of cultural independence. The Baloch have a strong belief that their ancient culture has been a source of strong strength which still is playing an important role in shaping their individuality and enable them to counter the risk of amalgamation and incorporation into the other cultures. "It is the vitality of this ancient cultural heritage that explains the tenacity of the present demand for the political recognition of Baloch identity". (Harrison, 1981:11)

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II. Baloch Literature

The Baloch rich folklore is widely and prominently visible in Balochi proverbs, songs and tales. The salient feature of Baloch folklore is its strong national sentiment which is frequently referred to the Baloch and Balochistan and the Balochi literature is a big inspiration for nationalist emotions which has been a medium for conveying their language, culture and national feelings to the next generation and definitely literature has an important place in the life of Baloch and they have always successfully protected their cultural heritage. The Baloch have preserved several myths, proverbs, poems and songs. They are very enthusiastic about their enigma and historic sagas which consist of long narrations in both prose and poetry.

III. Baloch Songs and Music

Balochi poetry is the oldest form of literature in the region which is always combined with music and is considered as a worthy art. Balochi music along with folklore is an asset to them which they transmit from one generation to the other. Music is the most effective medium in protecting and maintaining the Balochi language and culture. Moreover, it is a cultural link between all the Baloch communities. Remarkable historical events are narrated through music and songs and the lyrics are never altered. Baloch epic songs are directly related to nationalism and a great source to gain knowledge about Baloch history customs, traditions and their moral values like courage, bravery and honor. (Breseeg, 1981: 97-98)

IV. Baloch Poetry

Baloch literature is dependent on poetry which provides information about the glorious history of the Baloch race, their migrations from one region to the other, their prominent wars, religion, and belief system. Most part of their poetry is related to the stories about rule of Rind Lashari in 15th and 16th centuries. Narrations about their wars against other nations are salient features of the Baloch poetry and portray the Baloch people as a free and autonomous nation which has always been stood firm against other invading powers. 114

V. Baloch Language

Language and culture are primary foundation on which the overall formation of the perception and a sense of national identity depend. Balochi language is a uniting knot between the several groups which identify themselves as Baloch. The Baloch people have retained their tradition of story telling in both Pakistani and Iranian Baloch regions. The domination of the Iran and Pakistan has motivated the Baloch spirit to transfer their heritage to their next generations. Language has a powerful role in their effort for their right of self determination. The Baloch people honor their language as a proof for their distinct and separate identity. (Harrison, 181:pp-95-96)

VI. The Baloch Anthem: Mulk Balochi (The Baloch Country)

Since the 15th century, the theory and concept of Mulk Balochi is frequently being highlighted and admired in the Baloch poetry showing great affection towards the Mulk Balochi. The poetry of Baloch National Anthem depicts the Baloch nationalism in a clear manner: "We have conquered all the area which is now our homeland. It is real and true Balochistan. If we are separated and demarcated, then so what, this is a temporary division, our soul is one. We will destroy these walls. We are like a rain and a storm".(Bresseg, 2004:92)

The land of Balochistan is honored by the Baloch as „‟the paradise on the earth‟‟ and the relation of a Baloch with his homeland is just like the relation of soul to its body. According to a Baloch saying: ‗‘the place from which we came and to which in death we will return‘‘. (Baluch, 1987:13). This deep love towards the Mulk Balochi has given them the sense of independent identity.

4.2. Physical Terrain

The Baloch Nationalism is also has roots in their territorial homeland. Physically, it is separated from India by the huge northern barrier of the On the south, a long expansion from Kalat makes it an impossible highland country, which faces the desert of Sindh, the underneath part of which outlines the Indian boundary. 115

However, it does not have boundaries in the modern sense of the term, the Baloch region is at present politically divided between Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan, is physically a compact unit. (Baloch,1987:19).

As mentioned earlier in chapter one of this research, the western part of Balochistan was included in Iran by the British in 1896 after the demarcation of Goldsmith line and the larger eastern part was left under British control. The Durand Line which was drawn by the British in 1894 assigned the small portion of northern Balochistan to Afghanistan and Balochistan was further divided between British Balochistan and Afghanistan, later on these borders came under the control of Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan. Presently the Eastern Balochistan region constitutes the Pakistani Province of Balochistan. ‗‘For the Baloch nationalists, the whole region from the east of Bandar Abbas; Kerman to the west of the Indus River, and from the Sulaiman mountains in the northeast, to the Dasht-Lut in northwest, is known as Balochistan‘‘. (Bresseg, 2004:92)

4.3. Tribal System and Social Organization

The Baloch people live into groups and sub-groups. The one is the Eastern or Sulaimani Baloch, and second is Western or Mekrani Baloch. Sulaiman Baloch have their dominance in Sibi District of Balochistan and the Mekran is considered as the “original nucleus” of the Baloch people. (Scholz, 1974:27). However, the details about the Baloch tribes have been given in chapter 2 of this research but anyways, the Sulaiman Baluch include the , Buledi, , , Kaheri, Khetran, Magasi, Marri, , Rind and Umrani tribes while the Mekran consists of the Buledi, Dashti, Gichki, Kandai, Rais, Rakhshani, Rind, Sangu and . The Marri and Bugti; have always been leading Baloch politics and are considered responsible for the unrest in Balochistan. The Baloch tribes and sub tribes are independent in all their affairs and don‟t accept any external influence. Every tribe is headed by a chief who is the authority over matters relevant to the lives and property of their tribes. (Shah, 2007:15). The traditions and customs of one tribe may be different than of the other tribes. Sometimes, the adoptions of the customs 116 of other tribes are taken as major abuse. The structure of Baloch society is based on blood kinship and people mostly belong to the same ancestral background and each group has common interests and responsibility. The traditional tribal association is mandatory for Baloch social structure. The sub-clans or tribes are called „‟Paro‟‟ which represent a family, and the group of a few paros constitute a clan. Numerous clans make a tribe which is called „‟Tuman‟‟. („‟Balochistan Tribal System‟‟, 2011, July.7) The Baloch are comprised of various tribal divisions, independent from each other and follow their domestic hierarchical constitution. The hierarchical structure is a unique feature that differentiates the Baloch from other tribal societies such as Pakhtun tribes. This hierarchic structure has fundamental effect on Baloch tribal unity. The Baloch tribal structure can be described as follow:

1. A Tribe is called Tuman which is headed by a chief who is called Tumandar. The term tuman also refers to a Baloch village. 2. Tumans are divided into clans which are called Paras and are led by a Muqaddam or Tukkri nominated by the tribal chief or elected by the Waderas. 3. Paras are then sub-divided into Palis which are led by Wadera. 4. Palis are further divided into family groups headed by the eldest member of the family called a Motabar. („‟Tribal Analysis Centre‟‟, 2009). In hereditary system, the election is made among the children of the former Mugaddam. The position of tribal Sardar is always inherited. After the death of a Sardar, the eldest son of late Sardar automatically becomes next sardar. In case of any inability of the elder son, selection of next sardar is made by Muqaddams. And the final decision of Tukkreis is accepted by all with no objection.

In Baloch tribal society, the elders and chiefs, both tribal and of family; are given high respect because they are the main caretaker of the society. The chiefs occupy the highest position of social administrators and judicial heads and are the most privileged persons with a divergent superiority and their unlimited powers and decisions are never challengeable. 117

4.4 Baloch Jirga System

The Jirga system is a prominent feature of Baloch tribal culture and an essential part of Baloch society. Jirga is an institution where the elders of tribes gather together to handle the different disputes of people as per prevailing customs, to find out solution to the disputes among two parties and to provide justice to them. The Jirga occupies the position of high court and the decisions taken by Jirga are fully respected by all. The dispute may be between the members of a same tribe or sometimes it is between two tribes. Inter tribal disputes is another common feature of almost all tribal societies. If a member of a tribe is involved in any matter that is considered an offence as per laws of a tribe, the whole of his tribe is considered to be responsible for it. Now it is the moral and social duty of the tribal Sardar to take revenge from the other tribe.

There have been many inter-tribal disputes and quarrels, which mostly turn into wars between tribes. There is another institution called "Mairh" or "Marka" which deals with the disputes between tribes. The war and grudge may continue for years till the total destruction of one tribe or till one party surrenders before the other party. In case of acceptance of crime and surrender by one party, leaders of the charged tribe appeal to the elders of the other party for the resolution of the issue. The heads of the other side may take any decision which is always acceptable. This process is known as Mairh which has great importance in baloch society. The twenty years long Marri-Bugti war was settled in three days through Mairh. („‟Balochistan Tribal System‟‟, 2011, July.7) that‟s why, the Baloch tribes always disliked and opposed any other system of law and punishment such as police administration, because they are fully satisfied with their traditional system of Jirga and Mairh.

4.5. Baloch Sardari System

As it is clear now that the basic entity in political organization of Baloch society is the tribe and the loyalty to the tribal chief. The conventional type of Baloch government 118 is the centuries old Sardari system in which it is mandatory for the tribesmen to give their faithfulness to Sardars for social justice and uprightness of tribe. Sardars are elected by a committee consisting of tribal elders. The Jirgas maintain law and order and play the the roles of police, magistrate and court at the same time. There are four levels of Jirga as under.

Table No. 4.1. Levels of Baloch Jirga

First Level Local Jirga Second Level District Jirga Third Level Joint Jirga Forth Level Shahi Jirga

Source: Kundi, Dr. Mansoor Akbar, (2005). „‘Tribalism in Balochistan: A Comparative Study‖ in Tribal Areas of Pakistan: Challenges and Responses, edited by Pervaiz Iqbal Cheema and Maqsudul Hasan Nuri, Islamabad: Islamabad Policy Research Institute. P. 20

The details about these levels are as uncer

 Local Jirga deals with disputes of low intensity  District Jirgas deal with serious crimes such as theft and murder.  Joint Jirgas handle disputes regarding tribal enmity.  The Shahi Jirga is composed of the Sardars of the individual tribe and is only involved to resolve major issues or decision taking process such as the decision to include Balochistan into Pakistan in 1947. (Kundi, 2005:22)

5. Historical Development of Baloch Nationalism

As it has been discussed in a previous chapter that before the creation of Pakistan, Balochistan used to be chief commissioner‟s province governed by the Agent to the Governor General (AGG) of India. The certain areas of Balochistan came under British influence by the discourse of time. In 1854, the British made an agreement with the ruler of Kalat, and in treaty in 1876, the British rulers promised with the 119

Baloch Sardars to respect the independence of Baloch areas. (Ahmad, 1992:101). The majority of Baloch population comprised almost 91 percent of the total population. Balochistan was a multicultural region with many languages i.e. Baluchi, Pushtu, Sindhi, Bruhi, and Persian. Six districts were managed by the British agent and adjacent to province were the regions of tribal areas of Marri and Bugti and states of Kalat, Kharan, Makran and Lasbela. The Balochistan was facing economic and political backwardness and was the most undeveloped region of sub continent which was not even able to maintain itself and had to rely upon the loans from Central Government by the early 1940s. (Talbot, 1990:17). Balochistan was not only economically weak but also facing lack of a proper political system and the situation of Balochistan, both economic and political was far more different than other parts of sub continent because British rulers didn‟t pay attention to the implementation of democratic rules and reforms in Baloch region which they had introduced in other regions of sub continent. (Isa, 1944:17) and almost all political reforms which were introduced in the country were denied in Balochistan.

Before the creation of Pakistan, there was no proper administrative structure in Balochistan The Pushto speaking areas of Balochistan such as Zhob, Loralai, and Chaman districts along the Afghanistan border were controlled by British or tribal administration. (Shah, 1997:94) and there was no platform available to represent the viewpoint of the Muslims of Balochistan. (Ahmad, 1992:103). Although the Baloch Sardars were loyal to the British but they were set free and independent in their internal political affairs and had full freedom in their own private tribal system. The British Political agent used to look after the overall administration of the Baloch territories but soon they started influencing Baloch Tribes through Sundeman system as a part of their political set up in that area. (Mahmand, 1989:164). The Baloch nationalists started efforts to unite as a force for an independent Balochistan. The Baloch were divided into two groups for the achievement of the same goal in a different manner. These two groups are categorized as:

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I. The Revolutionary Group

This Baloch group was headed by Misri Khan Baloch of the Marri Tribe during 1917. The revolutionary group of Baloch nationalists preferred to migrate from Balochistan to Soviet Union to get support against British.

II. The Constitutional Group

The constitutionalists were educated Balochis of middle class and were in favor of the style of the Indian nationalists. This leaders of this group; Yousaf Ali Magsi and Abdul Aziz Kurd; organized the Anjuman-e-Ittehad-Balochistan in 1920 which was working as an under ground political institute and was known as The Kalat State National Party. (Breseeg, 2004:222-223) which was first organized political party in Balochistan. This party generally known as National Party was launched in February 1937 with the same objectives like Anjuman-e-Ittehad-Balochan.

6. Emergence of Baloch Nationalist Movement

The Baloch have been struggling for the preservation of their ethnic identity and freedom as an independent nation in Baloch regions of Pakistan and Iran, despite of their failure as yet, Baloch nationalist movements have always been creating problems for both countries that is why it is a matter of deep concern to both states. Baloch nationalists had actively started advocating the idea of the "Greater Balochistan" in early years of 20th century. The Greater Balochistan is supposed to cover an area equal to present day Pakistan. But this movement got attention on national and international level after the Second World War. Baloch nationalist movements exist in Iran for the development of Baloch political and cultural identity, but main centre for their activities has been situated in Pakistani Balochistan. Baloch Nationalism is evolved more properly in Pakistan due to the historical circumstance and the political atmosphere. In the 15th century, Rind-Lashari tribal Confederacy was established in Eastern Balochistan and later on the whole Baloch region, including Iranian portion of Baloch majority, was under the rule of Kalat 19th century till the emergence of the question of Baloch Nationalism. (Breseeg, 2004: 8-9). It is 121 important to mention that the Pakistani Baloch nationalism is more organized than that of Iranian Balochistan. Although, Baloch nationalist movement has deep roots in almost two thousand year long history, but the emergence of Baloch nationalism as a struggle against the colonial system is recorded in the late 19th century, when state of Kalat was included into present day Pakistani Balochistan. The enmity between British and Russia that caused the British invasion of Afghanistan showed them the way to Balochistan when they attempted to control the road to Kabul. (Breseeg, 2004:159–60). However, at that time the British were not intended to meddle with the domestic affairs of Balochistan and established their control along the Afghan border only.

Baloch nationalism took a modern shape with the development of the Anjuman-e- Ittehad-e-Balochistan based in Mastung in 1920 with the objectives of establishing political and constitutional reform in Kalat, the end of British era, elimination of the sardari system, and the amalgamation of all Baloch areas into an independent state. The Baloch Nationalists formed another organization with the same objectives in Sindh province, which was called the Baloch League. In 1937, the Anjuman-e- Ittehad-e-Balochistan became the Kalat State National Party with same goal of achieving an independent Balochistan. The founders and members of the Party , Mir Gul Khan Naseer and Abdul Aziz Kurd were secular- minded persons. (Kech, 2013, May.21). Baloch nationalism emerged in a true sense just before the creation of Pakistan in 1947. The Nationalists Baloch leaders were highly inspired by Russian revolution and independence movement in India led by Gandhi and Nehru, the Baloch nationalist leaders started a campaign for an independent Balochistan for the sake of their distinct identity like Muslims and Hindus.

As it is mentioned earlier, The Baloch Nationalist Movements always have their roots in Ethnic Nationalism instead of religion. While the purpose behind the creation of Pakistan as an independent state was purely religious. After the creation of Pakistan, the khan of Kalat declared his state independent with an option to consult Pakistan in the fields of defense and foreign affairs only. But Kalat was forced to join 122

Pakistan only after nine months of the creation of Pakistan. (Harrison, 1981:24). This was the incident which gave rise to first Baloch conflict with the Government of Pakistan in 1948 on the basis of Baloch Nationalism and turned into a series of conflicts between the Pakistani state and Baloch nationalists, on many other issues; including Baloch Nationalism; in 1958, 1962 and 1973.

The Baloch conflict which revolves around the protection of their ethnic identity was inspired by Marxist-Leninist liberation movements which came into view shortly after the Baloch revolt of 1962. Sher Mohammed Marri, leader from the Marri tribe, gathered his men and formed the militant Baloch Liberation Front to fight against Pakistan Government for Baloch Freedom. The formation of a militant violent group resulted in another insurgency in 1973. Under the leadership of the Marri tribe, twenty two camps were established in the areas of central Balochistan to the northeast of the province. (Harrison, 1981:30)

The demand for an independent state reached its highest point during the 1973– 1977 when President and later Prime Minister had refused to provide Balochistan with the rights which were promised in the democratic (1973) and dissolved the government of National Awami Party (NAP) while accusing its leaders of damaging the foundation of Pakistan. Major fundamentals of the growing Baloch movement joined the guerilla force of the Marris and Mengals and even Pakistani army could not eliminate the insurgency. Later on during the regime of General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq negotiations began and resulted in the withdrawal of the army and the release of the Baloch leaders and activists. (Ahmed, 1999:176-77) The province of Balochistan remained peaceful until 2005.

6.1. First Baloch Revolt (1948) on the Issue of Accession to Pakistan

When the British India was divided into India and Pakistan, the Baloch states tried to porch themselves with the British for independence but their efforts failed and British 123 declared them as an independent state on August 15, 1947. This declaration was made on the fact that since 1876 Kalat, the most influential Baloch state had been given the status of a sovereign state under the British Raj. (Khan,1975:111).

After the creation of Pakistan, The Khan of Kalat offered Pakistan a special relationship in which Pakistan would only maintain the matters of defense, foreign policy, and communications in Baloch Region while the autonomy of Balochistan would not be disturbed. Moreover, the Kalat Assembly voted in favor of independent Balochistan, showing an interest to remain with Pakistan but not under the rule of Pakistan. Mir Ghaus Bakhsh Bizenjo, who was a member of the Kalat Assembly, stated: ‗‘If Pakistan wants to treat us as a sovereign people we are ready to extend our friendship. But if Pakistan does not do so and forces us to accept this fate, flying in the face of democratic principle, every Baloch will fight for freedom.‘‘ (Harrison, 1981:25). In March 1948, the Pakistani Government employed military force to pressurize the Khan of Kalat to join Pakistan. Prince Abdul Karim Khan, brother of Mir Ahmed Yar Khan decided to initiate a protest against Pakistani action, he designed a separatist movement and declared a revolt against the Pakistani Government for announcing the independence of Kalat and rejection of the accession agreement which was signed by Ahmed Yar Khan. He formed the Baloch National Liberation Committee and published a manifesto demanding the autonomy of Balochistan. He also used guerrilla warfare through Afghanistan against the Pakistan Army. This was the first example of Baloch Insurgency in the region. Karim Khan requested the leaders of Baloch nationalist political parties to take part in the struggle for the creation of an independent „Greater Balochistan‟.(Awan, 2013) Karim also tried to seek help from Afghanistan because Afghanistan was against the inclusion of Baloch and Pakhtun areas in Pakistan, but Afghanistan government did not provide any practical support to Karim because Afghanistan wanted the inclusion of Balochistan in Afghanistan rather than its existence as an independent state. (Baloch, 2008, Oct.9). However, due to the lack of required support Karim Khan agreed to negotiate with Pakistan army as a response to the request from his brother Mir Ahmad Yar Khan. So, after a few months of guerrilla warfare conducted 124 from the Afghan border, Karim laid down his arms in 1950 before Pakistan Army on the promise of amnesty. But the government broke their amnesty agreement, Karim, along with his companions, was arrested and sent to jail on their return to Kalat. (Harrison, 1981:27) This was the first of many further broken agreements between the Pakistan government and Baloch. This event is very significant and still has great impact on the psyche of the Baloch people preventing them from trusting the government.

6.2. Second Baloch Revolt (1958- 59) on the Issue of One-Unit Policy

The revolt and demand of the Baloch on the issue of a distinct identity and autonomy, was viewed as a threat to the Center because the Baloch attitude created big problems in the process of state formation. The use of military power by the Government and the counter response by the Baloch has been creating turbulence and instability in the region. There was a need to bridge difference and distance between the ethnic groups to promote the ideology of one nation. Therefore the government tried to eliminate the concepts of distinct regional identities. This policy is known as Policy, announced by Prime Minister Chaudhry Muhammad Ali on November 22, 1954 (Shah, 2007:32) the policy constituted a single provincial entity that counted all the administrative units of West Pakistan including princely states. (Justin, 2006:32) The implication of this policy in 1955 was a significant step taken by Ayub Khan which completely changed the nature of Pakistani politics and the political development in Balochistan. The basics of the plan were to amalgamate the entire country into one single entity and merge the four provinces into One Unit. The policy was also supposed to counter the strength of East Pakistan (which later began Bangladesh in 1971) and to balance the power between two wings of the state.

But the implication of One Unit policy did not do much in the establishment of a Pakistani identity and brought very little development to Balochistan as it did not 125 guarantee equal rights for provinces with lesser population. The lack of any development worsened the Baloch displeasure with the government. The lack of development was caused by the constant distrurbence in Balochistan, which made the Central Government hesitant to carry out development projects moreover the lack of Baloch political representation at provincial level in the regime of Military General Ayub Khan increased tension. In addition, the unshakable traditional sardari system did not facilitate the development projects in Balochistan. (Kundi, 1975:16).

Although, initially Khan of Kalat accepted One Unit Policy but the failure of this policy provided grounds for the recreation of nationalist movement in Balochistan and many political parties started gathering together. This alliance was given the name of National Awami Party (NAP) in pursuance of their previous and fundamental objective; the configuration of four ethnically distinct provinces, free elections, land reform, nationalization of industry, and abolition of Pakistan‟s association with western alliances. (Justin, 2006:32). Therefore, One Unit plan implemented by the federal government became the cause of second outbreak of violence in Balochistan. (Andley, 2006:4). That scheme was protested by the Baloch because One Unit Scheme was a threat to their identity. In 1958, Khan of Kalat demanded abolition of One Unit and recognition of Baloch political identity.

The Baloch considered One Unit Scheme as an offence against their little power at the provincial level. Prince Karim, after got released from jail formed the People‟s Party and started a protest against the policy. To put the situation under control, in 1958, the Pakistan Army once again reached Kalat and arrested the Khan. Pakistan Army controlled the rebellions with force but had to face another wave of violence when they demanded that the tribesmen turn in their weapons. (Harrison, 1981:28) consequently a large anti-one unit movement led by Nawab Zehri, along with his armed force led the guerrilla war to counter the Pakistan Army. This time the insurgents gained much support from the Baloch people in comparison to the first revolt of 1948 because of the ancient message of the separatist leadership in response to the government‟s use of military power. The Pakistan Army employed 126 heavy handed strategy against the insurgency. After a war like situation of one year, Nauroz Khan agreed to surrender in exchange for amnesty. Nawab Nauroz was sworn in by the army on a Quranic oath. Security forces took oath of Holy Quran that Nauroz Khan and his companions would be given amnesty if they surrendered. (Kakar, 2014, Sep.29) Relying on the promise, he surrendered in May, 1959.

However, promise was broken again and Nauroz Khan was arrested. According to Baloch nationalists, Nauroz Khan agreed to surrender only for the dismissal of the One Unit plan when he was assured of amnesty. But the Pakistan army arrested him and five of his men were hanged on charges of treachery. Nauroz Khan himself died in jail in 1964 at Kohlu and became the martyr of the Baloch nationalists. He is considered a symbol of the deception by the Pakistani government. (Justin, 2006:32) This act of breach by Pakistan Government refreshed the memory of 1950 and provided the Baloch nationalist movement with a solid base for mistrust. It was another significant event which re-energized the separatist attitude among Baloch people. Following the death of Nauroz Khan the insurgency apparently ended up but remained dormant.

6.3. Third Baloch Uprising (1963-69) and Policy of ‘’Basic Democracies’’

The turnaround of Khan of Kalat on One Unit Policy caused Martial Law in Pakistan and General Ayub Khan, who was trying to enhance his influence, introduced a policy known as Basic Democracies as a political structure to initiate government councils at the local, municipal, district and divisional level; and the officials were to be appointed or elected. But the Baloch nationalists had doubts about the council members appointed by government, as they were a symbol of the government‟s intrusion in the political autonomy of local governments. After the second Baloch conflict the martial head of the state, Ayub Khan started building military cantonments in Balochistan and the new bases in significant areas of Balochistan made Baloch nationalist anxious about their future and created a great sense of 127 insecurity among Baloch nationalists. In addition the continuation of One Unit Scheme, distribution of land between non-locals Baloch residents and Government‟s forceful attitude towards Baloch leaders leveled grounds for another agitation among Baloch Nationalists. Therefore, in 1960, the political parties of Baloch Nationalist leaders led to the formation of National Awami Party (NAP) in opposition to One Unit Scheme and included demand for privileged treatment for Baloch people in government services.

Ayub Kahn also introduced a new constitution in 1962 and the elections were held on the recurrence of political parties. In the elections of 1962, the influential Baloch Sardars from three prominent tribes; Khair Bakhsh Marri, , and Ahmad Nawaz Bugti; got a chance to establish their political identity for the first time and gained the positions of government officials as Members of National Assembly (MNA). But they started aggressive speeches in favor of Baloch people and against the government. The Central Government got alarmed and considered these leaders as a threat to the aim of Basic Democracies which meant to reduce the influence of the tribal Sardars. So, the elected Baloch leaders were immediately substituted by new Sardars by Central Government.

This incident gave spontaneous rise to another wave of violence and the newly appointed Sardars were murdered by Baloch Nationalists started attacks on the Pakistani Army. Government had already removed the titles of formerly elected Sardars, Atta Ullah Mengal was arrested under the accusation of murder, tried by a Jirga under the Frontier Crimes Regulations (FCR) and imprisoned. A tribal sardar, Sher Muhammad Bijrani Marri, who was a Marxist-Leninist; formed the Baloch nationalist party named Parari. Parari is a Baloch word used for an offended person or a group whose grievances cannot be solved through talk. (Harrison, 1981:30). Parari is considered as main actor in the insurgency which was responsible for much of the violence of 1962. they created insurgent bases, spread over about 72,000 kilometers from the south to the north. (ICG, 2006:4). By the year of 1963, Parari had established twenty two base camps throughout Balochistan with thousands of militant fighters. (Harrison,1981:30). Their major aim was to compel 128

Pakistan to share revenue generated from the Sui gas fields with the tribal sardars. To pressurize the government, Parari used the same tactics as they used in the revolt of 1948, such as bombing railway tracks, attacking public groups and raiding military camps.

The Pakistan Army hit back and destroyed vast agricultural areas of the Marri tribe's land. The response of Army also included air attacks on rebel stronghold. Although Parari got a significant position during the decade of 1960s, but the dominant player in the Baloch nationalist movement was NAP which always remained a strong opponent of the government of Ayub Khan. (Nina, 2014: 30) Because not only politicians, but many other people with deep insight in the inability and inequality of central government‟s policies regarding political and economic development of Balochistan which was totally failed in providing proper education and medical facilities to the public; were active members of NAP. All NAP members were aimed at the elimination of Basic Democracies and the conduct of direct elections and for this purpose; they demanded the dissolution of One Unit and full political and economic autonomy.

In 1969, Ayub Khan was succeeded by another army General, Yaha Khan. General abrogated the Constitution of 1962, dissolved the National Assembly and the two Provincial Assemblies. Till then, the antagonism by the NAP has reached its peak. And the pressure on Government by Parari had been raised so high and great that Yaha Khan had to abolish One Unit Policy. So, this revolt ended in 1969, when Yaha Khan agreed to restore provincial boundaries and new elections. With the Baloch separatist‟s agreement on ceasefire, the One Unit Policy was abolished and Balochistan announced as the fourth province of Pakistan, including all the Baloch princely states and Gwadar. (ICG, 2006:4) Yahya Khan announced the Legal Frame Work Order (LFO) on 30th March, 1970, which laid down the basic principles to which constitution confirmed. Yahya Khan also announced the general elections to be held on 5th October, 1970 on the basis of adult franchise. (Shah and Khan, 2012:61). Despite strong uncertainties about the LFO, the political parties appreciated the decision to hold elections. The Baloch 129 political parties decided to participate in the elections and also issued their party manifestos.

6.4. Fourth Baloch Resistance 1973-77

In 1970, the nationwide election were held and NAP got succeeded in establishing government in Balochistan with Ataullah Mengal and Khair Bakhsh Marri as the chief administrator and chairman of NAP. Ghaus Bux Bizenjo, who was highly honored by Baloch and known as Father of Balochistan became governor of Balochistan. The 1970 nationwide election also empowered the Awami League in East wing of Pakistan (present Bangladesh). This event again changed the political scenario of not only Pakistan but of the Balochistan too. The results of the elections led to the deferral of all political activities, civil war and the creation of Bangladesh. Moreover, the removal from office of the NAP government in Balochistan by Zulfiqar Bhutto in 1973 became strong reason for another Baloch rebellion that continued for four consecutive years.

As it is explained above that after the termination of the One Unit Policy, the Balochistan was allowed to take part in general elections. In 1972, the Government allowed Balochistan to hold first provincial elections, and National Alwami Party (NAP) came into power. But the President Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto removed the NAP government and dismissed the provincial government in early 1973 with the charges of conspiring with foreign governments and promoting negative impression of Pakistani government among Baloch people. (Titus and Nina, 2000:60) This act of Bhutto set off another violent Baloch insurgency expanded over about four years. The four years of armed violence resulted in a war and involved about 55,000 Baloch fighters and 80,000 Pakistani military troops. About 5,300 Baloch militants and 3,300 Pakistani army men were killed. (Harrison, 1996: 298) It is believed that the militant reaction of the Baloch was a result of their contention towrads the Punjabi community and their dominance in administrative fields. So, the removal of the Balochistan provincial assembly was seen by Baloch nationalists as an attack on their ethnicity. Bhutto‟s Pakistan People‟s Party gained power at the center and the 130 demands of the nationalist NAP destabilized the control of the PPP and its Punjabi support. In addition, the dominance of Punjabis in Pakistan military, and a harsh response from them was motivated by ethnic distress. The army was very cautious about every ethnic demand after the formation of Bangladesh in 1971. (Talbot, 2005:224). The secession of East Pakistan was a great lesson to Pakistan army that gave rise to the fear of being repeated in Balochistan by the Baloch nationalists and thus sought to crush the insurgency. So, just to control the situation and preventing another ethnic separation within the country, the military takeover in 1977 and General Muhammad Zia ul Haq came to power. General Zia, didn‟t compromise on the issue of Baloch autonomy instead he worked on a ceasefire with Baloch nationalists, he released Baloch prisoners and successfully hushed up the insurgency for next twenty five years. The Baloch agreed on reconciliation due to several reasons. Firstly, the breakdown of the insurgency in the 1973-77 discouraged many fundamental Baloch people. Secondly, the fall down of the Afghan Government in 1978 stoped the Afghan support for Baloch insurgents and lastly, Zia allowed Baloch nationalists to conduct elections as long as they were not attached with any party. So, the provincial assemblies formed through such elections had very little power. (Khan, 2009: 1077) that is why Balochistan remained peaceful for many years, though the roots and reasons of the conflict remained unresolved, which sprouted again in 2004.

7. Current Separatist Movement, 2005- Ongoing

The existing phase of violence in Balochistan is the 5th insurgency under troublesome circumstances and rose up after about twenty five years of the last conflict which was settled down by Zia ul Haq in 1979. This insurgency has been more intense than ever, with new tactics and capabilities of the insurgents. Like the insurgencies of 1948, 1959, 1962, and 1973, the current uprising in Balochistan has affected almost the entire region. Balochistan has become strategically very important not only for Pakistan, but other regional and international powers have developed their interests too. The Army gained power again in 1999 and the military General Pervez Musharraf became . During the regime of 131

Military General, Pervez Musharraf, the construction of a deep-sea port at Gwadar, in 2002, is the most controversial event between the central government and Baloch nationalists. The port is situated on Makran Coast at Gwadar and is an important counterbalance to the Iranian port at Chahbahar. The project began in 2002, with Chinese financial and technical assistance. The Pakistani government and the Chinese government would respectively benefit fifty percent and forty eight percent of the proceeds while Baloch people are left with only two percent. This is the main cause of Baloch grievance. The contracts for construction have been given to foreign firms and the greater part of the labor consists of Punjabis or other non- Baloch employees. (Laif and Hamza, 2009: 62)

President Musharraf‟s arrival and his planning for mega development projects could not alleviate the unrest among Baloch nationalist, instead Baloch demand for political autonomy increased on the issues of unjustified royalty from Sui gas. In addition, the involvement of Punjabis and Sindhi communities in economic and political system and induction of Frontier Guards and other permanent army groups increased the level of tension. The situation became more tensed when the government established ex-servicemen on tribal land in a large number and shifted more Pukhtuns from NWFP to Quetta. The Musharraf Government did not succeeded in finding a solution for disputed matter of gas, copper, silver, gold and coal royalty. (Laif and Hamza, 2009: 63)

On one side, General Pervaiz Musharraf strongly believed that the mega project of Gwadar for the development in Balochistan will be a great economic advantage to both the local Baloch and Pakistan as a whole. But on the other side, the Baloch nationalists looked at it from a different perspective. They argued that Balochistan was the last province to have access to its gas resources moreover they were always granted with excessively low percentage of the income produced from their land. This fact made them suspicious about the government‟s intentions and assured them of the central government‟s planned policy of resource exploitation. So, the Gwadar port has become a point of disputation between nationalists and government, the government is hopeful that the huge project will provide great 132 benefits to Balochistan, but the Baloch are concerned that they about being neglected badly as jobs and revenue is going to non Baloch communities and foreign nations. Therefore, the Baloch nationalists perceive Gwadar as a central government‟s strategy to take possession of Balochistan by shifting Punjabis and other settlements of the military and bureaucracy in Balochistan, just to make the Baloch people a minority in the region. According to Baloch leaders, the land of Gwadar is being sold out to military and other non Baloch officials, against the will of Baloch, on a very low cost and this process is not only involving outsiders in the purely Baloch areas but also enabling them to own the land of Balochistan forever. Moreover, the project will modify the demography of the area from a 70,000 Baloch population to about two million, mostly non-Baloch people.. („‟The Plight of the Baloch‟‟ 2015, March) The Baloch are of the view that Gwadar project is a major threat to their ethnic identity and a great danger to their sovereignty over their own state. The gas revenue issues and the Gwadar project are major disputes between the Baloch and Central Government. They are the result of the basic grievance that led Baloch nationalists to become violent and creating constant unrest since 2002. The only biggest grudge of Baloch is government‟s interference with their political and economic systems. The contradiction between Baloch and government‟s views is responsible to push the conflict towards an insurgency.

Since 2002, the tension between government and Baloch nationalists continued and soon it was transformed into an armed struggle by Baloch nationalists who demanded for an independent Balochistan with full political sovereignty and control over their resources. The current insurgency started in real manner in 2004, when majority of Baloch people were thrown out of power, (Bansal, 2010). The Baloch militant insurgents started armed war with the government by attacking military cantonments, government and army officers and other infrastructure related to any project of economic development. The insurgents mainly targeted gas pipelines, railway tracks, bridges, power transmission lines, telephone exchanges and military and government installations. It is believed that the nationalistic movement in Balochistan reached at the highest level when a rape incident was reported in Sui at the hands of a Defense Security Guard in January 2005. This suddenly ignited the 133 anger of tribal Baloch people to the extent that they started armed attacks on DSG and Frontier Constabulary (FC) employees. (Javaid, 2010:117) there was a war like situation which lasted for four days, during that period, the insurgents totally destroyed the gas pipeline supplies from Balochistan to industrial units in Punjab and Sindh. It took many days to restore gas supplies. (Bansal, 2010). All these incidents and attacks resulted in a battle in Dera Bugti. A trivial exchange of fire between the tribesmen and the FC personnel soon turned into heavy firing of rockets and other ammunition from both sides. This war also affected civilian population as well. The day-long shelling claimed sixty lives from both parties. Gas supplies from Sui were also attacked and destroyed by Baloch people, and Nawab Akbar Bugti, the leader of Jamhoori Watan Party of Balochistan defended his people by saying that they did it only to show the intensity of their anger and was not a part of their struggle for independence. The Baloch tribesmen were also very offended with the army cantonments in Balochistan. A rocket was attacked on General Musahrraf when he was visiting Kohlu in December 2005. That attack invited a severe reaction from the Army. A full fledged military operation against Baloch rebellions was launched in Dera Bugti and Kohlu by Pakistan Army. (PIPS, 2009:20)

General Musharraf, in response ordered the Army to crush revolting Baloch forces of Akbar Khan Bugti. At a conference of corps commanders in 2006, Musharraf boldly declared that, ―the writ of the Pakistani government will never be challenged. Let that be a warning… if anyone challenges the writ of the government, I will crush it.‖ (Pipes, 2010:21) very soon, Akbar Bugti, the Sardar of more than 200,000 tribesmen, was killed when the bombed his cave in the Bhambhore mountain in the Marri area.(Laif and Hamza, 2009:69) Nawab Bugti is said to be buried in the ruins of the same cave. (Masooad, 2006:22) The assassination of Nawab Akbar Bugti increased disorder and instability in the region and provided solid grounds for protest against government of Pervez Musharraf. This situation not only involved the tribal Sardars but also provide incentive to common Baloch people for raising their voice against army and government. Musharraf was and still is blamed for an unjustified killing of Bugti. This episode became another grievance of Baloch towards the Central Government and the 134

Army. Bugti is considered as a hero who sacrificed his life for the sake of rights of Baloch people. His killing was condemned by almost all political leaders of the Pakistan. (Javaid, 2010:119). The sense of hatred and anxiety which was created by Bugti‟s death has made the whole situation more crucial and law and order conditions of Balochistan got worse than before. Nawab Bugti‟s legacy did not die and the armed tribal resistance in Balochistan still continues. He still occupies a special place in the hearts of Baloch masses. After his death, military operations in Balochistan motivated the nationalistic tendency. The Baloch people have lost their faith in the political system and developed significant anger towards the Punjabis and the Army.

The Baloch nationalists now faithfully think that projects of economic development and political reforms are a part of the long history of the colonization of Balochistan and these project are nothing but a conspiracy against Baloch people of exploiting the resources of their land at the expense of the Baloch people. They strongly oppose military operations which are; they think; to subjugate the local Baloch and establish a more forceful military presence within the province (Justin, 2006:5). The Baloch nationalists do not believe in political system introduced by government in Balochistan as it seems to them that killing of Bugti in August, 2006 and murder of Nawabzada Ballach Marri in 2007, clearly indicated the federal government‟s intention to handle the demands of Baloch by eliminating their leaders, rather than coming to a political settlement. (Bansal, 2010). In 2008, General Musharraf‟s regime was ended. In February 2008 general elections were held and Pakistan Peoples Party came into power and formed a democratic government. It was expected that the end of military regime and revival of democracy would alleviate the Baloch grievances and the situation would be normalized in Balochistan. The president of Pakistan from People‟s Party openly apologized to Baloch people for past violence and injustices during his visit to Capital of Balochistan; Quetta; and tried to cool down the rebels in a peaceful manner. But according to Baloch nationalists, the military establishment takes its own decisions, autonomous of the political rulers. Baloch nationalists insurgents promised and declared a one-sided ceasefire in September 2008, but they did not receive any 135 positive response and appreciation by the Pakistani government and the subsequent killing of Baloch nationalists by Pakistan Army, instigated them to recommence their struggle. Since 2009, Pakistani security forces are reported to have killed Baloch leaders. This attitude and approach has deeply disappointed a major portion of the Baloch population on permanent basis. (Bansal, 2010) In fact, the shift from the military government to the democratic government did not help alleviating Baloch aggression and the unsatisfied Baloch continued to express there discontent through various attacks. In 2009, about 792 attacks resulted in 386 deaths. (PIPS, 2010) out of which, about ninety two percent of the attacks were made from Baloch nationalists, in 2010, 730 attacks were reported resulting in 600 deaths. (PIPS, 2011) Since then, there has been a continuous series of civilian targeting as well as political attacks and killings. It is reported that almost 25,000 army and paramilitary forces were involved in counter operations in Balochistan, which could not oppress the insurgency but rather has increased ethnic grievances. (Rajsree, 2009, 215)

Map No. 4.1. Conflict Areas of Balochistan

Source:://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/pakistan/Balochistan/data/balochistanmap201 on 06 May, 2015 136

8. Baloch Insurgents

As it has described in chapter one of this research, there are three main tribes in Balochistan which are headed by nationalist Sardars, The Marri Tribe, The Bugti Tribe and The Mengal Tribe. The head of Marri Tribe is Mir Kher Baksh Marri, and Bugti and Mengal Tribes are headed by Sardar Akbar Khan Bugti and Sardar Ataullah Mengal respectively. The the Marris and the Bugtis, are said to be responsible for most of the violence in the province. The tribe Mengal is less involved in militant activities but provides strong moral encouragement to the militants of other tribes and does not oppose any armed struggle regarding independence of Balochistan. (Wrising, 2008:22) Mainly, there are some militant groups organized and sponsored by these tribes which are responsible for creating extremely bad situation of law and order through their violent activities and armed attacks. There are many insurgent groups in Balochistan, mainly the Baloch Republican Army (BRA), Baloch Peoples Liberation Front (BPLF), Popular Front for Armed Resistance (PFAR), Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA), and the Balochistan Liberation Front (BLF) are famous but the BLA is the largest and most widely-known as terrorist militant group.

The BLA is working on the agenda based on Baloch nationalist tendencies and fighting against Central Government for the liberation of Balochistan. This group is considered an underground, secret organization which is working under the guidance of Marri Tribe. Although, BLA is considered to be active from 1970 with a big support from Soviet Union, it was officially formed in 1999 by until his assassination in 2007, now his brother, Hyrbyair Marri is leading the group. (Grare, 2013:5)

BLA strictly stands for an independent Greater Balochistan, which includes Iranian and Afghan areas of Baloch population as well. The main objective of BLA is to reduce the government‟s presence in the province and for this purpose; they target the areas which are abundant in natural resources and where the government has 137 initiated different projects for economic development such as gas pipelines and oil fields. Their campaign is designed to damage the economic stability of central government in Balochistan to reduce the influence of government and army officials. The most common targets are soldiers and government employees.. Journalists from out side the Balochistan are also their prominent targets. The BLA attacks include both bombings and armed assault. BLA is estimated to have more than 3,000 fighters; most of them are tribal men. (Grare, 2013:5) BLA has been declared a terrorist group by the central government, and is banned in 2006 for its violent and anti state activities. („‟List of Banned‟‟ 2014, Oct.24). The organization of BLA consists of various training camps under different leaders. Weapons in Balochistan are easily available which are supplied from Afghanistan. Generally, BLA use Kalashnikovs, rockets, grenades and land mines. („‟What are Short Term Objectives‟‟ 2012, Nov.5)

Another group of insurgents is known as Baloch Republican Army (BRA) which has also been banned by government of Pakistan due to its militant attacks and violent activities. It is supposed to be working under the leadership of Brahamagh Bugti, the grand son of Akbar Bugti. BRA is also known as a wing of Baloch Republican Party (BRP), which used to be associated to Bugti Tribe. (Brwon, Dawod, Irantalab, Naqi, 2012, June.21) BRA targets gas pipelines and attacks on military convoys and recently has been able to pull off more refined attacks on paramilitary checkpoints.

9. Baloch Grievances and Main Causes of Current Insurgency

The use of forcing tactics instead of peaceful talks by the federal government has always been the major cause of bitterness in Baloch nationalists and the main factor in making them rise as a militant force rather than a political unit. The policies of the federal government towards Baloch and Balochistan have always been playing a very crucial role in formation of Baloch nationalist movements. In the entire past and present Baloch occurrence, the most important responsibility for activating the 138 conflict, lays with the policies of an arrogant centre towards Balochistan. Twice, in 1948 and then in 1973-77, Baloch insurgency took place in the period of civilian government. And in the other three instances; 1958-59, 1962-63, and 2005-till now; Baloch militant protest regained its power under the rule of army. In all these five insurgencies, the Baloch armed struggle has mainly been a reaction to central government‟s heavy-handed policies. For their survival and protection of rights, the four major Baloch nationalist parties formed Baloch Ittehad (alliance) on September 14, 2003 at Dera Bugti for what they called Baloch rights within Pakistani federation. Prior to 2005, the Baloch protest was restricted to the parts of Kohlu and Dera Bugti districts accounting for a seven per cent of Balochistan, but after the death of Bugti in 2006, militant violence has overwhelmed about eleven districts and the assassination of Bugti brought together about 380 Baloch leaders in a grand Jirga, which was called after 137 years for a common cause, held on September 21, 2006. Musharraf was of the view that there were only three sardars who were responsible for creating problems, but on the contrary, 85 Baloch sardars participated in the jirga and resolved to move International Court of Justice over the violation of accord signed between the state of Kalat and government of Pakistan back in 1948. Ironically, 70 of these sardars were allegedly the beneficiaries of state patronage. (Kakar, Dec.7, 2014) Grievances of Baloch nationalists revolve around political and economic deprivation, cultural identity, provincial autonomy, control over natural resources, more representation in Central government, more and justified share from gas revenues, abolition of military camps in Baloch region and limiting Army‟s presence, abuse of human rights, lack of trust in the government, destruction of Baloch identity through heavy invasion of non Baloch outsiders. (Javiad, 2010:113)

I. Protection of Cultural Identity

In fact, the army of Pakistan has never been in favor of distinct ethnic identities. General Zia ul Haq, an army ruler, has openly declared that: ‗‘I would really like to break up the existing (four) provinces and replace them with fifty-three small provinces, erasing ethnic identities from the map of Pakistan altogether‖ (Grare, 139

2006: 3). But the Baloch have always been very sensitive about their cultural identity spread over more than 2,000 years. There are many examples of Baloch unity under the banner of their cultural identity such as the amalgamation of forty-four tribes under the leadership of Mir Jalal Khan in the 12th century, the confederation in the 15th century, and the establishment of the Khanate of Balochistan in the 17th century (Grare, 2006: 6). The central government has been reluctant to recognize Baloch as a distinctive nation on the basis of their ethnicity and this response is growing nationalist demands which have tended to strengthen separatist movements

II. Lack of Political Representation

The military has never paid attention to Baloch demands autonomy and they only find military solutions, rather than political ones. This preference was a major cause of armed insurrections in 1948, 1958, and 1973 (Khan, 2009: 1080-1084). But the Baloch were given participation in the political process during the decades of 1980s and 1990s, that‟s why these decades remained peaceful to some extent. General Zia-ul Haq ruled Pakistan for about eleven years and put many efforts to please the Baloch sardars. His policy was to support US in Afghanistan by throwing out the Soviet Army and for this purpose, he tried to appease the wrath of Baloch Sardars and win their loyalties by adopting different strategies to gain peace in the region. His policies created a corrupt political culture in Balochistan. (Ahmed, 1999:177) Zia received war material from US in huge quantity to help Afghanistan to counter Soviet Union and consequently, the provinces of NWFP and Balochistan became the base for Afghan Mujahids.

After 1988, with the end of Zia regime the Baloch tribes were given political representation during the democratic governments of Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif, and tensions between Baloch and government seemed to be settled down. Baloch nationalist were given an opportunity to express their grievances through elected representatives on national and provincial level. In the 1988 elections, Baloch National Alliance (BNA) which was an alliance of tribal leaders and left-wing 140 nationalists, headed by Akbar Bugti; won many seats in the provincial assembly. (Andley, 2006:5). But again in 1999, the removal of civilian government by Pervez Musharraf refreshed the most recent Baloch insurgency (ICG, 2006: 6). Musharraf manipulated the constitution to give power to the Federal Government, and transfer the hold of power to military at the local level. This act went beyond the authority of provinces and frustrated the Baloch for demand for greater provincial autonomy. (ICG, 2006: 7). Musharraf's policy of eliminating the power of provincial governments also affected Baloch representation at both the federal and provincial levels. This new system motivated the sense of political marginalization and economic exploitation in Baloch nationalists. (Bansal, 2008: 185).

The strong feeling of being oppressed in the political system of Pakistan is another big cause of the uprising Baloch nationalism. According to Baloch nationalists, there has always been an imbalance in representation of Baloch ethnicity in the Federal Government and they are rarely appointed on any key positions in the Central bureaucracy and Federal Government. (Bansal, 2008: 186). In addition, there are only a few hundred Baloch in the armed forces, with very few in senior positions. These facts promote sense of deprivation among Baloch nationalists and helped increasing hatred for the military governments. (Khan, 2009: 1082). Baloch representation in the armed forces is very low, about only 1.3 percent of the total armed forces while the Punjabis dominate on superior positions in civil services and Army. (Rizvi,2000:240)

The lack of representation on political and administrative level, gave rise to Baloch fear of marginalization and feelings of isolation. So they react to rescue their land and resources for the Baloch people. The central government‟s policy of keeping Baloch people away from democratic political system has reduced the possibilities of integration of Baloch people into Pakistan. Baloch nationalist firmly believe that democracy denied to them, appears in the forced Baloch merger into Pakistan in 1948, the One Unit scheme in 1955, the 1973–77 uprising, and the 2002 elections.

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III. Provincial Autonomy

A key demand of the Baloch nationalists is a desire for increased political autonomy over the province. In the political structure of Pakistan, more power and decision making authority has been granted to the Central Government at the expense of the provinces, as a result, demands for increased autonomy have been a constant feature of Baloch nationalism since 1948. The agitation among the Baloch and government on the issue increased when Musharraf further centralized the government, giving more dominating role to Centre. (ICG, 2006: 7). Moreover, prior to Musharraf, the two democratic governments of Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto, did not fulfill their promises to increase autonomy to Balochistan, in addition the Musharraf used military forces to find solutions to the political and administrative grievances of the Baloch people which provoked a violent intensification in the conflict (Khan, 2009: 1081).

IV. Expropriation of Resources

The central government‟s projects and plans to utilize the natural resources of Balochistan for the benefit of the central government and other provinces, these natural resources exist in the form of minerals and energy resources. In past, these energy resources have been a key reason to various intrusions in Baloch region. (Harrison, 1981:7). The gas field, founded in Sui, located in Balochistan was the biggest natural gas field in Pakistan. Balochistan provides about 45 percent of the national demand for natural gas. But unfortunately, many regions in Balochistan are still without gas transmission facilities, even some areas near and around the Sui gas field. Only four of the twenty-six Balochistan districts receive natural gas. (Fazl- e-Haider, Dawn, 2006, Feb. 6) although, Balochistan is abundant in natural gas, but has gained very little benefit from its own gas fields as compared to Sindh and Punjab. Gas was firstly supplied to Multan and Rawalpindi in Punjab in 1964 on priority bases but Quetta, the capital of Balochistan, remained deprived of this facility till 1986 and waited for its share of gas. Gas was supplied to Balochistan only when 142 a Corps Headquarters was established there. Dera Bugti was also facilitated with gas supply when a military camp was established there in mid nineties. (Grare, 2006:5). Balochistan was and still is the poorest province of Pakistan, both economically and financially even after the 65 years of creation of Pakistan. During Musharraf regime, the military developed their camps and operation centers at centering resource-rich areas of Balochistan. No doubt, Musharraf took significant steps to expand oil drilling and other mineral exploration in the province, but according to Baloch nationalists, all these development projects were launched without the consent of the Baloch. (Wirsing, 2008:4) The expropriation of natural resources is the most persistent grievance of the Baloch.

V. Financial Policies and Development Projects

The Baloch are of the view that the government has been evidently prejudiced in making the financial policies regarding Balochistan and all the mega projects for economic development were initiated without the consent, counsel, or profit sharing of the Baloch. In 2002, during Musharraf regime, Pakistan received international attention as the critical supporter of the United States in the Afghanistan War. Musharraf smartly and wisely utilized this global attention to initiate the Gwadar Mega Project with intentions to construct a deep-water port that would be able to compete with the best ports in the world. This project was initially decided in 1992, during Nawaz Sharif regime. This was a cooperative project and the financial and technical partner of this project was China. Gwadar is located in the middle of the Balochistan coast near the resource rich areas of Balochistan. The port would transform the small Baloch town of Gwadar into a grand economic zone. (Wirsing, 2008:16) . As this project was to gain attention of various international elements, and may become the centre point of economic benefit to regional and global powers, which would definitely invite foreigners as labors and traders, many Baloch feared this project would place them in the minority within their own territory. In response to this development project, Baloch insurgents launched multiple attacks on Gwadar and other key development projects related to this port. This campaign gained 143 international attention when two Chinese engineers working on the Gwadar project were assassinated by Baloch tribal men in 2006. The government of Pakistan ignored the concerns that the Baloch had over Gwadar for the sake of major economic progress on national level. Once again the Baloch resistance movement began to undermine the Pakistani writ in the region.

The Baloch tribes think that all the developmental projects in Balochistan are for greater economic benefit only of the government and the military institutions as The Gwadar project was completely under the control of the central government. Initially, Baloch nationalists did not oppose the port but following developments such as establishment of a land market, a military base and the huge inflow of non-Baloch population in Balochistan, were not discussed with the Baloch. This led Baloch people to feel dissatisfied with the government and developed the fear of becoming a minority in their own land.

VI. Economic Oppression

Economic oppression has been a long-term factor and cause of aggression among Baloch nationalists. „‘Since the mid-1970s its share of the country‘s GDP has dropped from 4.9 to 3.7 percent. Balochistan has the highest infant and maternal mortality rate, the highest poverty rate, and the lowest literacy rate in Pakistan.‘‘ (Sanaullah. 2007: 5). The central government of Pakistan has been making efforts to support Baloch economy by initiating different development projects, but unfortunately, nothing helped due to the harsh and non cooperative attitude of Baloch nationalists. The utilization of the natural gas has always been the most prominent Baloch grievance since 1952. The Constitution of 1973 determined the provincial gas royalties at 12.5 percent, prior to that, the price of gas from each province was based on per capita provincial income. This policy resulted in a much lower than Sindh and Punjab, and Baloch were given less share in royalties and revenues than other major provinces. Furthermore, the government had more reduced the Balochistan‟s share in royalty citing the need to recover operating costs. 144

(Kupecz, 2010:100) This step taken by central government extremely deprived Balochistan and the dismissal of the government in 1973 by Bhutto, also left Baloch people with almost no practical hold over their own land recourses.

VII. Influx of Other Ethnic Groups and Fear of Marginalization

The Baloch and Pakhtun divide is also counted as another big cause of Baloch unrest and factor in uprising of Baloch nationalism on the basis of their ethnic identity. This issue is of historical as well as current importance. Baloch-Pakhtun divide was actually motivated by British in the region. The British had to follow the strategy of using Afghanistan as a buffer state against Russian growth and for this purpose they fought several wars in Afghanistan. And to gain their hold on the land of Balochistan, the British constructed an extensive infrastructure including road and rail links in the northern parts of Baloch region, along with Afghan border which was heavily inhabited by Pakhtuns. This infrastructure, which is still a major medium of commercial transportation from Balochistan to Afghanistan, provided the Pakhtuns, in the north of Balochistan, with great opportunities to achieve economic progress than the Baloch.

The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 further provoked the Baloch apprehension of political domination by Pakhtuns, because Afghan Pakhtuns, as refugees, migrated across the border into Baloch regions in thousands. To Baloch people, these migrant Pakhtuns were nothing than a foreign nation which fled into their own land without their permission. Political domination of Pakhtuns was confirmed by the success of the Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party, a Pakhtuns nationalist party which was formed in 1989. (Khan, 2005:124) Underdeveloped economic conditions during British period and increased Pakhtun migration are important factors in motivating Baloch nationalism. Domination by Punjabi community is another historical conflict driver since the British period. The British were also preferential in giving administrative control of the region to the Punjabi people under an arranged political structure which was in favor of the British 145 interests instead of the Baloch people. The administrative and military institutions were under Punjabis while Balochs were completely ignored. (Talbot, 2005:56) The Baloch people at that time were small and disjointed inhabitants of Balochistan so they were directly and badly affected by British policy more than any other ethnic group. The trend of economic and political dominance of Punjabis and Pakhtuns set by the British became the structural legacy of Balochistan which continued till the partition of subcontinent and the simultaneous departure of the British in 1947.

The Baloch tribes could never trust Punjabi and Pakhtun majority and this atmosphere of mistrust gave rise to Baloch disobedience and caused the implementation of the One Unit Scheme in 1955. According to Baloch theory, the One Unit Policy was an attempt by Punjabi community to merge the ethnically dissimilar provinces of Pakistan in their own interests; into a single administrative body just to get aligned against another powerful ethnic nation, Bengalis of East Pakistan, which was a very powerful and superior group being large in number living in East Pakistan. Although the Baloch revolt against One Unit was ended in 1958 through government oppression and the arrest of numerous Baloch leaders. For the next many years, Balochistan was treated like a colony where Punjabis and other non-Baloch groups were holding the administrative posts. Furthermore, resource utilization by the Central Government, low literacy, and high level of poverty weighed down balochistan. (Khan, 2003:287)

VIII. Presence of Army and Security Concerns

The Baloch tribes also have a great sense of hatred towards the security agencies in Balochistan. The (FC) which is a para-military force operating under the guidance of federal government is highly mistrusted by Baloch nationalists. The Baloch repeatedly accused FC for misconduct, dishonor, threats and the use of force. The problem is that, the security personnel are not local Baloch and the Baloch strongly demand the exclusion of FC check posts. Baloch also demand the elimination of the army and the release of political captives for the re-establishment 146 of peace. (Andley, 2006:6) Pervaiz Musharraf had a mind to establish new army cantonments in Balochistan at Dera Bugti, Kohlu and Gwadar; (Javaid, 2010:119), as these areas of Balochistan are considered most sensitive due to the mega development projects and resistance form Baloch towards these plans. But almost all the Baloch tribes strongly opposed the idea of building army cantonments in these areas and it became the major demands of Baloch people that there would be no army camps because the military cantonments were viewed by Baloch tribes as a settlement for further repression and control and not for the purpose of development. Due to the strong opposition, the idea of building cantonments was withdrawn in the next regime of civilian government of Pakistan Peoples Party.

10. Governments Policies Regarding Baloch Insurgency

Throughout the history, the central government has been trying to integrate Baloch people into Pakistan and for this purpose different strategies have been adopted to control and cease the current Baloch insurgency. In this regard, Pakistan‟s first policy was a “closed-border” policy that did little to help the Baloch people, this policy was made to defend the Baloch‟s traditional sense of autonomy but , during Bhutto‟s regime as prime minister, a new policy named “forward policy” was introduced that gave more emphasis to the need for development and integration of Balochistan. (Siddiqi, 1991:37)) This was an attempt to integrate the province and to maintain the writ of the government but this policy resulted in the third insurgency in 1973 but after Bhutto, a new army dictator, General Muhammad Zia ul-Haq, took the charge of country and imposed marshal law. He took some significant steps to appease the Baloch insurgents by releasing about six thousand Baloch prisoners, captured by Bhutto government during the third insurgency. Furthermore, he declared amnesty for other remaining Baloch insurgents, including those hiding in Afghanistan. (Harrison, 1981:40) No doubt, Zia‟s policy of amnesty and reconciliation did a lot to put down the insurgency but practically he did not do anything else to address the problems of Baloch and did not pay sufficient attention to eliminate the causes of Baloch insurgency forever. During Zia‟s reign until 2002, Baloch problems and 147 demands were not so big to handle but being constantly ignored by the central government, the Baloch nationalist could not remain calm for a long time and it was only after the start of the fourth insurgency in 2004-05 that the government began taking serious steps to attempt integration. The most significant step taken since 2002 was the creation of the Senate Committee on Balochistan. In 2004, the establishment of this committee was ordered by government it was given the task of responding to the challenges in Balochistan. The government dealt with not only the law and order situation but also paid attention to the political demands of the Baloch. The result was a report that recommended significant changes in the government‟s military, political, economic, and energy policies regarding the Baloch. („‟Parliamentary Committee on Balochistan‟‟, 2005:9) The committee was given the task to inspect the situation in Balochistan for making recommendations for improvement of conditions and promotion of inter-provincial harmony. The Committee prepared a detailed and comprehensive report by the end of 2005 and gave recommendations for many plans and reforms such as an increased share of natural gas revenues, implementation of the job quota for Baloch people in the central services, representation on the Gwadar Port, construction of new dams to alleviate drought conditions and stoppage of unkind treatment of citizens at security check points maintained by the Frontier Corps personnel throughout the province. („‟‟‟, 2005:95-101).

The Baloch nationalists gave a profound response to the committee‟s report and a 70 percent drop in insurgent violence from the previous three months was significantly noticed. After the end of Musharraf regime in 2008, the new Pakistani President, Asif Ali Zardari committed to solve the Baloch issue. He initiated the “Balochistan Package,” which was a combination of measures aimed at addressing the demands of the Baloch and integrating them into the nation. (The News, 2009, Dec. 8). President Asif Ali Zardari promised Baloch tribes to solve their problems and fulfill their demands through negotiations which were a non violent, democratic way to address the Baloch grievances. Therefore a parliamentary committee was formed to look into Balochistan‟s issue. The suggestions made by the committee 148 were given the name of the Agaz-e-Huqooq-e-Balochistan Package which was presented in the Parliament on 24th November 2009. (Javaid, 2010:121). That package covered almost all the conflicts such as constitutional issues, economic matters, natural resources, political and administrative issues. Along with this Balochistan Package, 7th National Finance Commission Award in December 2009 and the 18th amendment to the constitution of Pakistan were also initiated by the Zardari Government.

The Balochistan Package included:

 Release of Baloch political prisoners  Political dialogue with the province  Establishment of a commission to investigate into the death of Nawab Akbar Bugti  A judicial inquiry into the killing of Baloch leaders  Elimination of the idea of building army cantonments at Kohlu and Sui  Withdrawal of army forces from these areas

Under the 7th NFC award, more resources were transferred to Balochistan while the 18th amendment fully restored a parliamentary democracy, giving more power to the provincial governments. (PILDAT, 2012:20). These three steps taken to address the insurgency in Balochistan can be termed as major and historic changes to reshape and readjust the balance of power between provincial and federal governments. The regime of Peoples Party ended with the general elections 2013 and Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharif from Pakistan Muslim League became prime minister of Pakistan for the third time. The PML-N, the Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party and National Party together won with majority in the Balochistan Assembly and mutually agreed to form a combined government. Prime Minister Nawaz Shrif promised Baloch people to provide them basic facilities and jobs to and bring development in education, health, agriculture, irrigation and other sectors with a further commitment to remove the deprivation of the Baloch people. (The Dawn, 2013, May.20) 149

11. Interests of Foreign Powers in Baloch Nationalist Movement

There has always been a belief in Pakistan that some outsiders are playing a role in the Baloch insurgency. The geographical location and huge mineral and energy resources of Balochistan, make this land extraordinarily important for almost all the world and specially a mark of special interest among regional political actors such as the US, India, Russia, UAE and Afghanistan, all have one common interest in this region and an independent Balochistan is in high favor of their geo-strategic interests. Pakistan has always been claiming that the Baloch insurgents possess highly refined artillery and modern military training which may be a clear sign of foreign support and interference in the province. (The News, 2005, Feb. 2)

A major example took place in 1973, during Bhutto regime; when Pakistan government found an ammunition store at Iraqi embassy in Islamabad. Weapons including about three hundred submachine guns and forty eight thousand 48,000 rounds of ammunition were located by officials. Akbar Bugti was the only Baloch Sardar at that time that fully supported central government in dismissal of NAP government in Balochistan and got the designation of Governor of Balochistan. He had administered the worst military operation against the Baloch insurgents during 1973-77 revolt. The government claimed that the Iraqi weapons were being sent to help out the Baloch insurgents. („‟What are Short Term Objectives‟‟ 2012, Nov.5)

India developed its interest in Afghanistan in 1970s after the creation of Bangladesh and simultaneously, India started its efforts to put Balochistan in the same condition through encouraging an insurgency in Balochistan. For this purpose, India exploited the enmity between the state and the rebellious Baloch Sardars. The aims of India were to keep away Pakistan from the energy resources to turn Pakistan into an economically weak state. This kind of economic and political instability would damage the strength of Pakistan to survive as an independent state. The 150

Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) occurred during the era of 1970s as the most active insurgent group with a strong leaning towards Soviet Union. It is believed that BLA received arms from the Soviet Union and the insurgents were secretly trained there. The Baloch leaders have openly listed India among their sponsors. Grand son of Akbar Bugti, and a BLA leader, Brahamdagh Bugti, had accepted help from India and Afghanistan. ―We love our Indian friends and want them to help and rescue us from tyranny and oppression. In fact, India is the only country which has shown concern over the Baloch plight. We want India to take Balochistan‘s issue to every international forum, the same way Pakistan has done to raise the so-called Kashmiri issue. We want India to openly support our just cause and provide us with all moral, financial, military and diplomatic support.‖ (Khan, 2011:4)

The style of attacks with modern weapons clearly shows the fact that the Baloch rebels have received proper military training. Such a large scaled mutiny cannot be managed without heavy funding as they cannot rise on their own. It is estimated that the financial expenditure of BLA is about 50-90 million rupees monthly. Supposedly, they are getting considerable amount from Afghanistan through US. („‟What are Short Term Objectives‟‟ 2012, Nov.5). It is said that US has been encouraging Baloch separatist movements for a long time through the help of India by encouraging India to reinforce its spy network in Afghanistan and helped India open consulates along the Afghan border. The Indian consulates were used as centers of Indian intelligence agency, Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) and the Baloch rebels are receiving financial and other assistance through these Indian centers. In 2004, the Chief Minister of Balochistan Jam Muhammad Yusuf openly declared that the RAW had established almost forty terrorist camps all over Balochistan. The Pakistani officials have been continuously referring to Indian involvement and also have expressed their doubt about Iranian and US involvement. (The News, February 2, 2005)

The Gwadar port is estimated to be the focal point of an energy and trade passage to and from China and the Central Asian Republics. China has got legal right on 151

Gwadar as it has invested a lot in this project financially and technically. China has also invested in a coastal highway to link Gwadar with Karachi. China is also involved in the Saindak gold and copper mining project in Balochistan. China and India have been engaged in several trade plans for their joint benefits but there has always been a sense of rivalry and an economic competition between the two countries. So, India may not desire to see the development of Gwadar port as profitable for China as well as for Pakistan. The former Governor of Balochistan, Owais Ahmed Ghani stated ―India is not only helping annoyed people with weapons, but is training them as well, India is financing the insurgency and Afghan warlords and drug barons of arming the militants‘‘(Aziz, „‟Foreign Hand‟‟ 2009)

India has established nine training camps along the Afghan border to provide military training to the members of the Baloch Liberation Army. India and the UAE are also alleged for providing armed and economic assistance to Baloch rebels. The aim is to create hurdles in the construction of the Gwadar port. Russian government has been directly involved in supporting the Baloch insurgents. Former president Pervez Musharraf had also raised the point with US officials in September 2007 and he asked the US to get involved on issue of attempt from Afghanistan and India to destabilize Balochistan. Musharraf stated that ‗‘Pakistan had proof that India and Afghanistan were involved in efforts to provide weapons, training and funding for Baloch extremists through Brahamdagh Bugti and Baloch Marri, two Baloch nationalists, who were living in Kabul.‖ (The Express Tribune, 2012, Dec 3)

Afghanistan has also played role in supporting Baloch separatist movements. It is believed that during the first three insurgencies, the Baloch militant insurgents were provided with political and logistic support by Afghanistan. The first insurgency in 1948 led by Abdul Karim, was initiated during his stay in Afghanistan. (Harrison, 1981:26) and he was seeking support from both Soviet Union and Afghanistan. Although, Karim received significant support from Afghanistan but Baloch nationalists never admitted it openly. (Harrison, 1981:26). When Karim instigated the second Baloch insurgency in 1958, again Karim had appealed Afghanistan for support of the insurgency.(Harrison, 1981:28). 152

During the third insurgency of 1962, Afghanistan directly and openly supported Baloch rebels. The prime minister of Afghanistan, Mohammad Daud granted permission to Baloch insurgents the Pararis to establish their camps along the Afghan-Pakistan border. These camps were initially established to provide refuge to the Baloch migrants but in fact, these refugee camps were largely utilized as Baloch insurgent headquarters. (Harrison, 1981:39) that‟s why, when Zia ul Haq extended amnesty to the Baloch rebels, he also included Baloch living in Afghanistan and allowed them to return to Pakistan. (Harrison, 1981:40)

The government of Pakistan also suspects Iran of supporting Baloch militants. Iran is of the opinion that Pakistan; in collaboration with US; is planning to turn Balochistan into a front base for a future offense against Iran. (Daily Times, 2005, Jan. 29) because Iran is ambitiously trying to become the favorite passage to the sea for Central Asia at Pakistan‟s expense, and for this purpose, has built its own port at Chahbahar with Indian support to counter Pakistani Gwadar Port. But Iranian government never admitted any involvement in Balochistan, claiming that Iran has no intentions to harm the Gwadar project by helping Baloch Militants. (Daily Times, 2005, Feb.7)

However, Iran does not need to get involved in the Baloch insurgency directly as Iran probably would not be able to openly oppose Pakistan because both countries have a common interest of exporting Iranian gas to India, and an revolution in Balochistan would only spoil the chances of building a gas pipeline through the province and consequently, it would be a big economic loss to both the countries. (Daily Times, 2005, Feb. 5) The only concern of Iran regarding Baloch insurgency is the unrest caused by Iranian Baloch, living within the territory of Iran and supporting their Pakistani Baloch companions for the liberation of Baloch regions located in Iran. It was for this reason that Iran assisted Pakistan during the insurgency of 1973 to help it put down the Baloch rebellion. The Government of Pakistan has doubts about the role of United States as a probable agitator. It is believed that US would use Balochistan against Iran and would also get China out of the region by supporting Baloch insurgents. (Daily Times, 2005, Jan. 30). US have been seeking 153 permission from Pakistan to open a US consulate in Quetta and install CIA to watch the Taliban based Quetta Shura. However, Pakistan did not allow this. („‟Govt. to Give Proof‟‟, 2012, Feb.19) it is said that the US and British intelligence agencies are supporting the Baloch militants to destabilize the Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline project and to weaken the Gwadar port from becoming purposeful due to Chinese involvement which would definitely be a major threat to US interests in the Gulf region. But the US intentions are never clearly explained by Pakistan, it is difficult to understand whether US is opposing the Baloch nationalists because they get support from Iran or whether US is supporting the Baloch because they are aggressive towards China. The US involvement is also seen as a part of the “Great Power game” between global powers in Central Asia since the disintegration of the Soviet Union. It is widely believed that the US wants to compete China and Iran through controlling the oil supply lines of Middle East and Central Asian States, ‗‘US is using its Greater Middle East initiative to dismantle the major Muslim states and redefine borders in the region‘‘. (The News, February 3, 2005.). On the other hand, the Baloch nationalists put blame on government of Pakistan for conspiring with the US to crush down the Baloch fight for freedom.

12. Impacts of Baloch Nationalist Movements on National Level

The condition of law and order in Balochistan is getting worse with the passage of time and has become a matter of serious attention on national, regional and international level. The sense of hatred among various ethnic and linguistic groups of Balochistan has given rise to target killing. This target killing, as an action and reaction is leading to high degree violence and distraction. Consequently, a lot of people belonging to different fields, such as doctors, teachers, professors etc. have left Balochistan due to uncertain circumstances and fear of being killed. This migration has put very bad affect on the already insufficient organizations in Balochistan. Due to security threats the non Baloch government officers are afraid of going there. This situation has totally damaged the administrative structure of 154

Balochistan. (Javaid, 2010:118). The current on going insurgency has created various challenges for Pakistan. Unlike the previous Baloch uprisings, it cannot be controlled and getting longer than any of the past movement, and has involved the armed struggle more widely which has affected almost all the areas in Balochistan from rural mountainous regions to the city centers. This time, it is not a conflict between the Nationalist Sardars and Central Government, but the movement has also involved Baloch women and youth who fully support the armed groups and struggle for an independent Balochistan. Moreover, during the past insurgencies, the Baloch tribes and insurgents used to attack only army camps and infrastructure related to government projects, but this time, the insurgents are also attacking at non Baloch residents and other minorities to throw out all the non Baloch nations to protect their ethnicity and to preserve their own identity and land.

The current Baloch resistance has got more attention of international and regional powers than any previous insurgency. In 2012, the U.S. Congress supported the demand for a free Baloch land. The conflict in Balochistan has significant influence on India-Pakistan relations as Pakistan has accused India of supporting the Baloch. (Akbar, 2014, Mar.11) The death of Akbar Bugti in 2006 and murder of Balach Marri in 2007 were main motives behind target killings of Punjabi and other non-Baloch ethnic groups in Balochistan. Target killings have continued till now and the intensity of such killings was very high during the last many years. Such attacks have spread to Noshki, Khuzdar, Mastung, Gwadar, Turbat and Kech, where this type of violence was moderately low in the past. (Kaleem, Herald, October 2008: 64). It is reported that in 2010 only, almost 252 Punjabi settlers were assassinated in targeted killings. (ARY News, 2010, July. 27). A constant insurgency in Balochistan is becoming a great threat to the image and development of Pakistan as it would split the nation in different ethnic groups as it has gained the status of a separatist movement. The Baloch demand and armed struggle and separatist movement for an independent Balochistan have strategic impacts not only on Afghanistan, India and United States but also it has economic impacts on Iran, UAE, China and Central Asia. In addition, it has very strong affect on people all over Pakistan. The Baloch nationalist 155 movement for an independent state can set trend for more movements for separate lands for Pakistan‟s other ethnic groups. And consequently, the central government would lose more administrative control than they have today. It is predicted that the even the existence of Pakistan could be at great risk. (Khan, 2009, Time Magazine). This situation would bring dramatic changes in the economic, political, and strategic landscape of South and Southwest Asia. There are numerous other problems such as social unrest, poverty, illiteracy, and economic underdevelopment which are a result of this ongoing crisis. Furthermore, international pressure from India, Iran, China, Afghanistan, and Central Asia is complicating and weakening Pakistan‟s position on international level. These countries have strategic energy and economic interests tied up in Balochistan by means of pipelines, ports, and roads.

Although, the government of Pakistan has a vast range of resources to put down any insurgency such as a highly competent army, well-equipped police force, and a broad network of paramilitary forces, but the government of Pakistan has been unable to control insurgent violence in Balochistan and to resolve the issues regarding their old grievances. Consequently, the government of Pakistan has not succeeded in bringing the Baloch people into the mainstream. (Pakistan Times, 2010, Jan. 21). The peaceful integration of the Balochistan into the nation of Pakistan has become the most sensitive and significant issue because it has involved many other serious domestic, regional, and international factors.Domestically, Balochistan is a symbol of great economic development for Pakistan and a possible way out of current economic decline. Pakistan would achieve great development through utilizing the rich natural and energy resources, establishing international oil and gas pipelines and completing the construction and utilization of Gwadar seaport. Balochistan is a potential economic advantage to Pakistan and without political stability in this region; it is not possible to succeed at even one of these mega projects. Additionally, a separatist movement among the Baloch is threatening even the existence of the Pakistani state as it could motivate existing movements among the other ethnic groups such as Sindhi and Pakhtun and could result in the collapse of Pakistan as a state. 156

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CHAPTER FIVE

Political Development and Baloch Nationalism

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1. Political Culture of Balochistan

The political culture and behavior is normally determined by the climatic conditions and geographical location of a region. The extreme geographical features of Balochistan such as mountains, plains, coastal areas and extreme weather conditions in different parts of this land have a major role in the formation of political attitude and character of people living in various areas. According to the variation in culture due to different climatic and geographic location, the Baloch people are divided into following six main cultural units. (Khan, 1996:264)

I. Southern coastal area of Makran II. Western areas of Chaghi and Kharan III. Eastern Chaghi, Kalat, Khuzdar and Bolan Pass IV. Kachchi, Sibi, Southern Naseerabad and Lasbela V. Northen Naseerabad and Marri-Bugti areas VI. Quetta city

The overall political culture in Balochistan is based upon a very narrow minded and unsophisticated approach and attitude due to chronic tendency of illiteracy and fundamental traditions of sardari system especially in rural areas. However, the diversity in geographic location and culture is a key factor in the formation of various different political attitudes. Therefore, the political approach and attitude, varies from one cultural unit to the other. The population of Marri-Bugti areas and Naseerabad is fully under the control of their tribal chiefs and do not know much about their political and basic rights. In fact, they have no awareness about their individual and collective social rights. They have learnt only to follow the instructions and orders from their tribal sardars, and are supposed to obey them just like puppets. The political system in rural or tribal structure is heavily influenced by tribal elites who do not allow their people to deviate from the prevailing old traditions. The other cultural units comparatively have some awareness about their rights but they are still bound to remain within the limits of their social norms and traditions. Historically, the 164 population of Balochistan is comprised of two major ethnic groups, the Baloch and the Pakhtuns. The pakhtun community is distinct from baloch in their political approach due to a different cultural background and traditions.

2. Political Strains in Balochistan

All the baloch uprisings against Central Government, including the ongoing nationalist movement, are nothing but a revolt against an unfamiliar culture and political and administrative structure; and a forceful movement for their cultural, social, political and economic rights. Unfortunately, people of Balochistan could never be accommodated in the policy making process, and always been under- represented. Although, the Senate of Pakistan provides representation for all provinces but it does not has the power of taking financial and political decisions. These duties are performed by the National Assembly where Balochistan has only 14 seats out of 342. There are 30 districts in Balochistan; but the divisions of constituency according to the population; confined the seats to only fourteen, therefore, the Baloch are not represented in majority.

The political issues revolve around the economic exploitation of strategic and natural resources especially when the local people do not benefit from their own resources. The best example in this regard is the discovery of Sui gas in 1952, which was discovered in the Bugti area by Burma Shell and under the India Mining Act 1935; Balochistan was entitled to get five percent of the revenue. But when Nawab Akbar Bugti, the then defense minister of Pakistan, demanded the due amount, he was told by legislation that all resources above and underground belong to God and the state. (The Daily Times, 2012, Oct. 10) Nawab Akbar protested against the injustice and resigned. Due to the agitation caused by Bugti tribesmen, Burma Shell signed a rent agreement with Bugti. The deal continued til 2005 and then Musharraf ordered Pakistan Petroleum Limited to stop the rent. That step created tensions between Bugti and Musharraf. (The Daily Times, 2012, Oct. 10) the matters related to sui gas such as revenues, compensation, employment, gas generating and distribution 165 companies; remained the causes of tension between Bugti and the Federal Government for many years . The governments of Benazir Bhutto, Nawaz Sharif and General Pervez Musharraf, all were of the view that Nawab Bugti was obtaining money from Central Government on behalf of the Bugti workers at gas plants but actually he was utilizing that amount to blast the gas pipelines whenever the central government was not ready to comply with his own wishes. (Laif and Hamza, 2009: 66). However, the award of political, economic and cultural rights, according to the of 1940, has always been the only demand of all the baloch political leaders. But there were no political dialogue in this regard between Central Covernment and Baloch leaders in the past instead they have always been suppressed by the military, especially during the last decade, and the demand for autonmoy turned into the demand for the right to self-determination and total separation from Pakistan. The interests of military in Balochistan are always strategic rather than political for many reasons:

 The coastline of Balochistan has three naval bases and the Gwadar Port is the most significant route for all the oil exports from the Gulf pass.  Balochistan shares borders with two strategically significant countries; Iran and Afghanistan.  Balochistan is a second line of defense against India and the vast deserted lands of Balochistan and the strategic resources are very attractive to army. Because the uninhabited lands are ideal and safe places for testing nuclear and other conventional weapons. The Baloch Sardars were offended with nuclear test at Chaghi Hills without consulting the provincial government. (Laif and Hamza, 2009: 63)

The baloch nationalist always blame military for treating Balochistan like a colony. The military has a record to change all the democratic and political set up of administrative institutions in its favor, which creates problems for the democratic government. Military‟s intervention in the political process has always been criticized and condemned by democratic governments. The Baloch are of the view that the 166 military is the real ruler of Balochistan even during democratic regime. Pakistan is a multi-national state, not an identical one. This factor has never been recognized by the Pakistani political administration, which has always been trying for the implementation of a unitary political, cultural and socio-economic structure for all. Baloch are of the view that they have a different cultural and political history, and they should be treated as a distinct ethnic community and should be given their due cultural and socio-economic rights which have always been denied by central government of Pakistan. (The Daily Times, 2012, Oct.10)

3. Influence of Tribal Sardars on Politics

The society of Balochistan is mainly based on tribal system which has been clearly described in the Chapter 4 of this research. The sardars of baloch tribes are considered the elites of their society. The majority of baloch sardars take active part in the political process of Balochistan. There are three big tribes in Balochistan which have always been very prominent and influential in the political . These are Marri, Mengal and Bugti tribes. All the sardars of these tribes are active political leaders and heads of their own political parties. They always participate in national and provincial level elections to win more strength and to attain the position of powerful political figures. The politically influential sardars are categorized as: I. Religious minded leaders II. Nationalist leaders The areas of Chaghi, Kalat and Turbat are influenced with religious minded leaders whereas the nationalist leaders do not include religion in their political manifesto. (Khan, 1996:269). They are so powerful personalities that they even do not have to ask for votes to win national or provincial elections. They are the masters of the fate of their people and they are sure of their victory because of their full control over their areas of jurisdiction. Sometimes, there are various areas which are inhabited by many tribes and all the tribal sardars participate in elections. Under such circumstances, usually, the leader of a larger tribe always wins by seeking support of 167 other smaller tribes. Traditionally, all the sardars are highly conscious of maintaining their control over their territories and they strongly oppose any kind of change or development which may enlighten the people and give them awareness about their rights. That is the main reason that baloch sardars are always blamed for keeping the baloch people backward in terms of education and progress. Education brings drastic change in the thoughts and lifestyle, provides better opportunities for good income and thus an educated and enlightened population may learn to demand for their basic rights and may protest against inhuman attitude of baloch sardars. So, the development projects and education is the biggest danger to the rule of the baloch sardars. Although, the majority of baloch tribal sardars is highly educated, but they never let their people get educated just to keep them dependent and suppressed forever.

4. Political Attitude of Major Baloch Tribes

Three Baloch tribes, The Bugti, the Marri and the Mengal tribe are the most prominent in terms of their political involvement and activities.

I. The Bugti Tribe

The Bugti tribe was headed by Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti and consists of about 130 Baloch tribes of almost 180,000 members. They are basically mountain dwelling tribes. The tribe is again divided into the sub-tribes named Rahija Bugti, Masori Bugti, Mondrani, Shambani, Mothani, Pirozani and Kalpar Bugti. (Ahmed,1998:392). All these tribes are greatly influenced by Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti who was a prominent Baloch nationalist. Nawab Akbar Bugti became the tribal leader in 1939. Akbar Bugti belonged to an educated and renowned family. Bugti studied at Oxford University and served at various significant and positions in Balochistan as governor, chief minister of Balochistan‟s first provincial government in 1988 and federal interior minister. (Ahmed,1998:392). He was the founder and leader of a political party Jamhori Watan Party (JWP) which was established in 1990. He was assassinated in 168

August, 2006 by Pakistani armed forces during General Pervez Musharraf regime. It was Nawab Bugti who raised the issue of royalties of gas field in Dera Bugti, which fulfils the 39 percent of the country‟s total gas needs. The issue of revenues generated by gas field in Dera Bugti has been the main cause of fifth on going armed conflict between the Baloch tribes and the Government of Pakistan since 2005.

After Akbar Bugti‟s death, his two sons, Nawabzada Talal Akbar Bugti, and Jamil Akbar Bugti and a grandson, Shah Zain Bugti refused to lay down weapons and continued on fighting for their rights and complete autonomy over Balochistan and its natural resources. His grandson, Nawab Sardar Brahamdagh Khan Bugti, is also considered the leader of Baloch nationalists. After the death of Nawab Bugti, Brahamdagh Khan decided to work for the political and economic rights of the Baloch people independent of Jamhori Watan Party and he established another political party named Baloch Republican Party (BRP) to promote nationalist feeling among young Baloch to fight for their freedom and full control over their motherland resources.

II. The Marri Tribe

The Marri tribe is located on the Dera Ghazi border of Balochistan, native from the Kohlo district. Their chief is Nawab Khair Bakhsh Marri and founder of a separatist movement called Baloch Liberation Army. Marri became a Marxist politician in 1958. In 1981, he organized a guerilla force for liberation movement. (Weaver, 2002:104)The Marri Tribe is divided into more sub-tribes:  Gazni  Bejarani  Zarkon  Lohrani The total population of the Marri tribe is around 98,000 and their relations with the Central Government have always been aggressive. (Tahir, 2008, April.4). The 169 political philosophy and approach of the Marri tribe is closer to the communists. The tribal chief, Nawab Khair Bukhs Marri, took refuge in Kabul, Afghanistan when he was unable to resist the Pakistani military in 1979. Nawab Marri, along with his men, stayed in Kabul till Russian withdrawl from Afghanistan. Khair Bakhsh Marri prefers armed struggle for independence of Balochistan. He lost his son Balach Marri in his fight for independence, who also was a leader of Baloch Liberation Army. (Balochistan Express, 2007, Nov. 22).

III. The Mengal Tribe

Ataullah Khan Mengal is the leader of the Mengal tribe, and has a central role in the politics of Balochistan. Unlike the Marri and Bugti tribes, the Mengals are less involved in militant confrontation, although he never condemned and criticized the armed resistance against Central Government of Pakistan. He has been an active person in armed struggle during the rule of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. Mengal exiled himself in 1980 because the domination of Punjabi community was not acceptable for him. (Harrison, 1981:66)

Attaullah Mengal started his political career with National Awami Party led by a Pakhtun nationalist Wali Khan. Atualla Mingal became the first chief minister of Balochistan in 1972 to 1973. He started his nationalistic political career when under the banner of NAP he held a meeting of Pakhtun and Baloch nationalists in London and declared the independence of the North-West Frontier Province and Balochistan. After that meeting, he was arrested in 1973 and the military operations were started in Balochistan to defeat the Baloch nationalists (BBC Urdu, February 11, 2005). After got released from jail, Atualla Mengal went to London, and in the mid 1990, he returned back and established the Balochistan National Party in 1996 and his son Akhtar Mingal became Chief Minister of Balochistan. was sent to jail by Pervez Musharraf in 2006 on account of terrorism and involvement with the present Baloch insurgency. (Tahir, 2008, April.4).

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5. Contribution of Baloch Political Parties in Political Development

Political parties in Balochistan can be divided into three categories:  Mainstream political parties  Baloch and Pakhtun nationalist parties  Religious political parties.

5.1. Mainstream Political Parties

Mainstream political parties in Balochistan include:  Pakistan People‟s Party  Pakistan Muslim League-N  Pakistan Muslim League-Q  Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam Fazl  Jamaat-e-Islami

These parties believe in parliamentary politics as the only way to find better solution to the conflict and crisis between Baloch Nationalists and federal government. All mainstream political parties except the Jamaat-e-Islami are included in the ruling combination of Balochistan. Mainstream political parties are usually in favor of Baloch demands.

5.2. Baloch Nationalist Political Parties

Baloch nationalist parties include:  National Awami Party  National Party  Pakistan National Party  National Party-Hai Group 171

 Baloch National Party (Mengal)  Baloch National Party-Awami  Jamhoori Watan Party-Aali  Jamhori Watan Party-Talal  Baloch National Movement

National Awami Party (NAP) was created in 1956 by Nauroz Khan which represents Baloch independence movement. Pakistan National Party (PNP) is a moderate Baloch group founded by Ghous Baksch Bizenjo in the 1970, Baloch National Movement (BNM) led by Ataullah Khan Mengal, Baloch National Party (BNP) was formed from the merging of the PNP and BNM in 1996. (Grare, 2006: 7-8). The BNP demands full provincial autonomy. (Baluch, 2002:16)

Jamhori Watan Party was initially founded by Nawab Akbar Bugti. In 2003 Balochistan National Democratic Party (BNDP) decided to merge with the main faction of Balochistan National Movement (BNM) which was headed by Abdul Hayee Baloch. The merger of BNDP into BNM created a new party named National Party chaired by Dr. Abdul Hayee Baloch. (Majeed, 2011:105) the National Party is a strong opposition to the development projects in Balochistan like construction of Gwadar port, and it demands for Baloch rights to be the masters of their own political and economic affairs. (ICG, 2006:10)

All these parties believe in Baloch nationalism and demand for political autonomy, and full control of the natural resources of Balochistan. They also have a great sense of disliking for intrusion of central government in the provincial matters. This is an interesting fact that the Baloch nationalists have traditionally been part of parliamentary politics and have been associated with mainstream politics at the provincial and federal level. About a decade ago, Baloch leaders like Nawab Akbar Bugti, Nawab Khair Bux Marri and Sardar Ataullah Mengal were part of the parliamentary procedure. There are some conflicts and differences found between and among Baloch tribal leaders and their political nationalist parties. Mengal tribal 172 chief Ataullah Mengal and Akhtar Mengal believe in parliamentary politics, they have a rejection against violent politics and try to remain within the structure of the federation. Khair Bukhs Marri believes in fighting for a separate homeland with the help of violent and armed reactions against government. Interestingly, Marri‟s son, Changez Marri is a member of Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz. The grandson of Akbar Bugti, Brahamdagh Bugti demands an independent Balochistan through armed insurgency while Bugti‟s sons Talal and Aali, prefer parliamentary politics. Both Talal Bugti and Aali Bugti are heads of their own splinter groups of Jamhoori Watan Party. While Brahamdagh Bugti leads his own political party under the title of Baloch Republican Party. (Majeed, 2011:104)

5.3. Pakhtun Political Parties

There are two prominent Pakhtun political parties:

 Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party  Awami National Party

Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party was created by Abdul Samad Khan Achakzai (Majeed, 2011:106) in 1987. The concern of Pakhtun political parties is rooted in Pakhtun nationalism. These parties are of the view that Baloch and Pakhtuns are two nations in Balochistan. Pakhtuns have their own unique and separate culture, language, identity and particular areas of intense inhabitants. The main cause behind the formation of PKMAP was a dispute between a Pakhtun leader Khan Abdul Samad Khan and Baloch leader Khair Bakhsh Marri on elevating Balochistan as an administrative province. PKMAP strongly advocates the belief that there should be a separate province for pakhtuns or form a or they may be merged with Pakhtun majority in NWFP. (Shahid, 2002: 79-81). Pakhtun nationalists support Baloch ideology and struggle for provincial political and economic autonomy but reject the use of violent means.

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5.4. Religious Political Parties

The major parties include:  Jammiat-e-Ulema-e Islam  Jammiat-e-Ulema-Pakistan

Religious political parties do not oppose the struggle of the Baloch people based on the ideology of nationalism but mostly they do not support their militant actions. They promote the theory of nationalism which is based on Islam, not on ethnicity.

6. Impact of Baloch Militant Organizations on Political Environment

Currently there are many insurgent groups in Balochistan:  Baloch Republican Army (BRA)  Baloch People‟s Liberation Front (BPLF)  Popular Front for Armed Resistance (PFAR)  Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA)  Balochistan Liberation Front (BLF)  Lashkar-e- Balochistan  Baloch Tigers  Baloch Musallah Difai Organization (BMDO)  The Baloch Haq Talwar (BHT)  Balochistan Students Organization (BSO)

BLA is the most famous nationalist group which strongly demands separation of Balochistan and alongwith other militant organizations like Balochistan Liberation Front (BLF), Balochistan Republican Army (BRA), Lashkar-e-Balochistan and Jhalawan Baloch Tigers have been resisting against the Central Government. (Iqbal, 2008:2) These groups or parties are called responsible for attacks on gas pipelines, 174 power transmission lines, security check posts, security forces, railway tracks, government offices, official residences and civilians. („‟Balochistan Problems and Solutions‟‟, 2011) In 2010, Baloch Liberation Army, Baloch Liberation Front, Baloch Republican Army, Lashkar-e-Balochistan and Baloch Musallah Difai Organization were banned by the Government. (Sial and Basit, 2010:20)

The Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) is leaded by Marri chiefs and has strong hold in Kohlu, Khuzdar, Quetta, Sibi, Ziarat, Mand, Mastung, Kalat, Makran and Hub districts. BLA‟s objectives are based on demands for an independent State or more authority over Balochistan. BLA considers government‟s projects such as Gwadar Port as an opportunity for the Punjabi community to overpower the Baloch nation. BLA is largely supported by Baloch people from Afghanistan and Iran. In 2006, General Pervaiz Musharraf put a ban on the BLA as a terror organization. (The Nation, 2006, April.10). The Blaoch Haq Talwar (BHT) is also headed by the Khair Bux Marri to resist the military rule in Balochistan. The Government of Pakistan has accused his son; Balach Marri for the insurgency of 2005. (Andley, 2006:6)

The Baloch Republican Army is led by Brahamdagh Khan Bugti. It is influencial in Dera Bugti, Quetta, Mastung, Kalat, Noshki, Naseerabad, Jaffarabad and Chagi. Brahamdagh Khan Bugti is a prominent Baloch leader. He is the grandson of Nawab Akbar Bugti. After the split of Jamhoori Watan Party, Brahumdagh Khan Bugti formed his own faction; Baloch Republican Party. After the death of Akbar Bugti in 2006, he escaped to Afghanistan where he stayed for many years then he got asylum in Switzerland in 2011. Baloch Republican Party has been financing and heading terrorist activities in Balochistan. („‟Brahamdagh Bugti Says‟‟ The Dawn, 2012, April.6) Baloch Liberation Front is led by Mengal tribes and has strong influence in Awaran, Makran and Quetta, Amir Nasir son of Mengal is the founder of the BLF. Lashkar-e-Balochistan, subjugated by a subtribe of Mengals, is activated in Lasbela, Makran, Khuzdar, Kalat and Quetta districts. Lashkar-e-Balochistan is following an anti-state plan, it was created to contradict the objectives of BLA and BLF and to enhance the authority of Mengals. Baloch Musallah Difai Organization 175

(BMDO) is an anti-separatist organization which was founded by Naseer Mengal, the chief of a Mengal sub-tribe, to counter the influence of Attaullah Mengal. (Sial and Basit, 2010:20) BMDO came in the view after the murder of Secretary-General of Balochistan National Party; Habib Jalib. It is active in Quetta and Khuzdar. (Almeida, Dawn, July 25, 2010.) Balochistan Students Organization is a political wing of Baloch youngsters. BSO was founded in1967 and supports the cause of an independent Balochistan. Somehow the people associated with BSO are involved in aggressive activities. BSO does not take part in elections. Some of its branches are linked National Party and Balochistan National Party. (PIPS, 2009: 109-110.) In the beginning, BSO was under influence of Marxist-Leninist philosophy. Shah Muhammad Marri, a prominent Baloch leader, started a campaign for an amalgamation of Baloch nationalism and the Marxism. He introduced the guerilla fighting known as Pararis. These Pararis were greatly involved in violent activities during the years from 1969 to 1972. (Breseeg, 2004:340) The BSO is divided into three main wings:

 BSO-Azad (Independent)  BSO-Pajar, or Bajar  BSO- Mutahidda (United)

BSO-Pajar and BSO- United are the student wings of Balochistan National Party and National Party. BSO-Azad is an independent wing and is not aligned with any political organization. BSO-Azad ideologically supports armed struggle and activities of Baloch Liberation Army and Baloch Republican Army. BSO-Azad was formed in 2006 and is a result of an alliance of three wings of this organization, BSO- Mutahidda, headed by Dr. Imdad Baloch, BSO-Mengal, of Amanullah Baloch, and BSO-Hai group, of Asif Baloch. The BSO-Azad is active in those areas which are under the influence of nationalist political parties. Being a student organization, BSO has developed a very strong campaign for an independent Balochistan in colleges, universities and other institutions of higher education in Balochistan. (Sial and Basit, 2010:28) 176

7. Religious Sectarian Groups and Impact on Political Process

In Balochistan, many religious sectarian groups are present which are accused of being involved in militant and violent activities in the name of religion. These sectarian groups include Afghan and Pakistani Taliban known as Tehrik-e-Taliban Balochistan (TTP), al-Qaeda, Lashkar-e-Janghvi (LeJ), Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP), Imamia Student Organization, (ISO) and Sipah-e-Muhammad are established in Balochistan. (Rana, The News, July 29, 2012.) another ethno-sectarian group Jundullah is also active in Balochistan. (Sial and Basit, 2010:21). These religious organizations follow their own agenda based on religious ideologies that is somehow different than that of Baloch cause of struggle for independence. ‗‘Their presence is partly the result of Pakistani security agencies pushing them there from Punjab, partly a result of a vast network of Deobandi madrassas, and partly a consequence of the Islamization policies pursued by the federal state since the 1970s. At the same time, some analysts credit the Afghan refugee camps in the province as a key source of recruits for the Taliban.‘‘ (Grare, 2013:17). The close proximity of Quetta to the Afghan border provides opportunity to Afghan refugees to Baloch region. The movement of Taliban between Pakistan and Afghanistan is very easy an unchecked. The areas of Nawankilli, Khurtabad, Pakhtunabad, Killi Khotik Chashma and Killi Raiti Bulledi in Quetta have large number of Afghans. (The News, 2010, July. 27) The presence of Taliban is much distinct in Chaman, Khurtabad and Gulistan areas located on the border of Quetta. Afghans population constitutes almost thirty percent of total population. (Sial and Bast, 2010:23)

Pakistani Taliban emerged in Balochistan in 2009. They do not admit their association with the banned organization of Pakistani Taliban, Tehrik e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). The TTP claims to have an agenda to fight against only non- Muslims foreign forces that attack and occupy Islamic countries. The TTB rejects armed struggle against Pakistani security forces and law-enforcement agencies rather they show their enmity only against the enemies of Islam. (The News, 2009, 177

March .4). Jundullah is an anti-Shia militant squad which is based in the Iran bordering Chagi, Kharan, Panjgur, Kechand and Gwadar. (The Daily Times, 2007, April.5) Jundullah identifies itself similar to anti-Shia groups in Balochistan such as Lashkar-e-Jhangvi and Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan to suppress the Shia Muslims of Balochistan. Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (Lej) and the Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP) are two major anti-shia groups and largely supported in Balochistan. LeJ was actually based in Afghanistan but after the destruction of their camps in Kabul and Kandhar by US forces in 2001, the moved to Balochistan and settled down in Quetta. SSP is a supporter of LeJ and provides support for sectarian insurgents of Lashkar-e- Janghvi. The Imamia Student Organization is popular among Shia youth and is playing its role in sectarian violence. (The Friday Times, 2012, Aug. 3)

8. Political Development in Balochistan from 2001-2014

This research is intended to analyze the process of political development in Balochistan during the years from 2001 to 2014. During these fourteen years, the has been in the hands of three different rulers. From 1999 to 2008, political system remained ceased during the rule of Pervez Musharraf. After the general elections of 2008, Pakistan Peoples Party got a chance to form central government. In the general elections of 2013, Pakistan Muslim League (N) won and formed central government of Pakistan. Balochistan has witnessed two democratic and one military regime during this period.

9. Political Development in Balochistan during Military Regime of General Pervez Musharraf (1999-2008)

After the fourth baloch insurgency of 1973-77 during Bhutto era, the situation of Balochistan remained slightly peaceful due to the strategic policies of reconciliation by Gen. Zia ul Haq. This peace lasted for about twenty five years; even the regime of democratic rule of PPP and PML (N) during the 80‟s and 90‟s, did not witness any 178 uncontrollable violence in the province. The angry baloch nationalist leaders started to take part in national and provincial politics, though they never backed out of their basic demands. Many prominent and offensive baloch Sardars rendered their cooperation to the Central Government for the betterment of political situation in Balochistan. Two major political parties were established during the democratic era; Jamhori Watan Party (JWP) by Nawab Akbar Bugti and Balochistan National Party (BNP) by Sardar Mengal. But the period of democratic government could not remain stable due to challenging and difficult political circumstances. On 12 October, 1999, Military General Pervez Musharraf dismissed the democratically elected government of Nawaz Sharif and imposed marshal law in the country. The political process was ceased once again and the Baloch nationalists completely rejected military rule. Pervez Musharraf imposed emergency and declared himself Chief Executive of Pakistan, he put ban on all the political activities and political parties of Pakistan and introduced the policy of devolution to centralize the powers. (Ali, 2012:172) the Constitution of Pakistan was abandoned and suspended, National Assembly, Senate and all provincial assemblies were dissolved. In August, 2002, he introduced LFO (Legal Frame work Order) to introduce more changes into the constitution of Pakistan to got strength as the President of Pakistan. Through LFO, he assigned the authority of dissolving national and provincial assemblies. In addition, he also got the power of appointing provincial governors and got control over Election Commission of Pakistan too. (Askari, 2013:28) all these steps were taken to assure his own victory in next general elections. Though, initially he did not show any intentions of holding new elections in ninety days as per policy. On October 17, 1999 he addressed the nation on television and presented his seven points as an agenda of his government. (Ali, 2012:173) These points are as under:

I. Reshaping the nation‟s confidence and uplift of the moral of people II. Disparity removal between the provinces to achieve the goal of national integration. III. Rebuilding investing policies to accelerate the economic condition of Pakistan 179

IV. Preservation of law and order and provision of justice V. Removal of political elements and activities from key institutions VI. Decentralization of powers to the masses VII. Introduction of a quick process of accountability for a corruption free society.

Musharraf totally ignored the political demands and problems of baloch people; instead he laid the emphasis completely on economic development. Balochistan, which was already facing the socio economic problems of high rate poverty, illiteracy and unemployment, had to suffer a lot in the years of Musharraf regime. The military operations against baloch insurgents, biased policies and poor control resulted in extreme decline of Balochistan and became the main cause of significant turn down in social and political development. (The Dawn, 2008, Nov.2)

9.1. Triggers of Tension between Musharraf and Baloch Nationalists

I. Construction of Gwadar Port and Mega Development Projects

Musharraf started many mega development projects in Balochistan such as Gwadar port, Mirani dam, coastal highway, cantonments and the mining of copper and gold, but due to the defected and improper policies and management, these projects did not improve the economic as well as political stability of Balochistan as the development can only be achieved through political stability, trusted local participation, education, employment opportunities, increased income and peace. Musharraf believed in the forceful development instead of participatory development, and that manner was never acceptable for baloch nationalists. Musharraf tried to bring development in the region by the establishment of military cantonments and check posts to suppress the politically susceptible Baloch people. (The Dawn, 2008, Nov.2), which gave rise to chronic and historical grudge of baloch nationalists 180 against military and became the root cause of another baloch revolt. The tension between the government and nationalist baloch people provoked with the announcement of mega developmental projects especially the construction of Gwadar Port with Chinese involvement and assistance, because the commencement of this project opened the roads for political migration from other provinces and from China in Balochistan. The influx of Pakhtun, Punjabi and other foreigners in Balochistan was viewed as an intended effort to marginalize the Baloch in their own land (Bansal, 2006:50) so the Baloch Sardars strongly opposed and rejected the construction of Gwadar Port.

II. Clash of Economic Interests with the Non Baloch Communities

The issues such as the demand for provincial autonomy, larger share of revenue and development funds, payment of insufficient gas royalty, lack of economic development, proper political representation and control over the natural resources; have always been major causes behind clash between baloch people and all the democratic and military governments. The announcement of new mega infrastructures and proposed industrial zones, opened doors to qualified and skilled workers and labor from Punjab, Sindh and other areas of Pakistan, in addition, Musharraf government awarded major work orders to people from Punjab and Sindh provinces. Since Musharraf took hold of the government, the Baloch leaders have been feeling insecure due to the army cantonments and the mega projects, especially the Gwadar port. The baloch nationalist leaders viewed it suspiciously as: "In the name of gigantic projects is a plan under way to settle the Punjabis in Balochistan," (Laif and Hamza, 2009: 63). The heavy influx of the Punjabis, Pakhtuns, Sindhis and Chinese work forces increased the level of apprehensions about the intentions of government. The already under stress Baloch people; developed a sense of rivalry regarding their economic interests with the Chinese and other Pakistanis. Moreover, many ex-servicemen were appointed in tribal areas and government inducted more pakhtuns from NWFP to Quetta. Some baloch Sardars were bribed and disinherited by wealthy Punjabis and army personnel. Musharraf failed to formulate an acceptable procedure for royalties. (Laif and Hamza, 2009: 63) 181

All these steps were alarming to baloch leaders as they could lose their hold over their own region.

III. Musharraf’s Support for US and War on Terrorism

The incident of 9/11 2001 totally changed the scenario of world politics. The US government confidently put all the blame on Afghan Taliban and decided to attack Afghanistan and announced to commence a war against terrorism. Pakistan was also forced to support and provide assistance to the US as Pakistan was the neighboring country of Afghanistan and could provide the easiest access to Afghanistan. Moreover, Pakistan was among those few countries that had recognized the Taliban government in Kabul. (Khan, 2011:94). Another phase of tension between Musharraf and Baloch nationalists started when Musharraf independently allowed US to use the areas of Pasni, Gwadar, Dalbandin and Jacababad as their basis to fight against Afghan Taliban without consulting baloch leaders.

IV. Involvement of Military in Political Decisions of Balochistan

Moreover, Musharraf took another dictatorial decision to involve army for the safety and security of Chinese and other non baloch workers at the construction site for Gwadar Port. The Baloch nationalists flared up with that decision and their resistance got increased. The involvement of military in political decisions without the prior approval of Baloch nationalist worsen the tension and led to sporadic attacks on military installations, gas pipelines, foreigners, army check posts, and on civilians.

V. Devolution of Power Plan (2002)

In 2000, Musharraf initiated a policy to transfer administrative and financial power to local government. That policy was called political devolution. The policy was introduced to give strength to local control and accountability and to provide power 182 to backward people by bringing them into mainstream, the policy of devolution weakened and destabilized the already established political parties on national and provincial level. With the result, the provincial governments lost their power and control over the provinces. (ICG, 2004:6). The devolution policy was less helpful in minimizing corruption and enhancing democracy, instead it made military rule much stronger and dominant. Subsequently, the risk of internal conflicts increased to a remarkable level.

Under the Devolution of Power Plan, the new local governments were to be elected through voting. District and sub-district governments were established in 101 districts to work under Provincial Local Government Ordinance 2001. Every district had a Nazim and Naib Nazim; equal to mayor and deputy mayor, an elected council and administration. (ICG, 2004:i) In 2001 Pervez Musharraf announced the Local Government Ordinance, 2001, the new political set up was a step towards the establishment of a powerful representative local government, and initially the district nazim was given full authorities over police, district administration and revenue. The post of Nazim was equivalent to chief minister of the districts. This new policy was of devolution was also disliked and rejected by baloch Sardars.

9.2. General Elections of 2002 and Political Scenario of Balochistan

General Pervez Musharraf got his position of President of Pakistan verified through Supreme Court of Pakistan under the law of necessity and gained above mentioned powers to amend the constitution for the security of his president ship in future. Being the president of Pakistan, he was asked by the Supreme Court of Pakistan to hold general elections within a period of three years. (Khan, 2011:94). General Musharraf then introduced various controversial amendments to the constitution after the decision of the Supreme Court. The notification for general elections was issued in August, 2002 and the polling day was fixed on 10 October, 2002. (Rizvi, 2013:28) the coming up days witnessed drastic change in political scenario and attitude of political parties throughout Pakistan, especially in Balochistan. The US 183 war on terrorism and support provided to US by Pervez Musharraf caused great frustration among the Pakhtun population of NWFP and Balochistan. The baloch and Pakhtuns; both from Balochistan and NWFP have always been very close to Afghanistan due to Baloch and Pakhtun community in that neighboring country.

Therefore, to show the unity with Afghan brothers, and to oppose Musharraf‟s war against Taliban, thirty five political and religious parties and groups formed the Pak- Afghan Defense Council (PADC). The three major religio-political parties of PADC Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam (F), Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam (S) and Jamaat-i-Islami, and their Pakhtun leaders were in the favor of Taliban regime in Afghanistan and had strong ideological and political affiliations with them. (Khan, 2011:95) PADC strongly and jointly disapproved Musharraf‟s policy of war against Taliban. In response to their protest, Musharraf started a concentrated effort against the major religio-political parties and blamed them for being involved in terrorist activities along with Taliban. Maulana Samiul Haq of JUI (S) the Chairman of PADC insisted upon the military government to end the crack down against religious parties (The News, 2002, Jan. 13). In January 2002, General Pervez Musharraf banned the six religious groups of different sects for their association with terrorists in and outside the country. These included:

 Sipah-i-Sahaba Pakistan  Tehrik-i-Jaferya Pakistan,  Lashkar-i-Jhangvi,  Jaish-i-Muhammad,  Lashkar-i-Tayaba and  Tehrik-i-Nifaz-i-Shariat-i-Muhammadi (The News, 2002, Jan.17).

These organizations were branches of the major religio-political parties so this ban was strongly criticized by PADC. In May 2002, Muttahidda Majlis-i-Amal (MMA) was formed by PADC as an electoral union to contest Elections of 2002. (Khan, 2011:95) MMA included six political parties including:

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 Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam (Fazalur Rehman Group)  Jamaat-i-Islami,  Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam (Samiul Haq Group)  Jamiat Ulema-i-Pakistan,  Markazi Pakistan and  Islami Tehrik-i-Pakistan.

Maulana Shah Ahmad Noorani became the president of MMA. It was announced by the alliance that MMA was formed to introduce the concepts of freedom and unity in real manner; and a pure Islamic and democratic system will be formulated in Pakistan.

I. Participating Political Parties

 Before the elections, Musharraf established another faction of Pakistan Muslim League in his own favor and gave it the name of PML-Q. Q stood for Quaid-e-Azam and Musharraf promoted his party as the biggest leading political party of Pakistan. Perhaps he was inspired of a previous army ruler, General Ayub Khan. (Gilani, 2013:61) but unlike Ayub Khan, he did not became the president of PML-Q, instead he chose a prominent and strong politician, Ch. Shujaat Hussain to hold the seat of president of PML-Q. This party was the biggest supporter for Musharraf in the elections 2002 and was often called „‟The King‟s Party‟‟.  Pakistan Peoples Party and Muslim League-N also participated in the absence of their leaders; Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif respectively.  Four other small parties united as National Alliance (NA), which included , National People‟s Party, Sindh Democratic Alliance and Sindh National Front.  The alliance of six major religio-political parties; MMA; has been described

above. 185

 From Balochistan, Balochistan National Movement (BNM), Jamhori Watan Party (JWP) and Balochistan National Party (BNP), Balochistan National Democratic Party (BNDP) and Balochistan National Congress (BNC) participated. (http://ecp.gov.pk/GE/2002/GE2002.aspx)  In the absence of their leadership, the PPP established a new party as Pakistan People‟s Party Parliamentarians,(PPPP) to participate in elections without any legal complications. PPPP was headed by Makhdoom Amin Fahim (Rizvi, 2013:29).

II. Influnece of Military on Election Process

The campaign for 2002 Elections could not be justified as a fair process as Musharraf had been openly criticized for manipulating the whole procedure in favor of PML(Q) and National Alliance (NA) for his own victory. It is said that military regime of Musharraf pressurized the politicians to join PML(Q) to gain majority in king‟s party. The main stream political parties like PPPP and PML (N) were being disturbed by putting different blames through NAB to level the grounds in favor of the PML(Q). The national television was also projecting PML (Q). Election Commission of Pakistan itself was campaigning for the PML(Q) by showing its symbol in the sample polling advertisement in the national media (Khan, 2011:100). The Governors, Chief Ministers, Chief Secretaries, and some of the Nazims campaigned for the PML(Q). it is reported that the offices of the Governors of Punjab and Sindh were working as campaign Cells for Musharraf‟s party. („‟Election Observer Group Reports‟‟, 2006: 19-45). Different political parties blamed military government for harassing and arrest of their workers. It is widely believed that the elections were engineered by the military regime and had extraordinarily affected the electoral process for the October 2002 Elections. His aim was to form a parliament which would give all the powers and authority to the president-cum-army chief of Pakistan.

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III. Election Results and Political Atmosphere of Balochistan

MMA successfully grabbed the attention of a large population including Pakhtuns, just because of its anti-US approach and promise of establishing a pure Islamic system in Pakistan. The MMA called the election as a referendum between the US agents (Musharraf Government) and Islamic forces and requested the people to vote for MMA to free the country from the US influence. MMA fielded 183 candidates for 272 seats of the National Assembly out of which 45 were returned. After computing the women‟s and minority seats, the total members of MMA were 59 in the house of 342. MMA got majority in provincial assemblies of NWFP and Balochistan and emerged as the largest party of Balochistan with 13 seats. PML(Q) was the second largest party with 11 seats. The third largest group was of independents. The final party position of Balochistan Assembly showed that MMA got 18 seats adding the reserved seats and independents that joined MMA, as compared to 21 of PML(Q) in the house of 65 members. The Baloch ethnic parties like Balochistan National Party (BNP) and (JWP) could not be able to grab the attention of their voters and it was also an exceptional change in the political scenario of Balochistan. MMA exploited the Islamic sentiments of the Baloch and Pakhtun people, this was the biggest reason of MMA‟s success in Balochistan because MMA was the only party that was evidently opposing General Musharraf and his role in war on terror. Through MMA‟s success, people of Balochistan showed their mistrust upon General Musharraf and his policies regarding Afghanistan and US.

Table. No. 5.1. National Assembly Seats from All Pakistan in Election 2002 Name of Party Votes % Seats Won PPPP 26 63 PML (Q) 26 78 PML (N) 12 15 MMA 11 45 MQM 3 13 Independent 9 28 All Others 13 30 Total 100 272 Source: Gilani, Ijaz Shafi, Interpretation, Part Two from ‗‘The First 10 General Elections of Pakistan; A Story of Pakistan‘s Transition From Democracy Above Rule of Law to Democracy Under Rule of Law 1970-2013‘‘. Islamabad: Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency. (PILDAT) p.62 187

Table No. 5.2. National Assembly Seats from Balochistan Party All Balochistan Balochistan-1 Balochistan-2 Quetta Zone Kalat and Makran Zone Votes % Seats Votes % Seats MMA 22 6 38 4 11 2 PML (Q)/ Others 16 2 13 - 17 2 JWP 8 1 0 - 14 1 PKMAP 8 1 19 1 1 0 BNP 11 1 - - - - Independent 7 1 4 0 9 1 Regional/Others 39 3 26 1 48 2 100 14 100 6 100 8 Source: Gilani, Ijaz Shafi, Dr. (May 2013). (May 2013). Electoral Data: Its Deconstruction and Interpretation, Part Two from ‗‘The First 10 General Elections of Pakistan; A Story of Pakistan‘s Transition From Democracy Above Rule of Law to Democracy Under Rule of Law 1970-2013‘‘. Islamabad: Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency. (PILDAT) p-64

Table No. 5.3. Party Position in National Assembly 2002

Sr. No. Party Seats Won 1 Pakistan Muslim League-Q PML-Q 130 2 Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal MMAP 59 3 Pakistan People‟s Party Parliamentarian PPPP 63 4 Pakistan Muslim League-N PML-N 18 5 Muttahida Quomi Movement MQM 18 6 Pakistan Peoples Party PPP 19 7 National Alliance NA 16 8 Balochistan National Party BNP 1 9 Jamhori Watan Party JWP 1 10 PAT 1 11 Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaaf PTI 1 12 Pakistan Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party PPMAP 1 13 Independent Candidates IND 14 TOTAL 342

Source: http://www.geo.tv/election2008/statistics_links.html#2 on 30 June, 2015

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Table No. 5.4. Composition of Senate 2002

Sr. No. Province General Seats Women Technocrats Total 1 Islamabad 2 1 1 4 2 Punjab 14 4 4 22 3 Sindh 14 4 4 22 4 NWFP 14 4 4 22 5 Balochistan 14 4 4 22 6 FATA 8 0 0 8 Total 68 17 17 100 Source: http://www.geo.tv/election2008/statistics.html on 30 June, 2015

IV. Formation of Government

Pakistan Muslim League (Q) was the largest party in National Assembly with 118 seats. The second largest party was PPPP with 80 seats and third largest was the MMA with 59 seats. None of them was in a position to shape the government. MMA negotiated with PML(Q) to form combined government but they could not reach at any decision. The military regime tried to deal with MMA for the formation of central government but negotiations failed due to some major demands from MMA; firstly they demanded the post of prime minister and secondly, they wanted a confirmation from General Musharraf that he would leave the seat of Chief of the Army Staff. The MMA also demanded the abolition of pro-US policies adopted by Musharraf and all those demands were not acceptable to General Musharraf for many reasons. Firstly, when Musharraf agreed to join hands with US in their war on terror, after 9/11, his alliance with a party having pure Islamic ideology and sense of hatred for US war against Afghanistan, would have create a negative impact on Pak-US relations, secondly MMA was demanding the post of Prime Minister for Maulana Fazalur Rehman which was never acceptable even on the national level. General Musharraf himself stated that the Maulana personally tried to convince him for the post of Prime Minister and assured a very friendly approach towards the US. Moreover he was also ready to lend a support against Al-Qaeda and all other extremists. (Musharraf, 2006:175-176). General Musharraf wanted to make PML-Q the most powerful party 189 as to form the supporting government. So efforts to win majority did not stop and PML-Q succeeded in gaining support from some independent members of National Assembly, some members from other different parties also agreed to co-operate with PML-Q. PML- Q also got the support of MQM, which had 17 National Assembly seats, in addition, the defectors from the main stream party, PPPP were also approached to support PML-Q to form the central government and they succeeded in winning the support of 10 members of PPPP, from national assembly .(Rizvi, 2013:30) PML-Q nominated Zafar ullah Jamali for the post of Prime Minister, the inauguration session of National assembly was held on 16 November, 2002 and elected Mir Zafar ullah Jamali as the Prime Minister of Pakistan. The Balochistan assembly was inaugurated on November 28 and Jam Mir Muhammad Yousaf, from PML-Q, took the oath as the head of an aliened government. (Rizvi, 2013:31)

9. 3. Detachment of Baloch Tribal Leaders from Political Process

The three prominent baloch Sardars; Ataullah Mengal, Nawab Khair Bukhsh Marri and Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti remained absent from political scenario during this period, their major emphasis was on their inter-tribal affairs or protest against military regime of Musharraf through other means instead of taking part in political process. Their absence and inactive role as political leaders created a vacuum in the political set up of Balochistan and provided golden opportunity to religious minded political parties to gain control over the political matters of Balochistan. Khair Bukhsh Marri, and Sardar Attaullah Mengal, had been in self exile, and Nawab Bugti had confined himself to Dera Bugti. During the absence of the former two leaders, Balochistan had been facing various tribal disputes and many tribal sardars were killed in clashes among various tribes. (Baloch, 2002, Oct.18.The Dawn) When Marri and Mengal returned to Balochistan, they were expected to become more active political leaders, but those prevailing tribal disputes were more important to them so they devoted their time to the resolution of such clashes. Their absence from political scene caused many important developments. The religious parties had got a chance 190 to establish themselves and they had also started influencing the areas of Baloch nationalists.

Nawab Bugti could very efficiently play a leading role in Baloch politics by uniting all groups of Baloch nationalists including Pakhtun nationalist community because he was equally honored by the Pakhtuns. But his political inactivity provided a chance to his opposite elements of creating problems for him by inciting inter tribal feuds. His appointments in tribal conflicts affected his political role and there was no other such influenced person who could re-unite the scattered nationalistic politics. Sardar Ataullah Mengal, was disqualified from taking part in the 2002 election because he did not possess graduate degree, which was made mandatory by constitutional amendments to participate in elections. Nawab Marri did not pay much attention to politics when he returned from Afghanistan after fourteen years; he gave all his time to the rehabilitation of his companions. Moreover, he had to face a rebellion from a fraction of his own tribe; Bijarani Tribe; who had refused to accept Nawab Marri as their chief. (The Dawn, 2002, Oct.18)

9.4. Akbar Bugti’s 15 Point Agenda to Musharraf Government

In 2004, the leader of Jamhoori Watan Party, and chief of Bugti tribe, Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti formulated a 15-point charter of demands on behalf of baloch nationalists and forwarded it to National Security Council to resolve Balochistan all the issues. The 15-point demand included:

i. Provincial autonomy according to the will of the baloch people.

ii. Baloch people should be considered as the real owners of their natural resources and their own affairs should not be interfered.

iii. Balochistan government should be given powers to deal with all the administrative, financial and planning matters and schemes related to mega projects including Gwadar and other infrastructure such as coastal- belt schemes. 191

iv. The revenue generated from mega projects should be totally at provincial government‟s disposal. employment in the projects should be the right of the local population;

v. The establishment of army cantonments at resource rich areas should be abandoned and land acquired by force be returned to owners.

vi. Rectification of the revenue record.

vii. Senate should represent the four federating units and inclusion of Islamabad and Fata in the Upper House by canceling the amendments made during Zia ul Haq's regime.

viii. The levies force recruited by the ISI in the Marri area to suppress tribesmen should be disbanded.

ix. All armed forces from central Balochistan should be withdrawn.

x. The provincial government should control all civil armed forces.

xi. The provincial assembly should be authorized to draw laws for Balochistan.

xii. In the federating units the federal law should not override the provincial laws.

xiii. Problems of gas companies should be resettled

xiv. All prisoners kept under various political reasons allegations should be released. (The Dawn, 2004, Sep.22)

But General Musharraf, just like a military dictator, refused to negotiate over these points with Bugti and other Baloch Sardars, and preferred a forced implication of law 192 and order through army actions and tried to resolve all the political issues by using power instead of peaceful talks.

9.5. Baloch Armed Revolt against Musharraf

Although, the reasons behind baloch conflict which started during Musharraf regime and took the form of an ongoing insurgency, have been discussed many times from different angles in the previous chapters of this research, however it is needed to give the highlights again just to maintain the continuity of the topic. The harsh and non cooperative attitude of Musharraf Government provided a strong cause of resistance to baloch tribes, as a reaction, BLA launched a large scale militant movement and started attacks on government installations. The JWP leader Nawab Akbar Bugti considered army reaction as a matter of disrespect and an attack on their honor. So he fully supported the baloch rebellions. The militant protest resulted in various attacks on military and Sui gas installations. In January 2005, the nationalists started to detain Sui gas field. The fight lasted for four days with heavy firing from both sides and Nawab Akbar Bugti supported banned groups. The situation got more tensed when Musharraf and Commander of the Paramilitary force were attacked by the insurgents during their visit to Kohlu, where a new army cantonment was to be established. (Ahmad, Daily Times, 20 Dec. 2005). The military responded in a hostile way and Musharraf threatened Baloch Sardars, he said, ―It is not the 70‘s and we will not climb mountains behind them, they will even not know what and from where something has come and hit them‖ (Zaidi, Herald, 2005). The baloch Sardar, Mengal gave reply as: ―It is not the 70‘s for us, it is also not the 70s for them. If there is any change, it will be for all. If we have to face severe consequences of change, then they will also not be in a comfortable position‖. (Hussain, News Line Magazine, 2005:23).

The same year, In December, BLA fired rockets on a meeting between Musharraf and some tribal chiefs in kohlu. In response, the security forces attacked the Marri tribes and not only hurt Marri tribesmen but also damaged some area of Dera Bugti. 193

(Shahid, Daily Dawn. 19 Dec. 2005) The Baloch militants were viewed as challenging force to the writ of the government. The whole Balochistan came under the influence of their attacks. They blamed Musharraf for using poisonous gases to smash the baloch militants. It is reported that at least six army brigades and paramilitary forces were involved in the operation against baloch people with heavy ammunition such as combat jets, gunship helicopters and artillery to hammer baloch militant camps (ICG, 2006:9)

Table No. 5.5. Baloch Militant Attacks on Government Installations 2001-2011

Year Target Killing Bomb Blast Rocket Attacks Sabotage Acts 2001 19 42 22 9 2002 25 40 25 25 2003 20 33 30 30 2004 20 40 20 30 2005 40 69 30 40 2006 95 210 150 90 2007 90 250 140 110 2008 80 290 112 80 2009 203 340 280 103 2010 353 329 275 120 Source: Saeed, Rehana Hashmi, (2013) The Politics of Ethnicity: An Issue to National Integration to Pakistan, PhD Thesis, Department of Political Science, Punjab University, Lahore, Chapter 3, Page no. not available, accessed from accessed from www.eprints.hec.gov.pk/10860 on 30 June 2015

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Table No. 5.6. Killed and Injured Persons during 2001-2011 Year No. of Attacks Killed People Injured People 2011 640 710 853 2010 737 600 1117 2009 792 386 1070 2008 692 296 807 2007 536 224 564 2006 403 277 676 2005 154 92 190 2004 130 70 160 2003 100 65 165 2002 90 50 140 2001 10 45 100 Source: Source: Saeed, Rehana Hashmi, (2013) The Politics of Ethnicity: An Issue to National Integration to Pakistan, PhD Thesis, Department of Political Science, Punjab University, Lahore, Chapter 3, Page no. not available, accessed from www.eprints.hec.gov.pk/10860 on 30 June 2015

9.6. Musharraf’s Policy to Appease Baloch Wrath: The Relief Package 2005

A significant step was taken in 2002 with the announcement of the Senate Committee on Balochistan to resolve the issues between government and baloch Sardars. The objective behind the formation of the committee was to discuss matters ranging from security issues especially the de-escalation of the confrontation between security forces and Bugti tribal militias, to the other issues such as the jobs for local baloch, renewal of royalties, provincial monetary awards, legal check on non-local landownership, and the purchase of land for military cantonments. The parliamentary committees proceeded with the hope that the solution to all these various issues could be determined within the federal frame (Gazdar, 2006:4100). In 195

2004, the Prime Minister Ch. Shujaat Hussain ordered the establishment of this committee to pay attention to the political demands and respond to the grievances of baloch people. The result was a report that recommended significant changes in the government‟s military, political, economic, and energy policies regarding Balochistan. („‟Parliamentary Committee on Balochistan‟‟, 2005:9) The committee was formed to inspect the circumstances in Balochistan and to give suggestion for improvement. The Committee submitted its report in 2005 which has been discussed in detail in chapter four of this research. However, the reopr included many reforms regarding revenues, Gwadar Port , jobs and check posts. („‟Senate of Pakistan‟‟, 2005:95-101).

The Baloch nationalists gave a profound response to the committee‟s report and a significant drop in insurgent violence was noticed. Although the representatives of Balochistan National Party, National Party and Jamhoori Watan Party boycotted the parliamentary committee‟s meetings because there was no clause to address the demand of Provincial Autonomy which was the nucleus issue. He said; ‗‘the committee had vindicated their apprehensions about its incompetence as it had reiterated the Mushahid‘s report which was already made public and which offered only ‗cosmetic resolutions‘ of the problem‘‘. (The Dawn, 2015, June.24). The recommendations of the report were declared public in June, 2005 after several discussions with baloch leaders. The approved recommendation were named as The Relief Package for Balochistan and included:

 A development package for the province worth Rs. 10 billion.  The package includes Rs. 1 billion for hospitals, Rs. 2 billion for Sui, Rs.3 billion for Gwadar and Rs.4 billion for the improvement of Quetta.  5.4 percent of job quota in the federal government for Baloch people.  In the job quota the people of Gwadar would be given first priority, then from Makran and then from entire Balochistan. The Baloch apprehension being outsiders' dominance in new jobs that are to be created by the mega projects currently under way in the Gwadar area, it has been suggested that the first preference for such jobs should be local candidates, and the second 196

preference should be given to people of Mekran and other parts of Balochistan.  Fishermen disturbed due to the construction at Gwadar, would be given proper compensations.  Gas and petroleum royalty should be rewarded to the areas from where they were extracted.  The royalty arrears, the volume of which is to be determined by the relevant provincial and federal authorities, be paid soon.  Baloch people would be representated on the board of directors of the Oil and Gas Development Company and the Sui Southern Gas Company.  5.7 percent of all posts lying vacant with the Federal government should be filled with candidates from Balochistan in line with an earlier constitutional commitment  A one-time waiver on gas charges would be provided in local areas and Balochistan is likely to have a share of more than Rs.6 trillion as arrears of gas royalty which would ultimately help develop civic facilities of the so far neglected areas.  The Chief Justice of the Balochistan High Court would investigate the irregularity in the land Sale at Gwadar.  The Coast Guards and Frontier Constabulary would only check smuggling of drugs and other goods in the border areas and all other checkposts would be eradicated.  To manage the affects of droughts, construction of new dams would be initiated including waiver of government dues. (The Dawn, 2015, Jun. 24)

But these parliamentary recommendations could not be helpful enough to control outrageous baloch militants as there was no proper implementation seen in this regard. Moreover the constant attacks by baloch militants and counter attacks by military, had reached at its peak after a rape incident of a lady doctor by FC personnel in the same year. The violence and anger of baloch people went out of control with the assassination of Nawab Bugti on 26 August 2006 by the military 197 forces of Musharraf. This great incident brought a new and more powerful wave of aggressive revolt in Balochistan and Bugti‟s death made baloch tribes more united and determined about their cause. He became the hero and symbol of Baloch resistance for their identity and independence. Consequently, the violence broke out across Balochistan the Musharraf government was still insisting to establish “the writ of the government” by using all means (The Dawn, 2006, Feb.4). This time the insurgency got support not only from the other tribes but most of the Baloch living in other countries were involved ideologically in their struggle for identity.

9.7. Amnesty Offer by Musharraf to Baloch Insurgents

When all the tactics applied by military failed to subdue the baloch militants and their damaging attacks, Musharraf adopted a new policy to control the wide spread insurgency by baloch militant groups by taking a step towards the process of reconciliation and announced amnesty for all baloch insurgents and showed his interest in peaceful talks with a promise that government would not take any action against all those baloch insurgents willing to surrender. He stated: "Our doors are open to everybody willing to negotiate for peace and development in Balochistan, I would not beg anybody to come to the dialogue table, If somebody wants to meet me, he should come forward… I am ready to meet him," (Shahid, The Dawn, 2006, Dec.9) he stated that he wanted the development of neglected Balochistan. ―And for the purpose, I am ready to hold talks with anybody, I don‘t believe in finding temporary solutions. I want permanent solutions to all issues," he said. (Shahid, The Dawn, 9 Dec.2006)

9.8. Baloch Response to Amnesty Offer

But the political leaders and tribal Sardars of Balochistan rejected his offer because of his typical rude attitude as he warned them to be ready for more destruction by army in case they would not accept his offer of amnesty. The baloch leaders viewed that kind of threat as an insult to their honor and dignity. Weapons are always considered a part of Baloch personal luggage and a sign of their honor. No serious 198 efforts have been made by any government to de-weaponize the province in the past and it has always been a tradition of Baloch tribes to take refuge in the hills of Balochistan while protesting against government. According to baloch tribes, the army itself was responsible for their armed protest by launching a military operation against Nawab Bugti, which resulted in his assassination and caused an extensive resentment against the military. The conditional offer of amnesty by Musharraf was viewed with great sense of hatred by many Baloch leaders as quoted in the national newspapers. Nawabzada Baramdagh Bugti, the grandson of Akbar Bugti and the founder of a split wing of Jamhori Watan Party; Baloch Republican Party; went to self-exile after that assassination of Akbar Bugti; rejected the offer and said: ―The Baloch resistance is not confined to just two tehsils (in Balochistan). Militants are forcefully resisting government forces in vast areas of Balochistan, the rulers are trying to find a way to pull their forces out of the area because of the severe resistance being offered by Baloch insurgents‘‘. (Shahid, The Dawn, May 19, 2007). Mir Hasil Khan Bizenjo of the National Party declared that the suggestion of surrender was very annoying to baloch people as they were offended with the tone adopted by Musharraf. The Baloch were struggling for their rights and Musharraf should not have been treated them as foreign invaders by ordering them to surrender with the threat of terrible penalty. ―Such threats are hurled only when someone is fighting a foreign enemy or those who are against the state. This is not the case in Balochistan. People are struggling for their legitimate rights, after the killing of Nawab Bugti, General Musharraf should have apologized to the nation, and especially to the Baloch people.‖ (Shahid, The Dawn, May 19, 2007). Almost all the political leaders and insurgent groups unanimously rejected the offer and were totally against the attitude adopted by Musharraf. They all were of the opinion that it was military that forced Baloch people to take up arms for their constitutional and legal rights. In a tribal society, everyone hates the word “surrender”. ―If they are really sincere about resolving the Balochistan issue, they should hold meaningful negotiations with Baloch and Pakhtun leaders and settle all issues, otherwise, the situation would worsen. They are taking whimsical decisions without any respect for 199 people‘s will, now, the situation is beyond amnesty and such offers would not bring about any change.‖ (Shahid, The Dawn, May 19, 2007)

10. Political Development in Balochistan during Democratic Regime of Pakistan Peoples Party (2008- 2013)

Pervez Musharraf was elected as the President from a parliament, but when five weeks were left in the expiration of his term, he issued the controversial National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO) on October 5, 2007, under which all the cases against many politicians were closed. (Rizvi, 2013:33) After that Benazir Bhutto, Chairperson of PPP and Nawaz Sharif, leader of PML-N, the two big leaders of mainstream political parties returned to Pakistan. Benazir Bhutto arrived on Oct 18, 2007, and Nawaz Sharif on Nov 25, 2007. The return of these political leaders brought electrifying change in the election environment. (Mehdi, The Dawn, Apr.16, 2013) but prior to election 2008, the murder of Benazir Bhutto on 27 December, 2007, caused a change in the leadership of PPP and his husband; Asif Ali Zardari; decided to lead PPP as acting chairperson in the coming up elections. According to the available data, 49 political parties participated in 2008 elections, out of which only Balochistan National Party, Balochistan National Party (Awami) contested for National and Provincial assemblies. Most of the nationalist parties boycotted the 2008 elections because of the killing of Akbar Bugti. Their decision caused a massive manipulation in the polling process. (Grare, 2013:11)

10.1. Boycott of Baloch Nationalist Leaders of Elections 2008

Most prominent Baloch nationalist parties did not contest the general elections in 2008 as a protest against military operations, extrajudicial killings and the illegal detention of political workers. Three parties, Jamhori Watan Party, Balochistan National Party (Mengal) and National Party decided to boycott the elections 2008.(Rizvi, 2013:34). The absence of major political leaders and their parties in 200

2008 elections provided a golden opportunity to tribal leaders who were more pro- establishment to take over an election whose reliability always remained questionable and who could never get a chance to come forward in the presence of prominent nationalist baloch leaders. With the abrasion of state authority and the control of security forces over vast areas, Balochistan was rapidly moving towards a disappointing situation of lawlessness.

10.2. Election Process and Formation of Government

The general elections 2008 were contested mainly between three mainstream political parties PML-N, PML-Q and PPP. This time, the PPP, led by Asif Ali Zardari, topped in the tripartite elections. The party got three million votes, 95 general seats. Moreover, it won in all the provinces of Pakistan. With the addition of seats reserved for women and minorities, the PPP‟s numbers at the federal level went to 122. The co-chairman of Pakistan Peoples Party, Asif Ali Zardari was elected the President in September 2008. (Mehdi, The Dwan, Apr.16, 2013)

Table No. 5.7. Composition of the National Assembly 2008 Province General Seats Seats Reserved for Total Seats Reserved for Non Women Muslims Federal 2 - 10 Capital Punjab 148 35 Sindh 61 14 NWFP 35 8 FATA 12 - Balochistan 14 3 Total 272 60 Grand Total 342 Source: Election Commission of Pakistan, General Elections 2008, Report Volume II, p- (ii), retrieved from www.ecp.gov.pk/Misc/ReportGeneralElection2008Vol-II.pdf on 13 July, 2015

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Table No. 5.8. Composition of the Provincial Assemblies 2008 Assembly General Seats Reserved for Total Seats Reserved for Total Seats Women Non Muslims Punjab 297 66 8 371 Sindh 130 29 9 168 NWFP 99 22 3 124 Balochistan 51 11 3 65 Total 577 128 23 728 Source: Election Commission of Pakistan, General Elections 2008, Report Volume II, p-(iii) retrieved from www.ecp.gov.pk/Misc/ReportGeneralElection2008Vol-II.pdf on 13 July, 2015

Table No. 5.9. Party Position in National Assembly 2008 Party Votes % Seats PPP 31% 89 PML-Q 23% 42 PML-N 20% 68 MQM 7% 19 ANP 2% 10 Independent 11% 30 All Others 6% 13 Total 100% 271 Source: Gilani, Ijaz Shafi, Dr. (May 2013). (May 2013). Electoral Data: Its Deconstruction and Interpretation, Part Two from ‗‘The First 10 General Elections of Pakistan; A Story of Pakistan‘s Transition From Democracy Above Rule of Law to Democracy Under Rule of Law 1970-2013‘‘. Islamabad: Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency. (PILDAT) p 65

Table No. 5.10. National Assembly Seats from Balochistan 2008

Party All Balochistan Balochistan-1 Balochistan-2 Quetta-Zhob Zone Kalat and Makran Zone Votes% Seats Votes% Seats Votes% Seats PPP 22 4 23 2 22 2 PML-N/IJI 4 - 8 - 1 - PML-Q/O 5 4 23 1 23 3 JUI-F/MMA 13 2 23 2 6 - Independent 24 3 13 1 33 2 Regional/Others 34 1 10 1 15 1 Total 100 14 100 6 100 8 Source: Gilani, Ijaz Shafi, Dr. (May 2013). (May 2013). Electoral Data: Its Deconstruction and Interpretation, Part Two from ‗‘The First 10 General Elections of Pakistan; A Story of Pakistan‘s Transition From Democracy Above Rule of Law to Democracy Under Rule of Law 1970-2013‘‘. Islamabad: Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency. (PILDAT) p-67 202

Table No. 5.11. Provincial Assembly Party Position Balochistan 2008

Party Seats PPP 14 PML-N 0 PML 19 MQM 0 ANP 4 MMA 9 PML-F 0 BNP-A 7 PPP-S 0 NPP 0 MJUF 1 JUI-S 0 NP 1 PMLZ 0 Independent 10 Total 65 Source: Party Position National Assembly, (2012, Dec.18) retrieved from http://ecp.gov.pk/Misc/PartyPosition/PAPosition.pdf on 14 July, 2015

10.3. PPP and Political Development of Balochistan

When Zardari became the president of Pakistan, Balochistan had been suppressed politically and economically by the military and the baloch people were completely alienated from the mainstream politics. The leading Baloch political parties; Jamhoori Watan Party, Balochistan National Party (Mengal) the Pakhtoonkhwa Milli Awami Party, and the National Party of refused to the 2008 elections.

During Musharraf regime, the massive attacks from both sides pushed Balochistan back to the Stone Age. In addition, arrests of many political leaders and workers, ban on political activities and most importantly, killing of Akbar Bugti, had completely alienated the Baloch people and caused serious problems in the relations between Government and baloch nationalists. Due to the policies adopted by Musharraf, Balochistan lost ideological support for the Baloch people in the other provinces of Pakistan. Asif Ali Zardari, adopted an understanding political approach to address the baloch grievances and deprivations. Zardari, in his maiden speech mentioned 203 that, ―for every hope, we need a plan and for every plan, we need an agenda, without doubt, a heavy national agenda challenges your government. This is the agenda of moving quickly to heal the wounds of past, to restore the trust in the federation; tendering an apology to the people of Balochistan was a long overdue step. The release from the captivity of the former chief minister of Balochistan is also a positive move. The resolution recently of the long standing dispute and payments of billions of rupees to Balochistan is a step in the right direction but much more needs to be done…the federation, it needs to be strengthened for this the bitterness of the past must give way to reconciliation and harmony. I believe that the 1973 constitution is the only consensus document that can freshen such a social contract. I also request the government to start the consensus building process on the provincial autonomy and allotment of resources through a new formula that meets the needs of a united federation.‖ (Chandran, 2008:3)

I. Aghaz-e-Huqooq-e-Balochistan Package 2009

The federal leadership made efforts to calm tension; the PPP apologized for the abuses committed in Balochistan. Asif Ali Zardari showed intentions to restore Baloch confidence in the Center. The government constituted an all party parliamentary committee to explore the Baloch sufferings and give proposals for their resolutions. During Musharraf regime, two committees were also formed to negotiate with the Baloch leaders but their recommendations were not accepted by the baloch nationalists. In October 2009, the Reconciliatory Committee on Balochistan disclosed its plan for settlement with Baloch nationalists, the renovation of provincial institutions, and a new formula to reallocate resources. (“Balochistan Matters,” The Dawn, October 28, 2012.). A political development took place in November 2009 when Baloch were assured for more political autonomy. On November 24, the government presented a 39-point plan before the Parliament for a more sovereign Balochistan, the “Balochistan Package.” This included the safe return of political leaders in exiles, the release of Baloch political activists from jails, the army‟s withdrawal from significant areas, job opportunities, and more provincial 204 authority to Balochistan to control its own resources. In the Balochistan Package, the government tried to cover and address all preliminary Baloch grievances, including the most controversial issues such as the release of political workers from jails, political dialogue, investigations into missing persons, and judicial inquiries. The package also included provisions related to the economic situation of Balochistan and showed an initiative to transmit additional funds and to create jobs for baloch people. (Grare, 2013:12) To show the real concern about the baloch grievances against military and government, The Balochistan Package also gave recommendations for the formation of a commission to investigate the incident of assassination of famous baloch leader, Akbar Bugti including the judicial investigation into the circumstances of killing of other prominent baloch leaders. The baloch were also assured of the withdrawal of army and construction of proposed army cantonments at Kohlu, Sui and Dera Bugti. In addition, the baloch leaders were promised for holding serious efforts to locate the missing persons during insurgency. (PILDAT, 2012:20). It was proposed that no more mega development project would be launched in Balochistan without seeking consent from baloch government. Special development plan for the rehabilitation of people of Kohlu, Sui and Dera Bugti was presented and one billion rupees for the settlement of local people from these areas, was also promised. The provincial and district government shall be awarded with more share in gas revenues and profits from explorations and the areas of gas exploration would be provided with gas facility on priority basis. In addition, representatives from Balochistan would be appointed at OGDCL and PPL. (Hamid, 2009:12)

II. Baloch Nationalist’s Response to Balochistan Package

As usual, the extremist baloch nationalist leaders immediately objected to the plan because they wanted complete provincial autonomy in terms of political and economic matters. Some moderate Baloch nationalists also showed their concerns over those proposals due to their old apprehension of being deceived and they could not be convinced that self-government was the only solution to all the issues and 205 problems faced by Balochistan and its people. All the major Baloch nationalists rejected the Balochistan Package and it could not be put into operation in its true sense. Despite all the efforts by government for the settlement of the crisis, the situation of peace in Balochistan was getting bad to worst. Suicide bombing, target killing, sectarian violence, rocket fire, bombing on military cantonments and government installations were not stopped by baloch militants.

The Baloch nationalist called the Balochistan package a charity for Balochistan and they totally rejected it. The Baloch union of eight parties; BNF rejected the proposal at once without leaving an option of negotiation on it with the government instead they demanded complete independence. Harbiyar Marri, a son of Khair Bakhsh Marri said: ‗‘no change had come in the mindset of the Pakistani rulers, we even cant imagine any agreement with Pakistani rulers until and unless Balochistan becomes an independent State‘‘. (The News, 2009, Nov. 25) . He further objected on the formation of only a judicial commission by the President Asif Ali Zardari, to investigate into killing of Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti while he was spending millions to look into the killing of Benazir Bhutto through United Nations.

Baloch leader and former President of National Party, Abdul Hayee Baloch also rejected the package and demanded for Constitutional rights; ‗'Pakistan is a multi- national State and all nationalities should be given equal rights‘‘, (The News, 2009, Nov. 25) he further stated that it was Pervez Musharraf who killed Akbar Bugti but PPP government is not taking any action against him. Attaullah Mengal stated as :‘'I deem even any comment on this package an insult, rulers of this country did not bother during last 60 years to know what is the real problem of Balochistan‘‘.Senator called the package a fraud and nothing else, 'without accepting the right of ownership of Balochistan on its resources and coast, problems will not be solved‘‘, Jamil Bugti, son of Akbar Bugti viewed it as a strategy to switch the concentration of people from National Reconciliation Ordinance issued by Musharraf. Packages, committees and commissions were no more trustworthy for Baloch people. They rejected the package and demanded for a social contract which should guarantee the rights of self-determination to the baloch people. Pakhtun 206

Khuwa Milli Awami Party also refused to accept the Balochistan Package with the objection of being absolutely ignored in the Package. (The News, 2009, Nov. 25) Former head of Jamaat-i-Islami Balochistan Abdul Haq Hashmi was of the opinion that the demand for provincial autonomy has always been an important problem of Balochistan which the government did not include in the package.

III. Political and Financial Autonomy through 18th Constitutional Amendment and 7th National Finance Commission Award

The issue of Provincial autonomy has always been one of the biggest matters of concern between provinces and the federal government. An effort to resolve this issue in a political manner was made by PPP, with the 18th amendment in the constitution of Pakistan on April 8, 2010. (Mujahid, 2012:145). The 18th Amendment brought important institutional changes as it eliminated the Concurrent Legislative List (CLL) of the Constitution and made some changes in the Federal Legislative List (FLL). The CLL was transferred to the provinces, with the only exception of electricity which was brought under FLL. Fifteen Ministries and seventeen Divisions of the Federal Government were delegated to the provinces. The economic authority of the provinces was simultaneously improved though some functions of ministries remained at the federal level, but also being transferred as a joint responsibility of the federal and provincial governments. The 18th Amendment was aimed at more balanced and decentralized structure of government of Pakistan with an increased empowerment by the provinces. (Pasha, 2011:7) the constitution of Pakistan, 1973, had been modified many times by the army dictators according to their own interests and requirements. With the 18th amendment, it became more democratic and parliamentary which was needed for political instability in Pakistan. It was a great demand of time to reinstate the 1973 Constitution and to modify the authorities which were given to the president by Zia ul Haq and General Pervez Musharaf. The changes made in the Constitution by military dictators had destabilized the democratic institutions and deprived the provinces of their legal rights. (Mujahid, 2012:149). Therefore, the 18th amendment is called the historic event which 207 abolished the Concurrent Legislative List and entitled the Provincial Governments to legislate on their subjects. Under the amendment, 102 articles were reviewed, 69 articles were cancelled, 20 articles were substituted and inserted 7 new articles. It also revoked 4 articles and the 6th and 7th Schedules. It inserted article 25-A according to which the state is responsible to provide free education to all children. („‟18th Amendment Bill‟‟, 2010, April.19). The new amendment brought a significant change to the political as it introduced parliamentary type of government instead of semi-presidential. Under the new amendment, North-West Frontier Province was renamed as „‟ and the word “Baluchistan” was replaced with the word “Balochistan” and “Sind” with the word “Sindh”. („‟18th Amendment Bill‟‟, 2010, April.19)

The 18th amendment was aimed to address the baloch demand of control over their natural resources through Article 172-3 which states that the Provincial and Federal Government will be mutual and equal owners for any Mineral Oil and Gas explored in Balochistan. The Article 158 states that: ―The Province in which a well-head of natural gas is situated shall have precedence over other parts of Pakistan in meeting the requirements from that well-head, subject to the commitments and obligations as on the commencing day‖. (Tareen, March 6, 2015)

Table No. 5.12 Natural Gas Production and Consumption among the Provinces 2009 Province Total Gas Produced Total Gas Consumed Consumption as MMIC (Percent of Total MMIC (Percent of Total Percentage of Production) Production) Production Sindh 1,000,415 (70%) 459,369 (37.59%) 45.91% Punjab 68,608 (4%) 638,008 (52.21%) 930% KPK 26,370 (1%) 42,480 (3.48%) 161% Balochistan 318,188 (22%) 82,138 (6.72%) 25.81% Total 1,413,581 (100%) 1,221,995 (100%) Source: (PILDAT, 2012:15)

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Many division and areas of Balochistan are still deprived of gas supply for domestic use despite Balochistan being the key supplier of Gas. The 18th Constitutional Amendment predicted a formula for fair and acceptable distribution of financial resources through 7th National Finance Commission Award. But according to a report, the 18th Amendment did not benefit Balochistan in its real sense as most of the key ministries were not transferred to provinces. The Labour Ministry was devolved but revenue generating was kept under the Federal Government. Similarly the matters related to ports and electricity is shared subject under Federal Legislative and provinces were not given complete control over them. (Tareen, March 6, 2015)

The Article 160 of the Constitution has made compulsory for the president of Pakistan to constitute NFC Award after every five years. National Finance Commission was formed for the resource distribution. The National Finance Commission reviews the formula for the distribution of funds, taxes and other fiscal resources among the Center and the four provinces of Pakistan namely, Punjab, Sindh, Balochistan, Khyber Pakhtunkhawa.(„‟NFC Award‟‟, 2010, July.9).These revenues are further distributed by provinces among lower levels of the provincial government to run the matters of a province. The NFC Award had been delayed for about last 13 years, which was announced during PPP regime in 2009. (Qudrat Ullah, 2009, Dec.14). The NFC Award, announced by PPP in 2009 was signed in Gwadar by the Finance Ministers of the four provinces and the Federal Government. The 7th NFC Award increased Balochistan's share to 9.09 per cent, made an amount of Rs. 83 billion in the first year of implication. Due to the extraordinary economic requirements of Balochistan, the share of Punjab was dropped by 1.27 per cent, Sindh by 0.39 per cent and the NWFP by 0.26 per cent. This allotment is based on 82 percent weight age to population, 10.3 percent to poverty, 2.5 percent to revenue generation, 2.5 percent to revenue collection and 2.7 percent to area. (Dawn. 31 December, 2009). PPP claimed that the 7th NFC Award was constituted to efficiently address the economic deprivation of all the provinces and their discontent with the federation; especially of Balochistan, because the share of Balochistan had been increased more than it were in past. 209

Table No. 5.13.Share in Total Transfers of Resources to the Provinces under 7th NFC Award 2009-11 1990- 1991- 1996- 1997- 2005- 2007- 2009- 2010- 91 92 97 98 06 08 10 11 Total Federation 33.8 65.8 139.4 131.7 316.0 506.7 718.3 1068.7 Transfer to provinces, (Rs. In Billions) Punjab 55.3 45.1 51.3 47.0 47.1 47.3 47.2 46.7 Sindh 24.0 23.9 24.9 23.8 30.1 29.8 29.3 26.7 KP 12.7 19.0 15.9 17.8 14.4 14.8 15.2 17.1 Balochistan 7.9 12.0 7.9 11.4 8.4 8.0 8.3 9.5 Pakistan 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0

Source: (Pasha, 2011:31)

Table No. 5.14. Per Capita Transfers of Resources by Population 1990-2011 1990- 1991- 1996- 1997- 2005- 2007- 2009- 2010- 91 92 97 98 06 08 10 11 Punjab 0.953 0.778 0.884 0.810 0.821 0.824 0.822 0.815 Sindh 1.030 1.026 1.069 1.021 1.270 1.257 1.235 1.127 KP 0.948 1.418 1.186 1.043 1.043 1.072 1.099 1.234 Balochistan 1.453 2.264 1.491 1.647 1.647 1.569 1.565 1.857 Pakistan 1.000 1.000 1.000 1.000 1.000 1.000 1.000 1.000

Source: (PILDAT, 2012:20)

Baloch people have been blaming the central government responsible for their underdevelopment, political and economic backwardness. But after the NFC award and 18th amendment, Balochistan received extraordinary and exceptional and more autonomy. Balochistan got increased finances and political powers to improve its socio-economic condition. The 18th amendment was a step towards fulfillment of baloch demand for provincial autonomy. They received Rs. 83 billion in 2010-11 compared to Rs. 29 billions in 2009-10. Balochistan was also awarded with Rs.120 billions in gas development surcharge arrears imminent since 1954. The increase in funds and gas price and the repayment of gas arrears helped raise revenue by 95 percent to Rs. 116 billions in 2010-11. (Fazl-eHaider, The Dawn, August, 25, 2012) 210

IV. Baloch Response and Attitude towards 18th Amendment and 7th NFC Award

The Parliamentary Committee on Constitutional Reforms was consisted of representatives from almost 14 political parties and Federally Administered Tribal Area (FATA) to prepare a unanimous draft bill. (Nawa-i-Waqat, April 5, 2010). Senators Mir Hasil Khan Bizenjo of the National Party, Agha Shahid Bugti of the Jamhori Watan Party, and Israrullah Zehri of the Balochistan National Party were the prominent Baloch leaders who signed the 18th Amendment Bill. (Mujahid, 2012:151) Many Baloch nationalist could not get representation in Parliamentary Committee on Constitutional Reforms as they boycotted the general elections 2008.

Although, after the 18th amendment, a large number of legislative powers were transferred to the province as political autonomy, and the fiscal share was raised up to fifty percent according to the demand of baloch nationalists, but the Baloch nationalists completely rejected the constitutional reforms except the National Party. (Mujahid, 2012:152) All major nationalist groups declared that they would not compromise on anything less than full autonomy and independence. To them, no relief from the government was acceptable, and they kept on insisting for an independent Balochistan. After the military operations launched by Musharraf against the baloch insurgents, which could not be stopped even by democratic PPP government, the baloch nationalists were not ready to accept any reconciliation and relief from Pakistan government. Since 2001, there has been an uprising among baloch nationalists and the demand for separation of Balochistan from Pakistan as an independent state had become phenomenon of the day by Baloch militants. Other modest nationalist parties such as BNP and NP have also been demanding provincial autonomy. (The Dawn, 2010, Mar.28). .The PPP government was sure about the constitutional reforms package that it would really tackle the demands of the Baloch nationalists. But almost all the nationalist groups showed distrust on the pledges of government. Habib Jalib, Secretary General of the Balochistan National Party showed his distrust on government because the Frontier Corps check-posts, 211 which were promised to be abolished in Aghaz-e-Huqooq-i- Balochistan package were not removed. He also demanded the right of self-determination and provincial autonomy. He said that, "Pakistan has failed and its constitution has failed to solve the Baloch issue. We want the United Nations to intervene and play the role of a mediator," (Mujahid, 2012: 155). In this way, the biggest Baloch nationalist party; BNP; which used to be considered a slightly moderate in its views and ideology, took a strong stance against constitutional reforms and unconditionally rejected them by saying that the government „April-fooled‟ the Baloch with the constitutional package. (Mujahid, 2012: 155) BNP was not a part of the constitutional committee and the new Concurrent List was entirely unsuitable in the present war-like circumstances in

Balochistan.

They were of the view that the 18th Amendment or the Balochistan package was presented only to trap and suppress them and to divert their attention from their goal; the independent Balochistan. Another incident stimulated violent protests throughout the province with the assassination of BNM president, Ghulam Muhammad Baloch and his two companions, Muneer Ahmed (known as Lala Muneer) and Sher Muhammad, by security forces on April 3, 2009 in Turbat. (Bansal, 2010:269). The most rebellious nationalist party; Balochistan National Movement (BNM) announced its support for the armed struggle of Baloch Liberation Army (BLA). On the other hand, member of the Parliamentary Committee for Constitutional Reforms and Vice-President of the National Party, Senator appreciated the 18th Amendment and called it the biggest success since the 1973 Constitution. He expressed his views that even the most prominent and influential baloch leaders such as Mir Ghaus Bakhsh Bizenjo, Khair Bux Marri and Ataullah Mengal, struggled a lot for the abolition of the concurrent list but they could not convince Zulfiqar Bhutto on their demand, so it should be declared it as a great achievement of baloch people. (Mujahid, 2012:153). Senator Dr. Malik Baloch, President of the National Party and member of the Constitutional Reforms Committee, said that some Baloch demands were accommodated by PPP and the abolition of concurrent list and giving 50 percent share to provinces on oil and gas 212 was a remarkable progress, though the demand for complete provincial autonomy was neglected but even then, ―…it will be disaster if the implementation of 18th amendment is stopped.‖ (Mujahid, 2012:153)

11. Political Development in Balochistan during PML-N Regime (2013-14)

In 2013, the tenure of PPP came to an end and the next general elections were held on 11 May, 2013. This time, PML-N got majority and formed the central government. Nawaz Sharif., the leader of PML-N was selected as Prime Minister of Pakistan.

11.1. Pre Election Violence in Balochistan

Prior to elections, the situation of law and order had got very critical throughout Pakistan especially Balochistan Target killings, bomb blasts, kidnapping and militant assaults on political leaders, government officers, common people and government infrastructure had become the routine of the province. The held of peaceful elections had become a challenge to all the administrative institutes of government. The same issue was being faced by the political parties of Balochistan and they were confused about peaceful elections. On March 12, 2013, the Baloch Liberation Army killed the District Commissioner of the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) in Quetta; Muhammad Ziaullah Qasimi; and also issued a warning, „‟ "We will not let Pakistan hold elections in Balochistan," (Akbar, 2013) the other armed baloch groups; BRA and BLF also showed the same intentions of disrupting the election process in Balochistan. (The Express Tribune, 2013, Feb. 9). The extraordinary challenges of law and order created by violent activities of Taliban, different sectarian group, ethnic nationalists and armed groups of political parties; brought the political parties under pressure. The incident of the assassination of the election officer was a warning to the politicians and they had to limit their election campaigns due to the fear of attacks on their candidates and voters. Sardar Akhtar Mengal, president of the Balochistan National Party (BNP) blamed Pakistan security forces for the 213 situation of Balochistan and said that arrest of the political leaders and extra-judicial killings by security forces had made the election process too difficult to hold. In 2008, major political parties of Balochistan boycotted the general elections just to oppose the military rule and policies of General Pervez Musharraf and as a protest against Akbar Bugti‟s nuredr. Moreover, the military dictatorship made the Baloch people believe that the 2008 elections were a campaign by Pakistani military and intelligence agencies to control their province and their mineral wealth and they were being kept away deliberately from country's civil, armed and foreign services. But their decision of the boycott brought into power a disliked and dishonest government in Balochistan that even the ruling PPP was required to discharge it on January 14, 2013 although the Balochistan government remained under PPP. (Akbar, 2013)

11.2. Baloch Nationalist‘s Attitude towards General Elections 2013

The situation in Balochistan became worse during the democratic period of PPP, the elected government could not do much to alleviate the level of baloch militant resistance during its rule of five years. The PPP government had failed to provide security to the lives and property of the population of Balochistan. The issues of enforced disappearances, target killing, ethno-sectarian violence, and kidnapping for ransom had become a routine matter. These were reasons which were discouraging the political parties to bring themselves into the electoral ground. Apart from the warnings from baloch militant groups and volatile situation of Balochistan, many political parties decided to participate in elections 2013 to get the people of Balochistan their legal rights and for the restoration of democracy. In this regard, the major political parties such as Balochistan National Party Awami, Balochistan National Party, Pakhtun Khawa Milli Awami Party, Jamaat-e-Islami and Jamiat-e- Ulema-e-Islam announced to take part in political process. (The Express Tribune, 2013, Mar.27). The Election Commission of Pakistan tried to convince the political leaders of Balochistan to come forward and participate in electoral process and not to repeat the same blunder as they committed in 2008, when baloch boycott cleared 214 the grounds for an unwanted government. The army chief General Ashfaq Pervaiz Kiyani has also advised the political forces of Balochistan to contest the elections and assured them of security. („‟Baloch Nationalist Parties Participation‟‟, 2013, Apr.9) Till the last week of March, almost all the prominent Baloch nationalist political parties agreed to participate in the elections.

11.3. Election Process 2013 and Balochistan

There was an atmosphere of irregular violence in most parts of the country, and despite an alarming security situation, but the voters turned out in large numbers to caste their votes on May 11, 2013. Fear of attacks overwhelmed the voting process in Balochistan. To ensure peaceful elections and to provide security to the voters and other officials, more than 70,000 security personnel were appointed in different areas of Balochistan. (The Express Tribune, 2013, May.12) particularly in the Baloch-dominated districts although the baloch militant separatist groups such as the BLA, BLF and BRA had threatened the whole population of the province against using their constitutional right to vote. Baloch-dominated districts such as Kech, Panjgur, Awaran remained closed due to the strike call from baloch insurgents, consequently these areas showed a low turnout. It is reported that most of the polling staff did not reach the polling stations in these areas due to the fear of Baloch separatists, in Pakhtun dominated districts, the situation was better when people in a large number came out to caste their votes. (The Express Tribune, 2013, May.12)

11.4. Election Results and Formation of Government

The Pakistan Muslim League (N) under the leadership of Nawaz Sharif won the largest number of seats; 123 of the 272 parliamentary seats, but still it had to secure six more seats to form the government. („‟Nawaz Sharif‟s PML‟‟, 2013, May.14) This shortage of seats resulted in a „‟hung parliament‟‟ where no party was in majority. The PML-N defeated its two political strong rivals; the Pakistan Peoples Party and Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaf. PML-N succeeded to win the support of about 215 nineteen independent candidates to fulfill the requirement and became the winning party to form a simple-majority government. The leader of PML-N, Nawaz Sharif became the new Prime Minister of Pakistan for the third time

Table No. 5.15. Elections 2013 Party Position National Assembly Party Genera Independen Wome Minorities Total l Seats t n Pakistan Muslim League (N) 126 19 26 05 176 Pakistan Peoples Party 31 0 7 1 39 Pakistan Tehraik Insaf 28 0 6 1 35 Muttahida Qaumi Movement 18 0 4 1 23 Jamiat Ulmai Islam (F) 10 0 3 1 14 Pakistan Muslim League (F) 5 0 1 0 6 Jammat Islami 3 0 1 0 4 Pakhtunkha Mili Awami 3 0 1 0 4 Party National Peoples Party 2 0 1 0 3 Pakistan Muslim League 2 0 0 0 2 Awami National Party 1 0 0 0 1 Balochistan National Party 1 0 0 0 1 Qawmi Wattan Party 1 0 0 0 1 National Party 1 0 0 0 1 Pakistan Muslim League (Z) 1 0 0 0 1 All Pakistan Muslim League 1 0 0 0 1 Awami Muslim League 1 0 0 0 1 Awami Jamhuri Ittehad 1 0 0 0 1 Independents 8 0 0 0 8 Total Source: Party Position in Election 2013, retrieved form http://electionpakistani.com/ge2013/party-postion.html on 12 July, 2015

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Table No. 5.16. Elections 2013 Party Position Balochistan Assembly Party General Independent Women Minorities Total Seats Paikistan Muslim 10 5 3 1 19 League-N Pakistan Peoples Party 0 0 0 0 0 Parliamentarian Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaf 0 0 0 0 0 Muttahida Qaumi 0 0 0 0 0 Movement Jamiat-e-Ulema-e-Islam- 6 0 2 0 8 F Pakistan Muslim 5 0 1 0 6 League Pakhtunkhawa Milli 10 0 3 1 14 Awami Party Jamaat-e-Islami 0 0 0 0 0 Pakistan Muslim 0 0 0 0 0 League-F National Party 7 0 2 1 10 0 0 0 0 0 Awami National Party 1 0 0 0 1 Awami Jamhori Ittehad 0 0 0 0 0 Balochistan National 2 0 0 0 2 Party National Peoples Party 0 0 0 0 0 Pakistan Muslim 0 0 0 0 0 League-Z Jamote Qaumi 1 0 0 0 1 Movement

217

Pakistan National 0 0 0 0 0 Muslim League All Pakistan Muslim 0 0 0 0 0 League Bahawalpur National 0 0 0 0 0 Awami Party Majlis Wehdat 1 0 0 0 1 Muslimoon Party IND 3 5 0 0 3 Total 46 5 11 3 65 Source: Party Position, Provincial Assemblies, retrieved from http://ecp.gov.pk/overallpartypositionPA.pdf on 12 July, 2015

11.5. Coalition Government of Baloch and Pakhtun in Balochistan

Nawaz Sharif, as the Prime Minister of Pakistan, made his first effort to calm down the nationalist parties in Balochistan. He met the leaders of PKMAP and National Party and announced the nomination of Dr Abdul Malik of National Party as the Chief Minister of Balochistan, for the designation of Governor, he asked for a nominee from Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party. (The Nation, 2013, Jun. 2)

Nawaz Sharif was of the view that the tensed situation and political distress in Balochistan could only be dealt through good governance and democracy could be the only best solution to eliminate violence. PML-N won 8 out of 51 seats in the provincial assembly of Balochistan while the Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party of Mahmood Khan Achakzai won 9 seats. So, despite having majority in the Provincial Assembly of Balochistan, he decided to set good traditions and the posts of Chief Minister and Governor were given to the coalition partners to address the old grievances of Baloch nationalists because prosperity, development and progress can only be achieved in a peaceful environment. The objective behind bringing the 218 nationalists parties into power in Balochistan was to appease baloch uprising against government and to address their long-held grievance of lack of political representation in the mainstream politics of Pakistan. Abdul Qadir, a newly elected Member of Parliament of PML-N said. ―We are in talks with all nationalist parties, they are our priority and we hope that we will form a coalition government with them, we want to form the government with both the Baluch and Pakhtun nationalist parties,‖ („‟Balochistan:Nawaz Shrif Looks to‟‟, 2013, May. 15) Nawaz Sharif chose Dr Abdul Malik Baloch, as the Chief Minister of Balochistan for many reasons. He is not a tribal sardar, and does not belong to any family of previous rulers. He belongs to an educated middle-class family. (Shahid, The Dawn, June 3, 2013). in the general elections of 1988, he had won a seat in Balochistan Assembly from the platform of Balochistan National Alliance headed by Akbar Bugti and Ataullah Mengal. He is the founder of BNM.

In 2004, the National Party was formed with the merger of Dr Malik‟s BNM and Mir Hasil Khan Bizenjo‟s National Democratic Party. Dr Malik is the most well-liked leader of the National Party. During his election campaign in 2013, he successfully won support from tribal sardars who won their traditional seats. (Shahid, The Dawn, June 3, 2013). The first talk given to Chief Minister Dr Abdul Malik Baloch by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif was to start reconciliation process with the baloch insurgents to stabilize the political and security situation of Balochistan through dialogue. („‟Nawaz Sharif Calls‟‟, 2013, June.11) The settlement of all the issues was necessary for the settlement of baloch constant revolt, and it could be done only by winning their trust so that all the baloch leaders and political parties could be brought into mainstream politics and work for the betterment and development of the neglected province. Nawaz Sharif adopted the policy of joint working to create a friendly atmosphere between central government and baloch nationalists.

The step towards formation of a joint government of Baloch, Pakhtun and Punjabis, and to get all the political parties involved in the political process was appreciated by Baloch and Pakhtun leaders of Balochistan. Leader of PkMAP, Mahmud Khan Achakzai expressed his gladness over broad heartedness showed by Punjab and 219 said that Punjab attitude towards Balochistan was democratic in its real sense and democracy along with political cooperation was highly needed to counter terrorism and corruption and Pakhtun and Baloch would extend full support to Central Government. „‟If Punjab would take one step for friendship and reconciliation, Pakhtuns and Baloch will respond by taking two steps‘‘. (The Nation, 2013, Jun. 2) The gesture of friendship shown by Nawaz Sharif was warmly welcomed by Baloch and Pakhtuns. The representatives of both ethnic groups were happy about his decision to overcome the problems of Balochistan through joint efforts. They assured the central government of PML-N of their full cooperation in government‟s efforts for political peace in the burning region through bringing all the political parties together.

Mir Hasil Bizenjo of National Party appreciated Nawaz Sharif for taking along the leadership of small communities. He also showed his determination that they would not repeat the things that caused bitterness between Balochistan and Central Government during last decade.(The Nation, 2013, Jun. 2). Nawaz Sharif recommended that the civil and military leadership should plan a joint approach to ensure long-lasting peace in Balochistan and the security forces should play their role to secure peace and develop harmony in Balochistan. He insisted that the military and civil leadership should work in collaboration to adopt a combined approach to bring peace. PML-N claimed that it was committed to the resolvution of Baloch problems and would putt it on the way to progress and development.

The Government promised that Balochistan would be providing utmost resources for resolving all the disputes and issues such as shortage of electricity, gas supply, health, education and unemployment. Balochistan was granted Rs 8 billion for completion of Gwadar-Rato Dero and Khuzdar-Naag highways and Rs 10 billion for Kalat-Chaman highway. (The Daily Times, 2014, Jan.31). Nawaz Sharif assured the Baloch people that Gwadar-Khanjrab Highway Project would be an affirmative step towards economic development of Balochistan and would create numerous jobs for them. in addition, 90 percent of revenue earned thorough the highway would be 220 given to the provinces that the highway passes through. PML-N was intended to provide solar energy in rural and remote areas for agriculture and household purposes. ―This program on one hand redresses power shortage problem for the domestic consumers, on the other it would provide sufficient power for agriculture purpose.‖ (The Daily Times, 2014, Jan.31) The prime minister announced a Youth Business Loan program for the establishment of small business.

In the beginning of their tenure, the PML-N was determined to eliminate terrorism and sectarianism from not only Balochistan but from all parts of Pakistan. Regarding the problem of sectarian violence in Balochistan, the federal government promised to ruin all the violent and militant organizations involved in terrorist activities. All these promises made by Nawaz Sharif in the initial days of PML-N regime, were higly admired and appreciated by Baloch nationalist political leaders.

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CHAPTER SIX

Economic Development and Baloch Nationalism 228

1. Economic Condition of Balochistan

The economic development of Balochistan has always been a great subject of confrontation between the Baloch people and federal government. Despite other political issues, the problem of economic development and maximum control over the natural resources of Balochistan has been a key factor in all the major conflicts between Baloch nationalists and federal government of Pakistan. This is also one of the main causes behind Baloch demand for a separate and independent land. The Baloch nationalists have always been blaming federal government for keeping Baloch people economically suppressed and deprived of their rights over their own resources. In fact there are many other hurdles in the economic development of this province, the region is mostly mountainous with large number of areas which are located in remote places and are almost unapproachable moreover the problem of a thin population is a big hurdle in development and progress. The 6.51 million population of Balochistan is spread over a huge area of about 347190 sq. kilometers, which constitute a very low population mass of 18.8 persons per square kilometer. Small population which is broadly scattered with a rural nature and style of life and poverty, are the major obstructions in the economic development of Balochistan.

The economic development of Balochistan highly requires the enormous investment to develop basic infrastructure and provide basic facilities of education, source of income and health to the Baloch people to lift and improve their living standards. The process of economic development in Balochistan has been going on a very slow pace because of the low population density, lack of basic facilities and the absence of proper infrastructure. Balochistan is a richest land in terms of natural resources yet the poorest province of Pakistan. The natural resources of the province have been under developed and remained idle for a long time. These numerous natural resources of the land which include not only mineral deposits of precious stones and metals like iron, copper and uranium but also valuable and vast energy sources such as gas, oil and coal, can be utilized to gain the highest economic development. The proper utilization of these natural resources can turn Balochistan into one of the 229 richest regions of the world. The coastal areas of Balochistan have also been remained underdeveloped inspite of their strategic importance and economic potential. Balochistan has always been least developed and behind in terms of economic and social development as compared to the other provinces of Pakistan. Since Balochistan has been given the status of the fourth province of Pakistan in 1972, the economy of Balochistan has prolonged 2.7 times by the year 2005 which is the smallest long-term growth in all the other provinces during the same time period. During the last decade, Balochistan‟s contribution to Pakistan‟s GDP has remained about only 4 percent. (Gazdar, 2007:3)

2. Population Density in Balochistan

According to the Census 1998, the population of Balochistan was estimated at 6.6 million, about 5 percent of the total population of Pakistan. Using the inter-censal growth rate per district, the current population is close to 8.8 million. And according to Government statistics, this is estimated as 8.5 million in 2014. In urban areas, houses and other buildings are generally made of cemented material. But the informal settlements in the poor urban residential areas, houses are also built of mud and concrete mix. In rural regions, residential and other structures are often made of mud. There are about 9,000 rural settlements meagerly spread across the province. („‟Balochistan Profile‟‟, 2012, Apr.11) The urban growth rate is about 4.5% per annum. There is also a tendency of migration from rural to urban areas due to the facilities of electricity, water and gas supply which is causing a negative effect on the rural economy byputting pressure on the urban infrastructure and services.

Quetta was found the highly populated district with about 750,000 people in the Census of 1998. Jafferabad and Turbat got second highest rate of over 400,000 populations. The average rate for Balochistan was about 2.5 percent, districts of Awaran, Kalat, Turbat and Sherani had growth rates of less than one percent. (UNDP, 2011:.3). in Quetta, Jafferabad and Qila Abdullah, it exceeded 100 persons per sq. km. Density was as low as 4 persons per sq. km. in the southern districts of 230

Awaran and Kharan. Overall, the population density in Balochistan was just below 19 persons per sq. km., compared to an average of 166.3 persons per sq. km. for Pakistan as a whole. (UNDP, 2011:.3)

Table No. 6.1. Demography of Balochistan Population Census 1998 6.5 million/5 % of total population of Pakistan Current Estimated Population 8.5 million (2014) Rural Population 76.1% Urban Population 23.9% Growth Rate 2.36% Population Density 23 persons per km Total Fertility Rate 4.08% Population Doubling Estimated 30 years Time Net Addition in 1 Year 176000 Source: Population Welfare Department, Government of Balochistan, retrieved from http://www.balochistan.gov.pk/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=1271&Itemi d=100430 on 1 June, 2015

Table No. 6.2. District wise Statistics on Population and Land Mass

District Annua Populatio Projected Area Populatio Urban l n 1998 Populatio Sq.Km n Density Proportio Growt n 2010 n h Rate Awaran 0.40 118,173 123,972 29,510 4.00 ----- Barkhan 3.09 103,545 149,186 3,514 29.50 7.4 Bolan 1.15 288,056 330,421 7,499 38.40 13.7 Chaghi 2.95 104,534 148,175 50,545 4.00 17.7 Dera Bugti 3.33 181,310 268,620 10,160 17.80 8.5 Gwadar 2.99 185,498 264,168 12,637 14.70 5.4 Jafferabad 2.92 432,817 611,367 2,445 177.00 19.8 Jhal Magsi 2.86 109,941 154,212 3,615 30.40 7.4 Kalat 0.76 237,834 260,454 6,622 35.90 14.2 231

Kharan 3.11 116,541 168,302 48,051 4.30 13.4 Khuzdar 2.45 417,466 558,168 35,380 11.80 28.3 Kohlu 2.00 99,846 126,629 7,610 13.10 9.7 Lasbela 3.03 312,695 447,389 15,153 20.60 36.9 Loralai 1.40 297,555 351,579 9,830 30.30 11.8 Mastung 1.31 164,645 192,476 5,896 27.90 14.7 Musakhel 2.29 134,056 175,908 5,728 23.40 8.6 Naseeraba 3.86 245,894 387,372 3,387 72.60 15.6 d Panjgur 2.23 234,051 304,966 16,891 13.90 9.1 Pishin 3.57 367,183 559,359 7,819 47.00 6.3 Q.Abdullah 4.46 370,269 625,054 3,293 112.40 15.3 Q.Saifullah 1.58 193,553 233,614 6,831 28.30 13.1 Quetta 4.13 759,941 1,235,066 2,653 286.40 74.4 Sibi 3.43 103,746 155,500 7,796 23.10 32.1 Turbat 0.50 413,204 438,690 22,539 18.30 16.6 Zhob 1.81 193,458 239,923 20,297 13.60 15.9 Ziarat 0.21 33,340 34,190 1,489 22.40 1.9 Nushki 3.27 98,030 144,228 ------Harnai 3.90 76,652 121,314 ------Sherani 0.22 81,684 83,867 ------Washuk 3.05 90,368 129,596 ------Total 2.47 6,565,885 8,799,421 347,19 18.9 23.9 Balochista 0 n Source: Population Census 1998, Population Census Organization, Government of Pakistan.

3. Economic Strength of Balochistan

There are many factors that can be counted as growth pillars for the economic structure of Balochistan. There are much dissimilarities between Balochistan and the other provinces in terms of potential sectors of economic growth. The other three provinces of Pakistan have comparatively more population than that of Balochistan so these provinces enjoy a labor-abundant economy with potential growth in agricultural industrial, manufacturing and other service sectors, Balochistan is comparatively behind in terms of human resources, agricultural growth and industrial investment due to the small population. The service sector of Balochistan is the only sector which has growth potential and is closely connected with the national and other regional economies. The following table shows the economic contribution and 232 activities going on in different districts of Balochistan as the major source of livelihood of the population of these areas:

Table No. 6.3. Economic Figures of Districts of Balochistan

Sr. District Economic Activity No. 1 Dera Bugti Sui Gas Plants and Wells 2 Awaran Live Stock and Agriculture 3 Barkhan Live Stock and Agriculture 4 Kachchi Live Stock and Agriculture 5 Chaghi Agriculture and Copper Mining 6 Gwadar Gwadar Sea Port, Fisheries, Live Stock and Gas Pipelines 7 Jaffar Abad Live Stock and Agriculture 8 Jhal Magsi Live Stock and Agriculture 9 Kalat Live Stock, Agriculture, Oil and Gas. 10 Kech Live Stock and Agriculture 11 Kharan Live Stock and Agriculture 12 Kohlu Oil, Gas Live Stock and Agriculture 13 Zhob Live Stock and Agriculture 14 Khuzdar Live Stock and Agriculture 15 Killa Abdullah Live Stock and Agriculture 16 Killa Saifullah Live Stock and Agriculture 17 Lasbela Oil, Gas, Livestock and Dadr Zinc Project 18 Loralai Live Stock and Agriculture 19 Mastung Live Stock and Agriculture 20 Musakhel Live Stock and Agriculture 21 Naseerabad Live Stock and Agriculture 22 Panjgur Oil, Gas, Live Stock and Agriculture 23 Pishin Live Stock and Agriculture 24 Quetta Agriculture and Business 25 Sibi Livestock 26 Ziarat Tourism, Live Stock and Agriculture 27 Washik Agriculture 28 Nushki Live Stock and Agriculture 29 Harnai Live Stock Source: Majeed, Gulshan, (2011). National Integration of Pakistan: A Socio-Political Analysis of Balochistan, (1972-2005), PhD Thesis, Department of Political Science, University of the Punjab, Lahore. pp. 88-90

It is evident from the above table that the economy of Balochistan revolves around the following sectors and these are the growth pillars of Balochistan: 233

 Agriculture  Livestock  Fisheries  Mining and Energy Resources  Development Projects of Infrastructure

4. Agriculture and the Economic Development

The contribution of agriculture to the economy of a region or state is very much significant. Agriculture and related occupations are helpful in reducing unemployment and in making the people as well as the region, self-sufficient and independent in terms of food and money. Agriculture sector of Balochistan contributes almost 52pc to Balochistan‟s GDP and can be called the backbone of the rural economy where it is the main source of income for the majority of Baloch people. (The Dawn, 2015, Apr. 16). Like other parts of Pakistan, the people and economy of Balochistan also depends much on agriculture, but since Balochistan is mostly a dry and barren land with constant water shortage and continual droughts, agriculture in Balochistan depends on non-staple high-value products. The high altitude northern areas are focused mainly on horticulture, while field crops are cultivated in the irrigated northeast regions that are close to the Indus Basin. Agriculture sector contributes one-third of the provincial GDP and is a main source of income for more than 40 percent of the labor force, and provides a livelihood to more than half of the Baloch population. („‟Balochistan Economy, 2014, April.28) The agricultural crops contribute about three-fifths of Balochistan's agricultural value- added. In the rural arrears of Balochistan, almost one out of two families is involved in agricultural activities as crop farmers or agricultural laborer. Crop production is an essential factor in raising rural incomes and reducing poverty. The crop cultivation sector has been going through various ups and downs for the last many years. The value of production experienced a rapid increase during the decade of 1900s, but later on, the severe and constant droughts during 1999 and then in 2002-03 caused a remarkable decline in the production volume by about 7 percent. So, Balochistan 234 had to shift its agricultural production from food crops to higher value crops like vegetables and fruits and this step compensated for the decline in the value of production. Water supply is a major required restriction on the development of cultivated land, that‟s why only about 6 percent of Balochistan's area is under cultivation and the fluctuations in crop production and the area under crops are generally related to the availability of water. There has been some increase in productivity per hectare, especially for wheat, but yields for most crops remain lower than in other provinces. Being the largest province of Pakistan, Balochistan has gifted with a high potential to cultivate and produce wheat and other crops in huge and remarkable quantity that are directly helpful in the development of economic condition of the province and of Pakistan too. On the basis of different ecological factors, Balochistan is divided into five ecological zones where more than 65 crops are cultivated during Rabi and Kharif seasons.(Majeed, 2011:80). The area of Chaghi, about 4.5 million hectares is considered most suitable for wheat cultivation. Due to its location in an arid zone, only 2.6 million acres of the total land of Balochistan is under cultivation.

I. Production of Food Crops

Food crops which are grown in Balochistan include wheat, maize, rice, jowar, barley and bajra. The regions of their cultivation have been explained in chapter one. Any other detail in this regard will be a repetition. Now the following tables illustrate the area under cultivation and production rate of different food crops in Balochistan.

Table No. 6.4. Under Cultivation Area of Food Crops in Balochistan

Area in ‘’000’’ Hectares Year Wheat Rice Maize Jowar Bajra Barley Total 2000-01 324.4 142.9 2.5 19.2 0.6 20.8 510.4 2001-02 333.6 116.5 2.7 17.5 0.5 21.2 492.0 2002-03 340.8 163.6 2.9 21.3 0.4 21.1 550.1 2003-04 340.9 159.8 5.2 23.8 0.3 20.8 550.8 2004-05 343.1 161.5 5.2 21.8 0.6 17.5 549.7 2005-06 310.0 206.4 5.5 34.8 1.1 15.8 573.6 2006-07 408.9 193.9 5.9 37.2 1.3 17.2 664.4 2007-08 410.5 136.2 5.4 28.2 3.8 17.6 601.7 235

2008-09 408.9 190.1 5.5 29.7 3.4 15.8 653.5 Source: Crops Area and Production (By Districts) (1981-82 to 2008-09), Government of Pakistan, Statistic Division, Federal Bureau of Statistics (Economic Wing) Vol. 1. page.5 Table no. 6.5. Production of Food Crops in Balochistan

Production in "000" Tonnes Year Wheat Rice Maize Jowar Bajra Barley Total 2000-01 614.2 412.1 2.5 17.3 0.4 24.3 1070.8 2001-02 640.6 335.2 2.9 16.0 0.3 25.0 1020.0 2002-03 654.7 467.4 3.1 18.8 0.2 24.8 1169.0 2003-04 663.4 412.6 5.2 20.7 0.2 24.5 1126.6 2004-05 637.6 421.6 5.3 19.0 0.5 20.4 1104.4 2005-06 649.9 529.1 6.2 29.0 0.8 19.1 1234.1 2006-07 872.1 478.2 6.5 30.8 0.9 21.2 1409.7 2007-08 868.6 331.4 5.0 21.2 2.2 22.2 1250.6 2008-09 868.2 643.7 6.2 25.1 2.1 20.0 1565.2 Source: Government of Pakistan, Statistic Division, Federal Bureau of Statistics (Economic Wing) Crops Area and Production (By Districts) (1981-82 to 2008-09), Vol. 1. page.5

II. Production of Cash Crops

The cash crop of Balochistan includes cotton, sugar cane, tobacco and guar seed. The following tables illustrate the details about the regions on cultivation and production statistics.

Table No. 6.6. Regions of Cultivation of Cash Crops

Cash Crop Regions of Cultivation Cotton Chagai, Loralai, Musa Khail, Barkhan, Kohlu, Kachhi, Sibi, Dera Bugti, Nasirabad, Jafferabad, Bolan, Khuzdar, Awaran, Kharan, Lasbela, Jhal Magsi Sugarcane Sibi, Musa Khail, Nasirabad, Jafferabad, Tomboo, Kachchi, Lasbela. Guar Seed Sibi, Kachchi, Nasirabad, Jafferabad, Tomboo, Bolan, Khuzdar, Kharan, Lasbela, Turbat, Gwadar, Jhal Magsi Tobacco Pishin, Killa Abdullah, Loralai, Musa Khail, Barkhan, Zhob, Killa Saifullah, Kohlu, Jhal Magsi Source: Government of Pakistan, Statistic Division, Federal Bureau of Statistics (Economic Wing) Crops Area and Production (By Districts) (1981-82 to 2008-09), Vol. 1. P 120- 204

236

The details of statistics on area and production are as under:

Table No.6.7 Under Cultivation Area of Cash Crops in Balochistan

Area in Hectares Year Cotton Tobacco Sugarcane Guarseed Total 2001-02 40400.0 1045.0 700.0 2137.0 44282.0 2002-03 40800.0 1335.0 800.0 1606.0 44541.0 2003-04 39100.0 1412.0 800.0 1951.0 43263.0 2004-05 37100.0 1633.0 400.0 2071.0 41204.0 2005-06 37800.0 2083.0 300.0 3239.0 43422.0 2006-07 41600.0 2368.0 500.0 6997.0 51465.0 2007-08 21900.0 1794.0 500.0 6931.0 31125.0 2008-09 34550.0 1883.0 770.0 8594.0 45797.0 Source: Government of Pakistan, Statistic Division, Federal Bureau of Statistics (Economic Wing) Crops Area and Production (By Districts) (1981-82 to 2008-09), Vol. 1. p. 106

The Following table shows the average production of each cash crop:

Table. No. 6.8 Production of Cash Crops in Balochistan

Production in Tones Year Cotton Tobacco Sugarcane Guarseed Total 2001-02 20292.6 1519.0 35000.0 1433.0 58244.6 2002-03 22146.6 1933.0 40600.0 1046.0 65725.6 2003-04 16652.5 2039.0 38600.0 1141.0 58432.5 2004-05 16040.1 2361.0 22500.0 1228.0 42129.1 2005-06 16618.5 2973.0 14500.0 1925.0 36016.5 2006-07 18268.4 3357.0 25300.0 4543.0 51468.4 2007-08 9593.5 2586.0 28100.0 3820.0 44099.5 2008-09 15167.5 2717.0 37870.0 5223.0 60977.5 Source: Government of Pakistan, Statistic Division, Federal Bureau of Statistics (Economic Wing) Crops Area and Production (By Districts) (1981-82 to 2008-09), Vol. 1. p 106

III. Fruit Production

Balochistan produces various varieties of fruits. The details about areas of cultivation and quantity of production are as under: 237

Table No. 6.9. Area under Fruit Production

Area in Hectares Fruit 2004-05 2005-06 2006-07 2007-08 2008- 09 Citrus 1338 1339 1340 1340 1418 Mango 1409 1403 1403 1518 1535 Banana 1470 386 388 388 525 Apple 101948 102273 102802 103279 102951 Grapes 12768 12886 13631 15080 15118 Pomegranates 10723 10726 11013 11026 11022 Guava 591 596 598 600 575 Dates 48126 48136 48152 50766 50862 Apricot 26496 26596 26908 28901 28710 Peach 9469 9514 9616 9499 9500 Pear 97 97 147 147 149 Plum 3867 3893 3960 3968 3839 Almond 9923 10006 10470 10717 10659 Fig 115 115 82 85 85 Loquat 51 51 51 51 51 Chikoo 540 591 596 596 610 Coconut 1122 1122 1123 1123 1124 Cherry 1173 1181 978 1003 995 Pistachio 171 201 185 189 190 Papaya 812 837 838 840 849 Melons 12015 12278 11887 12565 12260 Others 1371 1414 1249 1496 1668 Total 245595 245641 247417 255177 254695 Source: Government of Pakistan, Ministry of Food & Agriculture (Economic Wing), Fruits, Vegetables & Condiments Statistics of Pakistan, 2008-09, Islamabad. pp. 9-10

Table No. 6.10. Production of Fruits

Production in Tones Fruit 2004-05 2005-06 2006-07 2007-08 2008-09 Citrus 6035 6120 5805 8419 8407 Mango 6469 6479 5818 8523 8541 Banana 2931 3631 190 7291 5726 Apple 220280 220896 219535 313605 306534 Grapes 47701 47449 45229 74009 74758 Pomegranate 31619 31661 29835 39468 43604 Guava 2578 2845 2587 3765 3718 Dates 252161 252317 172131 249694 248594 Apricot 187167 178694 158338 220276 218601 238

Peach 18149 18233 17734 25333 25362 Pear 431 431 455 659 673 Plum 26338 26454 26333 37345 35128 Almond 21667 21883 21944 25710 25588 Fig 171 182 149 217 217 Loquat 192 192 192 279 279 Chikoo 3282 3277 1933 2798 3131 Coconut 7075 7075 7094 10286 10286 Cherry 2017 2080 1629 2321 2314 Pistachio 597 632 536 773 773 Papaya 4528 4475 3599 5218 5166 Melons 137513 140923 137285 79842 142072 Others 4171 4240 3083 6214 6265 Total 983072 980169 861434 1122045 1175737 Source: Government of Pakistan, Ministry of Food & Agriculture (Economic Wing), Fruits, Vegetables & Condiments Statistics of Pakistan, 2008-09, Islamabad. pp. 10

IV. Vegetables Cultivation

The vegetables of Balochistan are grown both in Kharif and Rabi season. The details about vegetables and production are as under:

Table No. 6.11. Area under Vegetable Cultivation (Hectares)

Vegetable 2004-05 2005-06 2006-07 2007-08 2008-09 Kharif Season Vegetables

Lady Finger 2882 2877 2868 2737 2748 Squash 722 765 550 526 442 Brinjal 1075 1131 1187 1580 1130 Bitter Gourd 463 582 524 483 458 Bottle Gourd 379 426 486 438 462 Pumpkin 1145 1214 891 868 819 Lufa 396 418 276 213 132 Cucumber 470 605 631 772 741 Tomato 4762 5196 5604 9069 8014 Others 659 606 380 401 398 Total 12953 13820 13397 17087 15344 Rabi Season Vegetables Radish 1188 1668 1632 1719 1536 Turnip 1334 1378 1248 1523 1298 Carrot 3329 3445 2934 2952 3100 Spinach 1298 1251 891 939 1812 239

Cauliflower 1212 1430 1703 2104 2665 Cabbage 415 494 605 621 651 Peas 770 743 907 1283 1298 Sugar Beet 306 306 109 2 2 Tomato 9596 10179 11412 11468 10954 Beans 622 608 631 610 622 Others 445 525 478 607 642 Total 20515 22027 22550 23828 24580 G. Total 33468 35847 35947 40915 39924 Potatoes 3268 2796 2815 3140 2302 Source: Government of Pakistan, Ministry of Food & Agriculture (Economic Wing), Fruits, Vegetables & Condiments Statistics of Pakistan, 2008-09, Islamabad. P. 19

Table No. 6.12. Production of Vegetables in Tones

Vegetable 2004-05 2005-06 2006-07 2007-08 2008-09 Kharif Season Vegetables Lady Finger 17064 17138 17162 6822 16710 Squash 4526 4850 3594 2305 2864 Brinjal 7920 8342 8759 7745 8348 Bitter Gourd 3922 5098 4597 1998 3761 Bottle Gourd 3120 3390 3505 2380 3605 Pumpkin 10031 10790 8042 4364 7419 Lufa 2571 2731 1799 570 859 Cucumber 3462 4452 4655 3550 5415 Tomato 38411 42325 46065 41065 62365 Others 3703 3479 2348 696 2427 Total 94730 102595 100526 71495 113773 Rabi Season Vegetables Radish 20043 28320 27705 29228 26269 Turnip 21078 21908 19586 24076 20758 Carrot 57823 59620 51199 51644 54431 Spinach 22048 21267 15646 16486 32208 Cauliflower 19798 23704 27760 33822 44083 Cabbage 6486 7690 9426 9670 10154 Peas 8749 8445 10367 14531 14701 Sugar Beet 6732 6732 2349 43 43 Tomato 143249 151308 170099 171281 164302 Beans 5857 5717 5938 5778 5879 Others 5792 6914 6307 8046 8431 Total 317655 341625 346382 364605 381259 G. Total 412385 444220 446908 436100 495032 Potatoes 47463 41478 41830 31711 34608 Source: Government of Pakistan, Ministry of Food & Agriculture (Economic Wing), Fruits, Vegetables & Condiments Statistics of Pakistan, 2008-09, Islamabad. P. 20 240

V. Condiments of Balochistan

The following table shows the production and areas of the cultivation of condiments.

Table No. 6.13. Production and Areas of Condiments of Balochistan

Condiments 2004-05 2005-06 2006-07 2007-08 2008-09 Area in Hectares Onion 31422 38077 38185 46044 32533 Garlic 251 273 214 166 686 Chilies 2333 2582 2868 4207 4230 Coriander 3035 2877 3054 2982 2630 Production in Tones Onion 578697 699209 701620 742605 607015 Garlic 2183 2365 1676 1384 5995 Chilies 3372 3797 4199 2994 6179 Coriander 1613 1512 1606 1571 1423 Source: Government of Pakistan, Ministry of Food & Agriculture (Economic Wing), Fruits, Vegetables & Condiments Statistics of Pakistan, 2008-09, Islamabad. (December, 2009) P. 22

4.1. Major Challenges in the Development of Agriculture Sector

The agriculture sector in Balochistan is facing a number of problems that are creating obstacles in the development of agriculture. Due to these challenges, the agriculture in Balochistan is hardly able to play a vital role in the economic development of the province. The most important challenges can be identified as follows.

I. Lack of Proper Water Sources

In Balochistan, the usual and regular sources of water like canals, tube wells and others ways of irrigation are mostly out of the reach of the farmers and the majority of people have to rely upon rainfall or flood water. The water gained from rainfall is not always sufficient for a proper growth as the most land areas are located in the barren and dry zone. In years of low rainfall or low flood water, the production from these farms decreases significantly. This factor has a direct affect on the income of many farmers too. 241

II. Dominance of Small Farms

The Baloch farmers have mostly small agricultural holdings, the majority has an area of less than ten hectares for cultivation and there are other farmers in large number who possess an area of less than only two hectares. (World Bank Report, 2013:51). This small size of land for cultivation is not suitable for the use of heavy agricultural machinery, these limitations result in less productivity and does not meet the requirements of the market. With the result, the small farmers can not earn sufficient amount. Their low income makes it difficult for them to use more advanced methods of production.

III. Limited Job Creation

Due to the small size of farms, there is no opportunity of employment from out side the family. About 96 percent of farmers do no hire labor and all the matters are looked after only by the family members of the farmers. Among farms of less than 10 hectares, only 2 percent of the farmers employ permanently hired labor. (World Bank Report, 2013:52)

IV. Lack of Quality Inputs

The majority of farmers in Balochistan are not able to utilize quality seeds and proper fertilizer. Most of the seed dealers are located in central Balochistan and due to the long distances between markets and small farms; the distribution of seeds is a difficult task for the private sector. Therefore, the unavailability of proper seeds and fertilizers results in lower yield and the agriculture productivity has to suffer a lot.

V. Inadequate Allocations for Development

Although, the agriculture sector including livestock is the main source of livelihood for majority of the Baloch population, but the Annual Development Plans of government have not been appropriately designed to fulfill all the requirements of this significant sector. According to the World Bank report, ‗‘It received only 3.5 percent share of the provincial Annual Development Plan in 2004-05. Moreover, the 242 share decreased from 7.6 percent in 2002-03. Even including water, the share of development funding declined from 42 percent in 2002-03 to less than 15 percent in 2004-05.‘‘ (World Bank Report, 2013:52)

VI. Disorganized Policies For Water Use

The agriculture sector is facing great injustice in the distribution of public-sector support to rural population since it has not been provided any aid from the Government of Balochistan in the form of subsidizing electricity for tube wells use. This negligence results in the waste of both water and electricity. The over pumping of water has seriously lowered the water table in numerous districts of Balochistan and has led to the pulling out of groundwater. In districts with a large population, the level of underground water has decreased so low that the electric tube wells are bored to a depth of more than 1000 feet to reach the water. The reason behind this imbalance is the huge subsidy which is provided to only about 2.5 percent of the crop farmers of Balochistan and the majority of farmers are neglected. Moreover, the farmers using electric tube wells for water supply and irrigation are generally richer than those using diesel operated tube wells, or those relying on Sailaba or Khushkaba.

VII. Improper Access to Markets and Poor Information Systems

In Balochistan, the agricultural marketing system is full of flaws and weak. The clearance of the profitable produce is totally dependent upon consumer markets which are located in distant areas of the country. This inadequate system restricts the direct contact of farmers and growers to the agricultural markets and marketing information. So they have to be totally dependent on contractors or middlemen for the sale of their production. It causes a lot of financial loss to the farmers. Moreover, there are no proper storage facilities available to the farmers. The deficiency of refrigerated transport for fruits and vegetables, and the lack of processing and packaging facilities further deteriorate the marketing system of agricultural products.

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VIII. Lack of Proper Financial Policies

Recently, the agriculture in Balochistan is progressing with improvement in farm growth and the production of cotton, apples, vegetables and rice has been claimed to have increased but the agriculture in the province is still overwhelmed by numerous multifaceted problems. Small-scale Baloch farmers are not able to invest in their land to grow more crops due to severe financial restriction and poverty. Although, the farmers are given the option to take loans from banks under exploitative and manipulative terms and conditions, but these loans do not contribute much in the development of poor farmers as the terms and conditions of the banks and the amount of interest further compress the farmers financially. Thus they are never unable to come out of poverty. In addition, the rise and fall in the price of agricultural productions really destroys the economic conditions of the farmers. Moreover there are no proper and adequate policy formulations by the Government on provincial level. The farmers are neither provided with modern agricultural training nor are they equipped with new and advanced crop technologies. This type of negligence and lack of beneficial plans and policies is a big constraint in the development of agriculture sector and the improvement of crop yield. No comprehensive survey has been carried out by the Provincial Government of Balochistan to determine the problems and difficulties of farmers. (The Dawn, 2015, April. 16)

4.2. Provincial Government Plans for the Development of Agriculture

The agriculture sector of Balochistan is of major economic significance as it has the potential to make the province self-reliance for food and can give greatest employment prospects to the Baloch people. Therefore, it is the responsibility of the government to utilize maximum potential of the agriculture sector by introducing latest modern techniques and advanced trainings about traditional and cash crops to the farmers. A Model Floriculture Farms project in collaboration with Balochistan Floriculture Association is being launched by the Balochistan Horticulture 244

Cooperative Society. The objective of the project is to introduce floriculture business as a potential source of earnings for the farmers of the province with a corresponding grant support of Agribusiness Support Fund (ASF). The project also includes the development of floriculture industry through education and training to the farmers. In this regard, the government of Balochistan is putting efforts for the establishment of markets, cold storage facilities and Information Technology Infrastructure. The project is designed into two phases. Firstly, eight model floriculture farms have been established in different areas of Balochistan while in the second phase, a Flower Market is planned to be established in Quetta. Another plan of developing information technology infrastructure to provide online information to the farmers regarding trading and the market rates of their commodity is also in progress. (Ahad, 2012, Dec.6). The present chief minister of Balochistan, Dr. Abdul Malik Baloch has announced the year of 2015 as the year of growers, livestock farmers and fishermen. (The Daily Times, 2015, Apr. 8). The government of Balochistan is fully aware of the fact that the development of agriculture, livestock and fisheries sectors, and latest training to growers, cattle farmers and fishermen would add a lot to eliminate the backwardness and poverty in the province. As agriculture in Balochistan is facing the very serious matter of reduction of water table, it is the biggest need of the time that farmers should be imparted latest scientific training and education which would facilitate them in the cultivation of such crops and fruits which require less water. A large portion of Baloch population depends on livestock and the government should take solid steps to provide guidance and support to livestock farmers to increase cattle breeding. Through the modern techniques Balochistan can become self-sufficient in the production of fruits, crops, agri commodities and meat. In addition, the development of agriculture sector would bring huge foreign exchange through export of these products. “The provincial government would soon organize a convention of experts in Quetta in order to create awareness among the people associated with agriculture, livestock and fisheries, while also inviting progressive farmers from all the districts to the event, The government is serious to focus on imparting training to fishermen, ensuring international stranded packing for fish products and seeking a better market for fish.‖ 245

(The Daily Times, 2015, Apr. 8). The chief minister has also announced two projects of cutting wool and qualitative processing and packing with the cooperation of Australia in Balochistan. The government of Balochistan is determined to revitalize natural pastures too. (The Daily Times, 2015, Apr. 8).

5. Live stock/Dairy Sector in the Economic Development

The people of Balochistan have been involved in livestock rising throughout the centuries. It is the oldest occupation of the Baloch people. And it still has the status of the major occupation where 73 percent of the total Baloch population is relying on it as a source of their livelihood. It is a fact that almost 93 percent of Balochistan is considered rangeland and the problems of overgrazing, water shortages, and droughts have led to a major loss of natural meadows and at present only 33 percent of the total land is practically available as grazing land. Livestock rearing is found mostly in the central and western districts. („‟Balochistan Economy‟‟,2014, April.28). Livestock in Balochistan is a major sector housing about 20 percent of the national stock. In-spite of ecological limitations and being arid and semi-arid province, live stock sector contributed 8 percent to the total GDP of Balochistan in 2010 at present the Livestock contributes 55 percent of Agriculture value added, 11.4 percent of National GDP of Pakistan and more than 47 percent in the economy of Balochistan. (Govt. of Balochistan, Web Document, 2015: 4) At present only 28 percent rangelands are considered fair to good for livestock production. Hence, except for some areas of upper and lower highlands in North Eastern part of Balochistan having best ranges of the province which support 76 percent of the livestock, the southern plains with big land mass have the poorest ranges support only 24 percent of the livestock population. Livestock has always been a part of the socio-cultural and socioeconomic life of Baloch people.

The animal resources play very fundamental role in the economy of Balochistan and have a socioeconomic importance in poverty reduction and food security. The population of small ruminant in Balochistan has a considerable portion of the total 246 population. The sheep population is about of about 48 percent and goats population constitutes 22 percent of Pakistan where sheep are 46 percent in the entire sheep population of the country.

Table No. 6.14. Live stock Population Census Balochistan 2014

Sr. No Live Stock Estimated Population 1 Cattles 3,802,156 2 Buffaloes 679,276 3 Sheep 14,748,207 4 Goats 14,438,994 5 Camels 428,034 6 Horses 83,555 7 Mules 13,973 8 Asses 570,875 9 Poultry 6,885,238 Source. Live Stock & Dairy Development Department, Balochistan, Web Document, January 2015. p 11 retrieved from www.balochistan.gov.pk

5.1. Major Problems of Livestock Sector

In Balochistan, there are numerous factors which restrict and affect the output of animals and the development of live stock sector. These factors include animal diseases, shortage of vegetation on ranges and reduced marketing facilities. The policies relating to livestock agriculture are not always friendly. Unfortunately, there is no government for the livestock farmers for live stock education and training according to the modern techniques. (Govt. Web Document, 2015:4). The land of Balochistan has always been a victim of constant droughts and is again passing through another phase of drought these days. Droughts badly affect the survival of livestock and agriculture which are the foundations of economy of Balochistan. It is reported that about 20 to 25 percent livestock are damaged by drought and perished only in Naushki district. The situation is serious in Khuzdar, Kharan and other districts due to delay in providing them any relief by the government. Droughts always result in the lack of drinking water and vegetation and this deficiency directly 247 harm the livestock sector as the milk production declines due to the shortage of fodder and water. This situation causes nutritional and income problems for the farmers. Moreover, droughts cause reduction of water reservoirs and damage to different crops that would lead to a rise in food prices. Insufficient food intake causes malnutrition and different diseases both in animals and farmers. According to Provincial Disaster Management Authority, 29 out of 32 districts were affected by the drought. (The Daily Times, 2015, Mar.17)

5.2. Economic Contribution of Live Stock

The livestock not only a great source of food production but they also are used in different products which can generate profit to support the economy of a region and a state as well.

I. Meat Live stock is the only source to provide meat as a major food item.

II. Milk Mammalian livestock such as buffaloes, goats, camels and sheep are a source of milk. Moreover the milk gained from these animals is further used in the making of other dairy products like yogurt, cheese and butter.

II. Fiber Livestock produce a range of fiber and textiles. High quality of wool is collected through Sheep and goats. In addition, the skin of cows and sheep are processed to get leather. Bones, hooves and horns of livestock are also used in different products.

IV. Fertilizers Manure of live stock is used as a natural fertilizer on fields to increase crop yields. In the rural areas, the manure is also used in house building as plaster for walls and floors. It is also used as a fuel in stoves. The blood and bone of animals are also used in making different products like fertilizers and other chemicals. 248

V. Labor and Transport Animals such as horses and donkey have always been used as a mode of transport throughout the centuries and in the present time they can be used for mechanical energy as well. In ancient times, livestock were the only available source of non- human labor and they still are serving the same purpose in the agricultural activities like ploughing the fields and transporting goods.

VI. Land management The grazing of sheep and goats is very helpful in controlling the growth of wild plants on the cultivation lands. There are many areas which are prone to wild fires de to severe dryness, goats and sheep are set to graze on these dry lands where they remove the flammable material and reduce the risk of fires.

Table No. 6.15. Economic Worth of Live Stock

Sr. Item Quantity Worth in Billion No Rupees 1 Milk 2.95 Billion Liters 206.56 2 Beef 89.83 Million Kgs 26.95 3 Mutton 81.82 Million Kgs 40.91 4 Poultry Meat 8.69 Million Kgs 2.61 5 Poultry Eggs 476.00 Millions 3.32 No 6 Poultry Feathers 0.72 Million Kgs 0.01 7 Hides 0.90 Million Nos. 1.08 8 Skins 10.23 Million No 2.05 9 Wool (000.M.Ton) 14.77 Million Kgs 1.18 10 Hair (000.M.Ton) 8.67 Million Kgs 0.65 11 Edible Offal (000 Tones) 89.00 Million Kgs 0.62 12 Fats (000.M.Tones) 83.44 Million Kgs 2.50 13 Bones (000.M.Tones) 22.25 Million Kgs 1.11 14 Horns & Hoves 13.47 Million Kgs 0.40 (000.M.Tones) 15 Guts & Casing (million no.) 22.25 Million No. 0.56 16 Blood (000 Tones) 27.80 Million 0.27 liters 17 Trotters 40.91 Million No. 0.53 Total Worth: 291,31 Billion Rupees Source. Live Stock & Dairy Development Department, Balochistan, Web Document, January 2015. p 12 retrieved from www.balochistan.gov.pk on 30 May, 2015. 249

6. Fisheries in the Economic Development of Balochistan

Fishing is mostly the only major occupation of the people of many coastal areas of Balochistan as there are no other opportunities for agricultural or industrial activities. The fishing is the greatest source of direct employment to an estimated 400,000 people, which makes around 3 percent of the total population of Balochistan, proportionately more in the coastal areas which is up to 70 percent and the contributes less than 1 percent to Pakistan‟s GDP; in comparison to 8 percent contribution to GDP from livestock. Fish product exports ranks fourth among other export commodities from Pakistan which account for about 8 million US dollars. („‟Balochistan Needs Assessment‟‟, 2013:6-7). And the major and significant portion of this fish export is generated from Balochistan. In addition, it provides a source of livelihood and income to 400,000 people who are involved in auxiliary industries such as boat repair and engine workshops, transport and net supply. At present all these industries are working under private sector and provide employment to inhabitants in the fish landing areas. Boatbuilding has been viewed as a potential future major industry and Small and Medium Enterprises Development Authority (SMEDA) has acknowledged many areas in fisheries that could be developed as an industry for boatbuilding. („‟Balochistan Needs Assessment‟‟, 2013:6-7). The fisheries of Balochistan are divided into four main sub-sectors. These include:

 Marine capture  Brackish coastal water (coastal aquaculture)  Inland open water capture  Inland closed water (freshwater aquaculture)

These all subcategories have been discussed earlier in Chapter One. The details about the economic contributions of these categories will be discussed here according to the requirement of this chapter.

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I. Economic Significance of Marine Capture

Marine capture is the largest source of fish catch in Balochistan and the majority of the fish is produced by marine capture along the 1,130 kilometer long coastline from Sindh in the East to Iran in the West. More than 135,000 Tones of fish was caught in 2011 by an estimated 52 thousand fishermen operating 7,186 boats. („‟Balochistan Needs Assessment‟‟, 2013:1). Balochistan makes about a third of the total Pakistan fish catch. The major species caught are sea catfish, hairtail, and sardines. There have been substantial variations in catch of individual species groups every year, though the total catch has not varied more than about 7 percent during the last decade. The catch is worth more than 12,698 million Pakistani Rupees and contributes less than 1 percent to Pakistan‟s Gross Domestic Product. It is estimated that almost 300,000 people are directly or indirectly engaged in fish industry. In Balochistan, there are about eight major sites for fishing along with another 30 smaller sites. Gwadar and Pasni are the most important fish catch sites.

II. Economic Significance of Coastline Aquaculture

At present, there is no significance of coastal aquaculture due to the lack of proper commercialization of this category but has a good potential to play an important role in the economy of Balochistan if paid attention and managed in a suitable way. The major positive advantage of aquaculture is the long coastline with suitable and comparatively unpolluted clean water which provides vast opportunities for shrimp farming. („‟Balochistan Needs Assessment‟‟, 2013:3). This is being done on a very small scale and not has resulted in any significant commercial project. The Fisheries Development Board (FDB) is putting efforts to categorize and discover pond sites and establish a shrimp hatchery at Jiwani. Besides shrimps, there are many other types of species that could likely be farmed in Balochistan.

III. Economic Significance of Inland Fisheries

About 5.7 percent of all the fish production of Balochistan is produced by inland fisheries which is completely a process of open-water fish catch where fish are caught in small dams. This type of fishing works under a contract system and the 251 rights are auctioned off. The current system of auctioning the rights of fishing is not based upon equity point of view so it also does not encourage investment by rights holders to increase production.

Table No. 6.16. Total Fish Landing and its Value on Balochistan Coast in 2013

Total Quantity in M. Commercial Tons Total Value in Pak Rupees

Flatfish 2844.133 441,214,192

Sardine 11766.218 243,518,164

Other clupeiform 8432.155 196,013,223

Wolf herring 965.130 27,213,188

Spanish mackerel 5043.123 1,051,493,418

Mackerel 2031.103 711,354,193

Tuna 9430.174 621,425,100

Sea catfish 15513.381 354,819,418

Eel 2131.140 71,313,116

Barracuda 2432.110 191,865,183

Marline 1970.131 167,493,173

Mullet 2660.153 201,413,178

Threadfin fish 674.223 69,086,433

Large Grouper 3261.123 201,314,125

Small Grouper 4433.120 134,315,194

Cobia 2500.103 148,018,191

Scad 2331.174 107,018,914

Indian mackerel 10432.160 501,322,716 252

Queenfish 3618.218 801,413,155

Trevally 2164.520 435,764,100

Dolphin fish 1533.184 35,463,111

Grunter 2300.136 256,410,914

Large croaker 1981.338 921,117,163 small croaker 10963.000 801,223,570

Emperor 1683.113 218,058,528 King soldier (Sea Bream) 1474.127 929,376,034

Pomfret 3530.132 951,314,623

Hair tail 16436.188 751,319,234

Shark 3973.131 176,814,128

Ray 3681.001 601,928,625

Guitarfish 843.682 31,201,523

Shrimp 2845.131 612,894,188 kiddi 4630.500 101,560,556

Crab 1832.132 86,594,300

Ivory shell 480.138 18,617,816

Lobster 980.267 596,811,664

Cuttlefish 971.120 16,518,404

Jellyfish 383.199 17,446,414 Grand Total M. Tons. 155155.111 RS. 13,802,059,169 Source: Fisheries Data, 2103, Directorate of Balochistan, retrieved from http://balochistan.gov.pk/index.php?option=com_docman&task=cat_view&gid=1304&Itemid =677 on 1 June, 2015

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Table No. 6.17. Area Wise Quantity of Fish on Balochistan in 2013

Total Qty Fish Jiwani Pishukan Gwadar Surbandar Pasni Ormara Damb Gaddani in M.Tons Flat Fish 120.200 44.983 64.137 133.299 1315.156 360.144 725.900 80.314 2844.133 Sardinals 295.200 346.805 1718.729 2813.680 928.231 600.303 4953.158 110.112 11766.218 Other 79.800 44.282 1368.130 1568.655 1410.184 613.553 2959.352 388.199 8432.155 cluieform Wolfhairri 124.194 38.282 490.166 36.064 200.562 40.184 0.710 35.771 965.130 ng Large 262.900 213.114 3051.555 359.240 342.859 368.900 31.677 413.232 5043.123 makral Small 63.600 78.153 942.832 323.184 280.664 135.330 84.230 123.110 2031.103 makral Tuna 1082.800 1436.154 5195.324 288.751 717.178 138.194 442.668 129.105 9430.174 Sea cat 1400.500 618.134 1935.183 45.080 2018.366 3380.180 5244.998 870.940 15513.381 fish Eels 105.300 399.256 452.120 144.814 537.603 331.114 71.654 88.122 2131.140 Barracuda 136.500 145.807 961.305 321.535 520.228 200.161 63.441 83.133 2432.110 Marlin 96.300 123.711 944.971 159.128 541.586 41.254 0.000 63.181 1970.131 Mullets 170.300 155.231 1068.955 70.895 424.106 680.425 35.118 55.123 2660.153 Thread 67.400 6.480 194.322 30.165 163.163 68.184 35.105 109.404 674.223 finfish Large 44.800 149.897 822.345 127.850 1379.534 370.106 48.180 318.411 3261.123 grouper Small 48.400 158.120 1051.492 112.730 2033.318 484.118 188.709 356.233 4433.120 grouper Cobias 35.900 173.506 518.855 226.915 527.406 518.113 118.290 381.118 2500.103 Scad 0.000 41.431 206.785 182.090 495.321 300.392 874.984 230.171 2331.174 Indian 1179.000 794.058 2859.435 1181.955 2034.295 1160.251 325.000 898.166 10432.160 mekeral Queen 1418.400 529.329 869.545 68.284 384.195 150.103 68.231 130.131 3618.218 254

fish Travelly 322.400 239.566 562.243 22.480 474.437 188.132 132.111 223.151 2164.520

Dolphin 107.300 32.867 550.760 116.920 333.420 218.123 60.513 113.281 1533.184 fish Grunter 270.100 135.658 763.778 313.844 443.286 190.131 75.118 108.221 2300.136 Large 501.500 220.793 455.154 147.200 242.396 230.126 70.001 114.168 1981.338 croaker Small 381.800 313.531 3301.095 451.095 3513.634 1188.113 1362.181 451.551 10963.000 croaker Emperor 27.000 176.448 829.521 170.265 279.452 78.164 108.113 14.150 1683.113 King Soldier 34.200 83.354 817.865 127.095 185.928 98.124 0.000 127.561 1474.127 (Sea Bream) Pomferets 640.600 528.919 697.865 358.365 579.901 523.153 78.108 123.221 3530.132 Hairtail 1271.972 455.430 5482.673 1090.074 2095.601 1318.164 3536.339 1185.935 16436.188 fish Sharks 1931.800 221.123 624.561 232.188 601.851 253.103 0.000 108.505 3973.131 Rays 324.628 297.084 1650.737 173.184 577.138 403.126 0.000 255.104 3681.001 Guitar fish 457.800 0.000 304.625 65.675 8.286 0.000 0.000 7.296 843.682 Shrimp 199.300 301.835 828.475 317.280 762.925 132.004 80.132 223.180 2845.131 Kiddi 0.000 148.179 287.720 113.160 732.114 174.132 1318.522 1856.673 4630.500 Crabs 88.100 105.623 389.720 102.188 597.157 177.230 100.000 272.114 1832.132 Ivory shel 91.200 31.032 0.000 0.000 171.575 104.218 0.000 82.113 480.138 Lobster 194.500 11.898 290.361 118.610 319.760 45.138 0.000 0.000 980.267 Cuttle fish 13.300 58.792 427.425 172.225 116.086 35.189 0.000 148.103 971.120 Jelly fish 65.300 0.000 104.599 18.183 134.599 18.183 0.000 42.335 383.199 155155.11 G. Total 13654.294 8858.865 43085.363 12304.345 28423.501 15315.562 23192.543 10320.638 1 Source: Fisheries Data, 2013, Directorate of Balochistan, retrieved from http://balochistan.gov.pk/index.php?option=com_docman&task=cat_view&gid=1304&Itemid=677 on 1 June, 2015 255

The information about the population involved in the fisheries sector to earn their livelihood is as under:

Table No. 6.18. Fishermen Population in 2013

Category Jiwan Pish Gwa Surban Pasn Orma Da Gadd Total i ukan dar dar i ra mb ani Full Time 3680 2664 6684 2758 6835 3811 482 4220 35475 Fishermen 3 Part Time 1214 1186 2530 1309 3414 1460 261 1470 15201 Fishermen 8 sporadic 680 614 1018 475 1318 1123 129 783 7301 Fishermen 0 Total 5574 4464 1023 4542 1156 6394 873 6473 57977 2 7 1 Source: Fisheries Data, 2013, Directorate of Balochistan, retrieved from http://balochistan.gov.pk/index.php?option=com_docman&task=cat_view&gid=1304&Itemi d=677 on 1 June, 2015

6.1. Provincial Government’s Plans for the Development of Fisheries.

Like other sectors, fisheries sector also requires a lot of development strategies and for a rapid progress. For this purpose, many programs for development have been designed by the provincial government. The following table shows the status of currently on going development programs and future plans for the development of this significant sector.

Table No. 6.19. Government Plans for the Development of Fisheries Sector 2012-13

On Going Government Schemes S.No Name of Scheme Cost in Million Rs. 1 Fisheries Infrastructure (Auction Hall, Certification 200.000 Laboratory, Fiber Glass Boat Building Yard and Nets etc.

2 Development of Fishermen Colonies on Balochistan Coast 180.000

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Future Plans S.No Name of Proposed Scheme Estimated Cost in Million Rs. 1 Modification of boats and provision of insulted ice box, 372.127 plastic crates, onboard flake ice plant & life jackets 2 Construction of jetty at Tak, Ormara 1400.000 3 Institutional strengthening and capacity building on 150.000 concerned Government agencies and stake holders. 4 Up gradation of 100 fishing boats as per European 250.000 Standard 5 Construction of 09 boat repairing workshops 20.000 6 Training programme for the capacity building of 20.000 Fisheries Department 7 Development of fish hatchery at Sabakzai Dam at 60.000 Zhob 8 Trout fish raceway system at Kalat, Ziarat and Rod 39.000 Mulazai. 9 Fisheries Research Centre at Pasni 190.000 10 Inland Fisheries Training Centre at D.M Jamali 250.000 11 Fish Market at Quetta 120.000 12 Fisheries Offices & accommodation facilities on 550.000 different stations Source: Fisheries Department, Development Schemes 2012-13 retreived from http://www.balochistan.gov.pk/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=81&Itemid =130 accessed on 1 June, 2015

7. Significance of Mining and Energy Resources in the Economic Development of Balochistan

Balochistan is a rich land in terms of mineral and petroleum deposits. During the last decade, Balochistan contributed one-fifth to Pakistan‟s mining GDP with 0.23 percent and the mineral mining in from Balochistan was generating Rs. 3.4 billion in annual revenue. Coal production in the province exceeds 232 million metric tons, while the production of shale gas is over 130 million metric tons. Other important minerals are copper, iron ore, marble and limestone. Chaghi is the centre of the greatest variety of minerals including copper mines. Coal production is mainly attributed to Quetta and Loralai while Lasbela is producing high amount of 257 limestone and shale. Gas and Oil are more important amongst the mineral resources of the province and are being consumed widely for domestic use and export purposes. In 1952, the natural gas was first discovered in Balochistan, and within a few decades Balochistan started producing almost 50 percent of the country's natural gas by 1980. (World Bank Report, 2013: 12) presently the natural gas and oil are being produced in the areas of Sui, Loti, Pir Koh and Uch. More gas and oil reserves have been discovered at Khuzdar, Dera Bugti, Kohlu and Zarghun. Natural gas and coal are the most significant mineral deposits in Balochistan. In 1995, Balochistan was producing about 56 percent of Pakistan‟s total production but by the year of 2007, the percentage decreased to the level of 22.7 percent. At present, Balochistan it is the second largest producer of natural gas of the country. The total coal reserves of Balochistan are estimated about 459 million tones and contribute more than 50 percent of Pakistan‟s total coal production. Uranium and other precious metals such as copper, gold, silver and platinum are also found in huge quantity. („‟Balochistan Economy‟‟,2014, April.28).

Sui gas generated from Bugti constitutes almost 45 percent of the country‟s total gas production. There are more than 80 gas wells that are producing about 720- 750 million cubic feet of gas per day. The total gas reserved are said to be about 9.625 trillion cubic feet. It is estimated that The Pakistan Petroleum Limited (PPL) is gaining natural gas from Balochistan of worth Rupees 85 billion but the federal government pays only Rs. 7 billion to the province as gas royalty. The royalty fixed for gas is about 12.5 percent which is much less than that of other provinces of Pakistan. Sui Gas generated from Balochistan is highly demanded by the industrial sector and is the only source of energy supply to different economic sectors such as power generation, agriculture, commerce, fertilizer manufacturers and chemicals and household use in the whole country. The worth of Balochistan‟s minerals was estimated at about Rs. 38 million in 2005-06, out of the worth of natural gas is about Rs. 31. („‟Balochistan Economic Report‟‟, 2008:52). Along with gas and oil, coal has also been a traditionally important mineral resource and great factor in the economic development of Balochistan. The coal production of around two million tons forms the highest provincial share in the total coal production of 258

Pakistan. Coal reserves are found in the areas of Bolan, Sibi, Quetta and Lora Lai Districts. There are six coal mining areas in Balochistan which include Khost– Shahrig–Harnai, Duki, Sor Rang–Daghari, Pir Imail Ziarat, Mach and recently mining was started in Chamalang. („‟Geological Survey of Pakistan‟‟, 2009).Total estimated reserves of all the coal fields are about 217 million tons. („‟An Overview of Mineral Potential, 2013:11). Balochistan has also possesses immense resources of copper ore found in Chaghi, Khuzdar, Lasbela districts, in Chaghi at least 12 deposits are found which contain gold and silver in significant quantities. Two major projects of mining copper gold are Sandak Copper-Gold and Reko Diq copper-Gold deposits. The Sandak project was started in 1995 and is producing 15,672 tons of copper blister, 51852 ounces of gold and 97356 ounces of silver are being produced annually („‟An Overview of Mineral Potential, 2013:7). Reko Diq deposit was discovered in 1978-79 in Chaghi as a joint venture between Balochistan, Canada and Chile partnership. The mining of about two billion tons of copper and 20 million ounces of gold reserves and a large scale of silver deposit are estimated in this project. The following table describes the worth and value of different important minerals of Balochistan:

Table No. 6.20. Worth of Minerals of Balochistan and Employment Cost Statistics

Minerals Average Employment Gross Intermediate Miscellaneous Gross daily Cost (Rs.) Value (Rs.) Cost (Rs.) Cost (Rs.) Value employment Added (Nos) (Rs.)

All 22,788 2,767,056 46,417,673 7,630,139 530,352 38,257,182 Minerals

Antimony 42 1,512 2,002 100 40 1,862

Barite 465 27,592 174,404 9,086 568 164,751

Chromite 578 38,724 109,881 3,253 1,027 105,601

Coal 8,756 901,286 3,922,119 647,627 11,757 3,262,735

Copper 1,274 193,411 2,237,180 231,091 7,222 1,998,867 259

Crude Oil 35 4,145 39,473 6,072 118 33,282

Dolomite 4 56 80 5 2 73

Fluorite 13 477 3,237 160 50 3,027

Granite 48 2,658 3,655 412 11 3,232

Limestone 1,495 108,793 220,812 8,653 1,335 210,824

Megnesite 30 1,012 1,177 83 16 1,079

Marble 2,263 87,245 291,353 14,650 287 276,415

Natural 6,148 1,267,598 38,912,537 6,683,592 506,993 31,721,952 Gas

Serpentine 42 3,754 5,790 449 18 5,323

Shale Clay 1,595 128,793 493,973 24,907 908 468,158

Source: United Nations Development Fund, Report 2011. p 6

8. Infrastructure Development Projects

The government of Balochistan and Federal Government of Pakistan have always been striving for the betterment of the over all economic condition of the province. Many programs for the development of different economic sectors have been initiated and launched during last decade. These development plans are designed to alleviate the basic socio economic problems in the province which are causing obstacles in the economic growth and progress of the province. The education, health, agriculture, forestry, fisheries, live stock and mining sectors along with coastal development and infrastructure are the foundation of economy for any state and region. In Balochistan, many development projects for all these sectors have been planned in collaboration with other national and international organizations. Apart from the projects for internal progress of the population of Balochistan, there is a great need to improve the economic condition of Balochistan according to international standards to fully utilize the potential of this most significant region of Pakistan. For this purpose, construction of many large civil-engineering based 260 infrastructure projects such as highways, dams, canals and ports is most important for overall economic development of Balochistan. The completion of such projects will not only beneficial for the economy of Pakistan but also bring dynamic changes in the province as the Baloch population will be provided with excellent job opportunities and better income. The better economic and financial condition is always helpful in alleviating the major socio economic problem of poverty and consequently leads to the formation of an economically strong and healthy society with a lot of chance of further improvement and progress. During his regime in 2001, President General Pervez Musharraf, launched many mega development projects in Balochistan, which would believed to be the best solution to the economic problems of Balochistan. Development projects like construction of Mekran Coastal Highway, Gwadar deep sea port, Kachi and Miran Dam will generally benefit the Baloch people. The Gwadar Sea Port, Makran Coastal Highway and Kashghar-Gwadar Economic Corridor are the most important projects but these have come under detailed discussion from every aspect and angle in the Chapter 3 of this research. Any more detail in this regard would be a mere repetition of words. There are other development project for the economic growth and progress of Balochistan which need to be highlighted in this chapter. Those projects include Federal Government‟s projects of high scale infrastructure that include the construction of various dams, roads and other coastal development plans as under:

8.1. Construction of 100 Dams in Balochistan

Droughts and floods have been a significant feature of Balochistan. the shortage of water due to insufficient rain causes droughts and excessive rains cause floods. Both are highly harmful to the economic growth and development. The construction of various Dams is most important to cope with these issues: a. Proper water supply to agricultural lands b. Prevention of floods by containing excessive rain water c. Supply of clean drinking water to the population. 261 d. Ground Water Recharge e. Control of Soil Erosion f. Poverty Alleviation g. Unemployment Reduction

Realizing the need of time, the Federal Government of Pakistan decided to build around 100 new dams in five packages. The package -1 includes the construction of 20 dams and package II is designed for 26 dams. The Package III, IV and V are for the construction of 50, 50 and 48 dams respectively. The package I of 20 dams was launched in 2009 and is in its advanced stage of completion and is hoped to be completed soon. Sixteen out of twenty dams have been completed. The implementation of the construction of 26 more dams under package II is also in progress and scheduled to be completed by the end of 2015. (http://100dams.org/)

Table No. 6.21 Construction Strategy for 100 Dams Packages No. of Dams Time Zone Planning Status Package-I 20 2008-09 to 2012-13 Substantially Completed Package-II 26 2011-02 to 2013-14 Under Implementation Package-III 50 2013-14 to 2018-19 Plan Prepared Package-IV 50 2018-19 to 2023-24 Plan Prepared Package-V 48 2023-24 to 2028-29 Plan Prepared Source: http://100dams.org/scope.htm accessed on 10 June, 2015

The details about the location and construction of dams under package –I is as under: Table No. 6.22. Construction of 100 Dams, Package -I of 20 Dams North Zone South Zone Name of Dam District Name of Dam District Spezendai Dam Ziarat Uthandaro Dam Lasbela Surghund Dam Loralai Sasool Dam Khuzdar Tor Khan Dam Q.Saifullah -e-Aab Dam Panjgur 262

Bund Dam Musakhel Jodair Dam Awaran Darmin Dam Chaghi Taigh Dam Khuzdar Bostan Dam Pishin Chapchal Dam Kalat Arambai Dam Q.Abdullah Chiltan Dam Mastung Barak Dam Quetta Kashi Dam Khuzdar Kumbri Dam Bolan Makola Dam Gwadar Bahlol Dam (Project dropped) Zhob Darwar Dam(Suspended) Kech ------Miskin Dam(Suspended) Gwadar ------Shabok Dam (Dropped) Washuk Source: http://100dams.org/list1.htm accessed on 10 June, 2015

Map No 6.1. Location of 100 Dams, Package-I of 20 Dams

Source: http://100dams.org/location.htm on 10 June, 2015 263

Table No. 6.23 Construction of 100 Dams, Package –II of 26 Dams

North Zone South Zone Name of Dam Location Name of Dam Location Nahar Kot Dam Barkhan Katki Khaisar Dam Kalat Dhudar Dam Jhal Magsi Shashlok Dam Kalat Mirdazai Dam Musakhel Thank Dam Kech Makhal Dam Q.Abdullah Hushtri Dam Khuzdar Malgagi Dam Q.Saifulla Lohi Dam Khuzdar Murgha Dam Q.Saifullah Kukar Dam Lasbela Dargai Dam Loralai Duley Kanak Dam Mastung Kaluwaal Dam Nushki Asimabad Dam Mastung Manzari Dam Pishin Marrave Dam Mastung Tang Noshar Dam Quetta Romro Dam Gwadar Murghabal Dam Nivano Dam Panjgur Sharig Dam Sibi Harambo Dam Khuzdar Dabar Dam Zhob Rakhsani Rai Dam Kalat Zawa Dam Ziarat Mirap Anari Dam Kalat Source: http://100dams.org/package2.htm accessed on 10 June, 2015

I. Economic Benefits of the Project

There are many benefits which are expected from the construction of these dams as under: a. Dams will contain water caused by heavy rains and therefore prevent floods, therefore the majority of population, agricultural areas and infrastructure will be secured from being damaged by floods. b. The conserved water will be provided directly to the population for drinking and irrigation. These dams have the capacity to irrigate about 25,850 acres that constitute about 10, 466 hectares of cultivation lands. 264

c. The project will be helpful in providing good job opportunities to the major portion of population during and after construction.

Map No.6.2 Location of 100 Dams, Package-II of 26 Dams

Source: http://100dams.org/location2.htm on 10 June, 2015

8.2 Current Plans for Economic Development

There are many schemes for Development of Balochistan which are being executed by the Provincial Government through Public Sector Development Program (PSDP). These schemes include the development of irrigation infrastructure, education and health facilities, agriculture and industrial 265 development to enhance the socio-economic condition of the people and the province.

8.3. Chief Minister’s Policy Reform Unit

The provincial government of Balochistan is fully aware of the fact that the rapid progress and development of the province is the biggest need of the time. For this purpose, the Chief Minister of Balochistan Dr Abdul Malik Baloch has established the Chief Minister‟s Policy Reform Unit. This unit consists of competent economists working in the leadership of Dr Kaiser Bengali, who is the Balochistan‟s representative in the National Finance Commission. (Gondal, 2015: 8) the main task and focus of this unit is the preparation of the development strategy for Balochistan to change the economic geography of Balochistan as soon as possible.

I. Employment Opportunities

The strategies are based on the fact that Balochistan is a rich province in the terms of resources with a small population which can be managed very easily by adopting appropriate economic strategies. The progress of economic sectors has a potential to create about 1.5 million jobs which will definitely alleviate the ratio of unemployment to less than 5 percent. The government of Balochistan is committed to create an equal, progressive, educated and healthy society that ensures full employment for the people of Balochistan. The better opportunities for the employment will be created through systematic and proper utilization and development of the natural resources to bring out Balochistan from a horticultural and pastoral age to an economically advanced state. There has been no physical and social infrastructure development for a long time in Balochistan. In most of the areas, people are living without roads, electricity, education and health facilities, water supply and employment opportunities.

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II. Basic Infrastructure Development Strategy

The development strategy is designed for the development of basic infrastructure and endorsement of primary sectors to create a strong foundation for advanced expansion and development of secondary sectors. The basic infrastructure includes water supply sources, means of communication like roads and rail networks, development of energy sector, education and health. In the industrious sectors, the major attention would be paid to the better production of fruits and vegetables, improved conditions of livestock, fishing sector, forestry, mining and other subsequent industries. The development strategy also acknowledges the importance of economic corridors and corresponding growth expansion. Much emphasis would be laid on the areas with important economic activities. Such areas greatly require the facility of better connectivity on priority basis.

III. Economic Corridors Development Strategy

There are six Economic Corridors which are emphasized in the development strategy to provide connectivity to and among following potential areas: (Gondal, 2015: 9-10).  Corridor 1 comprises of the north-east districts which are producing non-staple high value products such as fruits, vegetables, wool and minerals, including coal, and chromite.  Corridor 2 comprises of gas fields and canal irrigated agricultural areas which are producing major food and cash crops.  Corridor 3 covers the trade route that connects the port city of Karachi with Chamman on the Pakistan-Afghanistan border via Khuzdar and Quetta.  Corridor 4 is a part of the Gwadar-Kashgar trade route and runs along Turbat, Panjgur, Besima and Khuzdar.  Corridor 5 comprises the link between the copper belt in Chagai and Gwadar via Mashkel and Buleda. 267

 Corridor 6 is the coastal belt where the fishing industry is located.

IV. Development Strategy for Growth Centers

The growth nodes are areas defined as those areas where industrial and social sector development can be concentrated on the basis of population, production and availability of transportation network. The growth nodes are identified on the basis of population density and potential for economic development. The growth rate, agricultural and mineral production, live stock population, agricultural production and means of communications are the major factors which play very significant role in determining the future economic potential and importance of a specific area.

The Chief Minister‟s Policy Reform Unit is working on a comprehensive analysis of population, available infrastructure and natural resources and has discovered about 14 growth centers which include Quetta, Chaman, Zhob, Loralai, QilaSaifullah, SIbi, DeraAllahyar, Kharan, Khuzdar, Panjgur, Nokundi, Turbat, Gwadar and Hub Chowki. These regions of Balochistan have been recognized as growth centers which can become a good source for the formation of further growth nodes by developing infrastructure between the existing growth centres.

V. Connectivity between Growth Centers and Economic Corridors

In order to connect the economic corridors and growth centres, an inclusive road- rail alignment plan has been designed by the provincial government. The plan includes economically strategic highway routes, national and provincial highways. Most of the roads are in very poor condition in the growth centres and need to be upgraded according to international standards. The valuable fruits, vegetables and fish products are badly damaged while traveling through these broken roads and result in a great loss to the producers and farmers. In this regard, the development 268 strategy has projected the reconstruction of several national highways. Major of these are:

 653 kilometers long highway starting from Gabd-Jiwani-Gwadar-Pasni- Ormara-H ub Chowki-Karachi  790 km long highway from Chaman border to Quetta-Mastung-Khuzdar- Hub Chowki to Karachi.  Kuchlaq (Quetta)-KilaSaifullah-Zhob-Danasar highway

VI. Reconstruction of Provincial Highways

The development unit has also anticipated reconstruction of nine provincial highways, having total length of 2,933 kilometers (Gondal, 2015: 9-10). and suggested four new alignments which are as under:

 Nokundi-Mashkel-Turbat-Gwadar highway  Dalbandin/Noshki-Kharan-Besima highway  Grawag-Panjgur-Awaran-Bela highway  Highway from Hoshab to Bela.

After the completion of the above strategic road and rail networks, all the Economic Corridors will be connected to each other as well as with the Growth Centers. This construction would enable productive exploitation of the huge and varied resource base and promote productivity, trade and development in a speedy and easy way.

VII. Development Strategy for Coastal Regions

Balochistan possesses more than 700 kilometers long coastline with 38 fishing sites. There are three deltas in Balochistan which possess great potential for outstanding and exceptional aqua-culture especially shrimp and oysters. these sites include Jiwani, Kalmat and Hor. the high quality coastal highway 269 connects all the sites from Jiwani in the west to Uthal in the east and onwards to Karachi. On the basis of possibilities, almost ten fish landing sites have been allocated for the further development including Gwadar and Pasni, which are already working as major fish harbors.

9. Major Challenges in the Economic Development

The province of Balochistan has been facing a lot of socio economic problems which are directly affecting the political as well as economic development of the region. The issues of education, poverty, unemployment and natural calamities are major of all which are definitely a big challenge to the progress and development of this most important province of Pakistan. A brief analysis of these major challenges is as under:

9.1. Poverty and Unemployment in Balochistan

The term „Poverty‟ is usually attached with low and insufficient income, and it has rather has many more dimensions. In fact there are many other significant factors associated with the appropriate definition of poverty. These factors include lack of health facilities, education and adequate source of income. And by any means, Balochistan is the poorest province of Pakistan in every aspect despite the reality of being the richest land in the terms of natural resources. It is reported that only 20 percent of the total population have the facility of clean drinking water, whereas the rest of about 86 percent population do not have access to pure water. The electricity supply in the villages and other rural areas of Balochistan is about 25 percent only as compared to other provinces of Pakistan. (Fazl-e-Haider, „‟Higher Poverty‟‟). The number of total unemployed people in Pakistan is about 3.05 million out of which about 0.06 million unemployed people belong to Balochistan which constitute about 20 percent of total unemployed people of Pakistan. (PILDAT, 2012:7)

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Table No. 6. 24 Unemployed Population of Balochistan

Area Male Female Total Rural 0.2% 0.2% 0.4% Urban 0.1% 0.1% 0.2% Balochistan 0.3 % 0.3% 0.6% Source: Pakistan Economic Survey 2010-11 from http://finance.gov.pk/survey/chapter_11/12-Population.pdf accessed on 1 June 2015

Balochistan is a least developed region in terms of urbanization. Only 23.3 percent population of Balochistan is urban while the rest of the population belongs to the rural areas. (PILDAT, 2012:11). The discovery of Sui gas in Balochistan brought significant development in overall industrial sector of Pakistan but unfortunately, no industrial development has been established on the land of the producer, Balochistan. The lack of industrial development has been the biggest cause of unemployment in the province. Sui gas was discovered in 1956, but Balochistan survived without gas facility till 1976 when the LPG (Liquid Petroleum Gas) was introduced in the capital city; Quetta. It is a misery that the areas of Sui itself, are not provided with gas pipe line connections as yet. In , majority of the local population is still has to use wood as fuel and other household use. Despite other problems and issues, poverty and unemployment have been the major and most important problems in Balochistan since there is no noticeable effort by government to reduce unemployment and alleviate the other reasons of poverty in Balochistan. The negligence of the government can be blamed as the main cause of poverty and unemployment in Balochistan. It is a fact that in past no proper and adequate policies have been adopted by federal government towards Balochistan. No serious efforts have been made by any government; whether it is military or democratic government; for the betterment of common people of Balochistan. The Baloch people always blame the Federal Government for a non serious attitude towards job creation in private sector of Balochistan even when the situation was peaceful. It is reported that during last five years, the government of Balochistan 271 has been provided with hundred of billion Rupees by Federal Government for the development projects regarding poverty alleviation. In addition, after the approval of 7th NFC award in 2010, Balochistan was given a remarkable increment in its share of finances. (Aamir, 2014, Sep 1, „‟Rising Poverty‟‟). The large amounts provided by federal government is sufficient enough for the initiation of useful economic development projects but unfortunately, all the funds are totally at the disposal of the politicians and bureaucrats of Balochistan who show least interest in the development of this region. The unfavorable and selfish attitude of the ruling class and government administration is the biggest cause of the plight of Baloch people. These development funds should be spent to improve and develop the Agriculture, irrigation, fisheries, mining, forestry and livestock sectors because the majority of Baloch population is directly or indirectly reliant on these sectors for their livelihood. A report about the economic conditions of Pakistan titled „Clustered Deprivation‟ was prepared by the Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI) with the financial and technical assistance of United Nation Development Program (UNDP) in 2013. According to the report ‗‘Balochistan remains at the top of the poverty list with 45.68 percent of its population living below the poverty line; followed by Khyber Pakhtunkhwa with 41.71 percent; Sindh with 36.27 percent and Punjab, showing the lowest figure, at 35 percent of its population‘‘. (Shah, The News, 26 June, 2013)

The same was reported in 2014 as „‟The highest incidence of poverty prevails in Balochistan with 52 per cent of the households living under the poverty line, followed by 32 per cent, 33 per cent and 19 per cent respectively in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Sindh and Punjab, said the report presented to all provincial governments during the last month of 2013.‟‟ (Sumra, 25 Feb. 2014, The Express Tribune). The surveys by SDPI are conducted on the basis of five dimensions to asses and calculate the level of poverty. These dimensions include basic facilities and progress rate of education, health, water supply and sanitation, household assets/amenities and satisfaction to service delivery. Additionally, according to the United Nations standard, if a person is taking less than 2,350 calories per day and 272 earning less than 1.25 dollar per day has also been regarded as living below the poverty line. (Shah, The News, 26 June, 2013). In the budget for 2014-15, Balochistan government has allocated development funds for different projects which are said to be helpful for poverty alleviation but these projects are mostly related to the construction of roads and other infrastructure which should not be the first priority. Instead, the development funds should be spent to improve and develop the Agriculture, irrigation, fisheries, mining, forestry and livestock sectors because the majority of Baloch population is directly or indirectly reliant on these sectors for their livelihood.

9.2. Illiteracy and Poor Condition of Education

The literacy rate in Balochistan has always been lowest as compared to the other provinces of Pakistan. The Baloch society is tribal in nature and low level of education is both a foundation and outcome of a constant underdevelopment and underprivileged living standard and life style. For the economic development of any state or region, high literacy ratio is highly desirable. The population is counted as human resource, which is needed to be educated, trained and developed to achieve the aims of faster growth and development in almost all the sectors of the economy. This is a fact that development can never be achieved with under developed and illiterate human resources. Balochistan has the lowest proportion of literate adults in all Pakistan and the lowest estimated participation rate in primary education. Due to the prolonged poverty, there are very limited people who can bear the expenses of education, majority of people belong to lower class and do not afford education both financially and in terms of physical access. The literacy rate is higher among the middle and upper classes. In 1998, a mere 26.6 percent of the total 6.5 million populations were found literate. The overall literacy rate in Balochistan is 47.7 percent with marked difference in male and female literacy rates that are 61.5 percent and 24.2 percent respectively. Male literacy rate is two 273 and a half times that of female literacy rate. The following table shows the percentage of literacy among Baloch population:

Table No. 6. 25. Statistics on Literacy Rate Balochistan

Year Urban Rural Total Men Wome Total Men Wome Total Men Wome Total n n n 1998 62.4 35.3% 50.3 27.8 8.8% 18.9 36.5 15.0% 26.6 % % % % % %

Source: Population census organization 1989, 1999.

The data clearly indicates the poor education ratio in Balochistan especially in the rural areas. The traditional tribal structure of the society in rural areas, do not support or encourage the women population to get educated even on primary level. So the ratio of literate women in tribal areas is extremely low. Balochistan‟s education sector is characterized by low enrolment and high failure rates. Schools are not available in every area and the overall condition of available schools is very poor. Untrained teachers and poor quality teaching methods are among the key problems in the education sector. The report of Economic Survey of Pakistan 2009- 10 shows Balochistan much behind in the literacy rate, which is 47.7 percent as compared to 59 per cent in Punjab, 56 per cent Sindh and 49 per cent in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The Gender Parity Index (GPI) is the ratio of female enrolment to the male enrolment. A GPI of more than one indicates that in proportion to every male in the school, there is more than one female. The GPI index score for Balochistan is 0.35 which is lower than Punjab (0.69), Sindh (0.61) and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (0.49). (Siddique, 2010, June.7) Majority, rather half of the total population of Balochistan is uneducated. The literacy rate in some remote areas as low as ten per cent. There were more than 22,000 settlements in Balochistan and 274 the number of government-run primary, middle and high schools was about 12,600. (The Dawn, 2013, Dec.19). Poverty, poor health conditions, lack of basic infrastructure and transport, worsening law and order situation, financial and social limitations are major reasons which are responsible for the worst circumstances of education in Balochistan. According to the National Economic Survey (NES) Balochistan has the least number of educational institutions including both public and private sector, the lowest literacy rate, the lowest ranking in the Gender Parity Index (GPI). About 8.6 percent out of the 10,381 educational institution‟s buildings are not in good condition. About 24.7 percent of these need major repairs while 36.6 percent require minor repairs. Only 30.2 percent are in satisfactory conditions. About six percent of the schools in Balochistan are not set up in proper building, nine percent do not have the facility of electricity, 12 percent institutions are without clean drinking water and 11 percent are without toilet. Balochistan has the smallest number of educational institutions that constitute 10,381 against the national number of 216,490. (The Daily Times, 2012, Jun. 12)

I. Development Project for Education in Balochistan by Government

The Government of Balochistan is working on a project for the development of education sector in assistance with National Commission for Human Development (NCHD) and UNESCO. This plan is called EFA Plan (Education for All) designed to improve the educational conditions to alleviate the level of poverty in Balochistan with the help of quality education. EFA is started in all the thirty districts of Balochistan. The process was started in April 2010 and the Provincial EFA Plan spans the period from 2011 to 2015 to match with the (MDG) Millennium Development Goals. (GoB, Education Deptt. 2011:6). The Balochistan EFA Plan would emphasize on:

i. Early Childhood Education (ECE) 275

ii. Primary Education iii. Adult Literacy

According to the report: ‗‘Currently the coverage of ECE in Balochistan is minimal. Only 1.6% children in the ECE age group are enrolled in ECE classes being managed in some districts in collaboration with UNICEF. Out of more than 1.195 million primary age children, the overall GER at primary level is 78.7%. Boys‘ GER is 87.4% whereas girls‘ GER is only 68.6%. The overall literacy rate is 47.7%. Overall NER at primary level at 44% with boys 51% and girls 36%. The targets set under the EFA Plan 2011-15 are 50% coverage in ECE, 100% access to primary and 64% literacy rate.‘‘ („‟Education for all‟‟. 2011:8). The establishment of about 9,726 ECE centers and 50 percent of child enrollment is targeted by the end of 2015. The goals and aims of this plan include activation of nonfunctional schools, establishment of new primary schools, fulfilling the demand of all basic facilities in schools, development of school libraries, covering teacher shortage in primary schools and teacher training programs and up gradation of primary schools to the middle level. Over 6,200 new primary schools are targeted to be established to provide hundred percent access to primary students. Over 18,000 adult literacy centers will be established to meet the target of 64 percent adult literacy in 2015. The total budget for both public and private sectors for meeting the EFA targets is Rs.122.805 billion (Equivalent to US 1.462 billion US dollars. („‟Education for All‟‟, 2011:6-9)

9.3. Lack of Proper Infrastructure

The road network and connectivity is not up to the standard and can be called poorest in the country. Roads are available only in the areas where it is necessary to connect farms to the local market. The length of the national highways in Balochistan is about 2,300 km and no development has been made for a long time. („‟Balochistan Profile‟‟, 2012, April.11) Balochistan has the lowest density of roads among all the provinces of Pakistan. This problem of unavailability of proper road infrastructure is a major issue in the lives of population living in the rural areas. The 276 poorest quality and condition of existing roads and highways is not fit for fast, comfortable and safe traveling as they are not capable of handling heavy traffic.

9.4. Natural Disasters and Hazards

Unfortunately, the land of Balochistan has always been a victim of natural calamities and hazards which not only cause heavy damage to the natural and human resources but also badly affect the process of economic development. These natural calamities like floods, earthquakes, droughts, cyclones, tsunami and land sliding frequently attack different regions of Balochistan and consequently cause unbearable and irreparable loss especially to live stock, agricultural and fisheries sectors. These calamities bring a lot of destruction to the economy and are largely responsible for increasing the level of poverty in the province. Balochistan has been facing a number of catastrophes over the last many years. The cyclone Yemyin in 2007, Ziarat earthquake in 2008 and repeated flooding since 2010 till 2014 have resulted in the loss of hundreds of lives and vast destruction of infrastructure. The province has a tendency of going through different disasters almost throughout the year and the efforts for rehabilitation of victims are always in process. This „‟all the time‟‟ situation is continuously hamper the progress of economy of the province. Balochistan lacks the qualified and experienced human and technical resources to deal with the constant damage caused by natural hazards, moreover, the week financial condition is a big hurdle in the rehabilitation of victimized population. The detail about these natural calamities and their affect is as under:

I. Floods

Floods in Balochistan are caused by heavy rainfalls and dam bursts. These types of floods are called flash floods. Balochistan witnessed major destruction caused by the flash floods during the years from 2008 to 2013 and still is in the process of rehabilitation. 277

 The flood of 2010 hit about thirty villages in the northeastern parts of Balochistan and created serious damage to human lives and property. In the areas of Bolan, Naseerabad, Barkhan, Sibi and Kohlu, almost 50,000 people were affected and some deaths were also reported. („‟Balochistan Flood 2010‟‟, 2012, April.11)  The flood of 2011 was also caused by heavy rain, hailstorm and snow fall which badly affected the areas of northern and central Balochistan. Quetta, Ziarat, Loralai, Nushki, Chaghi and Mastung were largely affected where many houses were destroyed and washed away.  The flood of 2012 was also a result of heavy rain falls. That flood was spread over three provinces, Sindh and Punjab were also got affected. The districts of Jaffarabad. Naseerabad, Killa Saifullah, Jhal Magsi and Loralai were largely damaged. („‟Seasonal Monsoon‟‟ 2012, Sep.28) Due to very heavy rainfalls, a powerful burst led to the flooding which caused significant damage and casualties in the affected areas. Not only houses but other infrastructure including transport links such as roads and bridges were destroyed. Moreover, the rains and flood water washed away tens of thousands of acres of crops along with livestock and poultry in many areas.  The year of 2013 also brought another disaster in the form of flood caused by monsoon rains in the Koh-e-Suleman Range which lasted for about 6 days at a stretch. The flood hit almost 342 villages of 13 districts out of which the districts of JhalMagsi, Jaffarabad, Sibi, Loralai, Khuzdar and Lasbela were worst affected. („‟Damages of Flood 2013‟‟, 2014, April 16) The flood resulted in the loss of about 21 lives. More than 3,000 houses were destroyed and a heavy loss was caused to crops and livestock, 63969 hectares of crop land was badly damaged.  Most recently in June 2015, unpredicted heavy rains in Shah Noorani area of District Khuzdar have caused a heavy flood in the local rivers 278

and water straits. Sixteen casualties have been reported by now with almost fifty houses are damaged. („‟Situation Bulletin-I‟‟, 2015, June.5)

II. Earthquakes

Frequent earthquakes are also a prominent feature of Balochistan which have been played havoc many times with the different regions of Balochistan during last decade. Like floods, earthquakes also cause massive destruction to the infrastructure and human lives. The most prominent earthquakes during last decades occur in 2008 and 2013. In October 2008, an earthquake magnitude of 6.4, hit the Ziarat and Pishin districts. That earthquake was followed by a series of tremors and affected the mountainous regins of Ziarat and Pishin. About 300 people were killed by landslides and by the collapsing other infrastructures. In the Ziarat District the villages of Warchum, Wam, Kala China, Kawas, Ahmadun, Gogai, Tangai, Spezanda were worst hit while in the villages of Khushab, Balozia, Khanozai, Rodh Malazia and in the the area of Zardalu suffered a lot in terms of casualties and destruction of infrastructure. („‟Ziarat Earthquake‟‟, 2012, April 16) During the year of 2013, an earthquake of 7.8-magnitude hit the border region of Iran and Pakistan in April and damaged the areas of Mushkhel and many villages of Washuk districts. („‟Earthquake Washuk‟‟, 2013, May 10). The earthquake resulted in vast destruction of houses, shops, government buildings and schools. Hundreds of houses were distorted and thousands of people became shelter less. Almost ninety percent of area in Mushkhel was totally destroyed. The earthquake also caused death to many human lives and live stock. During the same year, the regions of Awaran, Kech, Gwadar, Kharan and Panjgur witnessed two powerful earthquakes in a same week of September, of 7.2 and 7.7 magnitudes respectively which resulted in about 399 human deaths and 599 people were seriously injured.

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III. Land Sliding

Due to heavy rains in monsoon season, there is always a risk of flash flood and consequently, land sliding is a common factor in many regions of Balochistan especially the areas of southern part of Balochistan. Bolan is the only district which frequently witness land sliding. The districts of Turbat and Gwadar experience the accidental land sliding every year. The Shadikor dam is located near Pasni, which over flows normally during heavy rains and causes floods and land sliding.

IV. Droughts

In Balochistan, droughts occur from a shortage of rain over an extended period of time, the other reasons include floods and earthquakes which are equally responsible for the loss of crops and destruction of pastures. Consequently, humans and livestock have to face the problem of food and water shortage and deficiency. Balochistan has always been passing through droughts. The districts of Kalat, Chaghi, Naukundi and Zhob were severely affected by drought at many times. The drought which prevailed in the province from 1997 to 2003 was by far the longest dry spells The average rainfall in Balochistan is very low as compared to other parts of the country. During the period from 1997 to 2003, a food crisis developed due to lack of rain. The drought phase from 1997 to 2003 was one of the worst in the history of Balochistan and is considered as the major cause behind slow economic development. The growth rate came down to 2.6 percent and the drought caused a loss of about 25 billion Pak Rs. to the national exchequer in the year 2000-2002. („‟Droughts in Balochistan‟‟, 2012, April 11).

Table No. 6.26 Frequently Drought Affected Districts of Balochistan

Most Severely Kharan, Washuk, Chaghi, Nushki, Panjgur, Kech, Affected Gwadar, Awaran, Jhal-Magsi, Bolan, Dera-Bugti, Kohlu, Sherani Severely Affected Sibi, Mastung, Kalat, Khuzdar, Lasbela, Musakhel, Qilla Abdullah 280

Moderately Affected Qilla Saifullah, Barkhan, Ziarat

Source: Generated by the researcher during research

a. Affects of Droughts on Economic Progress

The affects of the long droughts on the economic growth and consequent socio economic issues are as under:

 Food items became very rare and expensive in the affected areas due to the shortage in stock. The people already going through difficult time could not afford to buy proper food.  Insufficient food in-take caused malnutrition and consequently different diseases prevail in the affected areas.  Droughts caused fodder shortage which badly affected livestock-rearing, which plays an important role in the rural economy. 80 percent of livestock died in severely affected areas.  About 80 percent of apple trees and orchards were destroyed.  Large population migrated from drought affected areas to other safe regions in search of food and water, it caused heavy load on the resources of other regions.  The drought also contributed in increasing the rate of different diseases such as Tuberculosis and Hepatitis which affected thousands of people especially women and children because of insufficient and poor diet.

After the horrible and most damaging phase of drought from 1997 to 2003, Balochistan is again passing through another dangerous stage of drought developing conditions. The most important sectors of livestock, agriculture and overall the economic scenario of the province is at great risk of damage once again. („‟Balochistan Press Briefing‟‟, 2014, Oct.29)

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V. Spread of Diseases and Poor Health Awareness

The problem of infectious diseases in majority of Baloch population is one of the major socio economic issues that need great attention. Mostly the Baloch people are living in poverty and their poor condition does not allow them to adopt a healthy life style. Lack of basic facilities like clean drinking water and proper food is the main cause behind different types of diseases. Moreover, due to illiteracy the majority of people do not have awareness regarding hygiene. This type of non- awareness has resulted in the devastating spread of communicable disease that directly affects the economic development of a society. Control of infectious and contagious diseases has been unsuccessful due to an overall weak system which includes deficient training of human resource, and non-availability of the proper health facilities. The common diseases which are badly affecting and upsetting development activity in Balochistan include: Malaria, Acute Respiratory Infections (ARI), Ringworm, Chicken Pox, Rubella, Scabies, Measles and Tuberculosis. During the drought of 1999 to 2003, another dangerous infection was noticed which is called Crimean Congo Hemorrhagic Fever (CCHF) in Loralai district. („‟Communicable Diseases‟‟ 2012, April.11)

10. Impact of Baloch Nationalist Movement on the Economic Development of Balochistan

The process of economic as well as political development in Balochistan had remained stagnant over the last decade due to another phase of insurgency by Baloch nationalists. Any conflict or crisis is always very harmful to the overall progress of a region or state but this time, the movement and armed struggle of Baloch militant insurgents spread almost over the whole province and badly affected the social, economic and political conditions of Balochistan. Since January 2005, the resource-rich and strategically very important region, Balochistan, is undergoing another phase of violent activities and militant attacks that has created a real security threat to development projects by creating hurdles in undertaking several mega development projects, most especially the construction of Gwadar 282

Port and infrastructure related to it. Additionally, the other sectors like education, mining industries and fisheries have to suffer a lot and resulted in a weak economy. Baloch people and nationalists don‟t have faith in federal government and all the development projects as they view them as a great threat to their ethnic identity, natural resources and their territory. Therefore, they have been trying their best to damage the economy, development projects and infrastructure just to keep the province in their own control. Keeping in view the destructive affects of the insurgency, the military government of General Pervez Musharraf started counter- insurgency operations soon after the death of Akbar Bugti. Counter-insurgency strategy of Pervez Musharraf proved to be moderately successful in making the Gwadar port partially operational, regardless of all the difficulties created by the nationalist insurgents.

The fifth baloch insurgency started in 2005 in Balochistan, has not only been responsible for a significant security threat but also became the root cause for economic instability and decline as the construction of mega development projects remained incomplete due to unfavorable and dangerous circumstances for foreign workers. Due to constant attacks on installations and workers, Balochistan remained the most unstable area. According to a report, almost 435 bomb blasts by the Baloch insurgents were recorded from 2004 to 2008 and about 54 training camps of Baloch militants had been established across Balochistan. (Iqbal, 2008:2) Additionally, militant groups were also radically increased in number and strength. It has been highlighted in previous chapters that there are many militant groups in Balochistan, which are fighting against federal government. But Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) is the most prominent amongst them that is using violent means for the separation of Balochistan from Pakistan. The other militant organizations include Balochistan Liberation Front (BLF), Balochistan Republican Army (BRA), Lashkar- e-Balochistan and Jhalawan Baloch Tigers have been responsible for mass destruction. These organizations were banned by Pervez Musharraf for being involved in various attacks on gas pipelines, power transmission lines, power pylons, security check posts, FC forts, security forces, railway tracks, oil tankers, government offices, pro-government tribesmen, official residences, local civilians 283 and non Baloch outsiders. In Balochistan nationalist insurgent groups were also threatening Punjabi and other non Baloch school teachers and educationalists. The basic demand of the insurgents was the exclusion of the subject from the school and other syllabus. They stopped hoist of Pakistani Flag and National Anthem of Pakistan in the schools of Mastung, Noshki, Qalat, Gwadar, Khuzdar and Quetta. (Human Rights Watch, 2010:2) Not only Baloch insurgents but TTP also threatened to attack all private schools in Mastung district and warned the administration to replace the western style of uniform with the local dress of . Female students were warned to be clad in full Islamic veil called Hijab. (The Frontier Post, Peshawar, 2010, May.16)

The overall situation of security in Balochistan continued to be very uncertain through out the last decade and got worse till 2010. It did not remain a simple conflict between federal government and Baloch nationalists but took the form of a serious and complicated combination of nationalist insurgency, militant attacks, political and sectarian based target killing, Taliban presence in the northern part of the province, attacks on educationists, NATO supplies, enforced disappearances and illegal abductions. Frequent attacks on political leaders and security forces personnel by Baloch insurgents were not only a strategic change but also highlighted their transformation from an undeveloped group struggle to a more organized rebellious movement. (PIPS, 2011:27). In the beginning years of the construction of mega development projects in Balochistan, almost 737 attacks by Baloch insurgents were recorded. (PIPS, 2011:2) these 737 attacks including 614 attacks by nationalist insurgents, 105 militant attacks, 12 sectarian attacks and two were public in which at least 600 people including army officers, FC personnel, civilians and policemen lost their lives, about 1,117 more people were got seriously injured, among them 903 civilians, 123 FC personnel, 69 policemen, 17 soldiers and five Levies personnel. Quetta was the worst-affected district whereas Khuzdar district was the second most unstable region. (PIPS, 2011:7) The Baloch insurgents attacked on power pylons, gas installations, railway tracks and basic health units in Balochistan which not only destroyed the existing infrastructure but also contributed a lot in the decline of economic condition and development of 284

Balochistan because the land of Balochistan turned into the most volatile and unsafe region for foreign investors, especially for the Major sponsor of Gwadar Project, China. Chinese engineers and other labor forces, appointed to work on developing sites, faced life threatening situation and many of them were often attacked and killed by Baloch insurgents. This situation not only created hurdles in the construction of the Gwadar Port, but many other development projects such as TAPI, IP Gas Pipeline Project and construction and development of Economic Corridor had been ceased for a long time. As all these projects were sponsored and financed by foreign countries, like China and Iran, the prevailing condition of extreme unrest also played a great role in creating bitterness in the friendly relations with these countries. Especially, the ongoing militant struggle by Baloch nationalists became a root cause of tension between Pakistan and Iran.

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CHAPTER SEVEN

Conclusion 291

Conclusion

This study has analyzed the historical background of Baloch nationalism and the separatist movement in Balochistan which is based upon Baloch Nationalism and their Ethnic Identity. The violent behavior of Baloch Nationalists has ambushed badly the political and economic development of Balochistan while making the province the most volatile region of Pakistan where the opportunities and chances for further development are facing serious challenges.

Balochistan, the fourth province of Balochistan is the largest in terms of size, smallest in terms of population and richest in terms of mineral deposits and energy resources. But unfortunately, the most important region of Pakistan has always been the most neglected province of Pakistan. Since the creation of Pakistan in 1947, the land of Balochistan has been going through various phases of violence between baloch tribes and Central government of Pakistan. The issues are very clear but there are many factors which never let this region be peaceful.

Since the inclusion of Balochistan into Pakistan, the Baloch nationalists have been protesting against this inclusion through many armed campaigns against Central Government to protect their economic, political and cultural rights. The armed struggles have always been resulted in a battle between Government of Pakistan, Pakistan Military and Baloch Nationalist Groups. These nationalist movements have gained the status of insurgency by the time. There have been five incidents of Baloch insurgencies in the history of Pakistan, in 1948, 1952, 1962, 1973 and then in 2005, which is still going on and not only affecting the situation of law and security but also creating major obstacles in the economic and political development of Balochistan.

The rising of Baloch Nationalist sentiment is the result of several historical factors. The Baloch people have always been standing as a ferocious independent nation that strongly condemns and resists any external interference. Throughout their 292 history, many foreign invaders tried to conquer the Baloch people but none of them could be able to subjugate them completely and permanently. Arabs, Mongols, Mughals, Persians and even the British had not been able to maintain their rule over Baloch Society forever.

The long lasting affects of British dominance and their policies; after 1947, the non- cooperative and forceful attitude of Pakistani Army; mismanagement of Baloch issue and problems by Pakistani democratic Governments led Baloch people cultivate their historical grievances. The Baloch Tribal Sardars excellently utilized the aggressive sentiments of their people and mobilized people‟s support for their nationalist cause.

During last decade, with the announcement of Mega Development Projects; especially Gwadar Port in Balochistan by Musharraf, put a drastic impact on the strategic significance of Balochistan, the growing importance changed the Baloch- Government relations completely and is the most particular cause of recent phase of nationalist movement in Balochistan. Prior to Musharraf regime, the conflict in Balochistan was viewed by external powers as an internal matter of Pakistan. But the growing violence and continued instability in the wake of Gwadar and war against Taliban, made this crisis worthy of world attention.

After independence, the Government of Pakistan has to face the challenge of becoming a strong state by uniting many distinct ethnic groups to be identified as a single nation. For this purpose, different strategies and policies were adopted by many governments. But unfortunately, all the attempts to create a single national identity were strongly opposed by the Baloch Nationalists. Therefore the policies such as One Unit and Basic Democracies not only failed in achieving the goal but also resulted in extreme discontent and feelings of alienation among Baloch nationalists which was exposed through the 1973 insurgency. The following military ruler General Zia ul Haq, adopted the policy of Non-Proactive Firmness and limited the interference of Central Government into Balochistan to calm down baloch 293 insurgents. He was not intended to address baloch grievances instead he needed peace in the region to provide safe passage to US forces to Afghanistan during Russian invasion in 1979. It is said that he bribed most of the Baloch Sardars to placate their men to stop violent protest against government. His policy not only sowed the seed of corruption but also resulted in heavy influx of Afghan refugees to Balochistan. The Afghan population in large number migrated from Afghanistan and settled into many areas of Balochistan, which further gave rise to baloch nationalist sentiments and later became the cause of conflict between Pakhtuns and native Baloch population. Any ways, Zia was somehow successful in maintaining peace in this region for a long time. His policy of non-provocative firmness kept the violence at its minimum scale till the outbreak of baloch violence in 2005.

Despite the other political policies adopted by democratic governments during PML-N and PPP regime, many of the historical Baloch grievances that have led to violence in the past remain energetic even today. In Musharraf regime, his decision to invest millions in a deep-water port in Gwadar with Chinese help; the incident of 9/11; the consequent Global War on Terror and the other regional dynamics amplified strategic significance of Balochistan, Zia‟s policy of non proactive firmness was no longer applicable so under the new circumstances, the Musharraf Government was compelled to modify its policy regarding Balochistan and that was the paramount factor that led to the most recent turbulence. The chances of development required more influence of Central Government into Balochistan alongwith an increased presence of military for security reasons. The baloch people have a historical grudge for army so they strongly and aggressively opposed the development although Balochistan was given a huge increase in the amount of money allocated for Balochistan‟s development.

In fact, the steps taken by Musharraf were not against Baloch people and the objective was political and economic development of not only Balochistan but of entire Pakistan. The motive behind his aim may not be wrong, intentions may not be bad but the policies adopted by him in this regard were viewed with great doubt 294 and mistrust by Baloch nationalists. Consequently, there emerged the feelings of exploitation, political marginalization, and ethnic dispossession among Baloch Nationalist Tribal Sardars again and like always, they revolted in their own historical violent manner and started armed struggle against Government and Pakistan Army.

The political issues should never be addressed through militant protest, General Pervez Musharraf was definitely aware of the fact that the solution to the problems of Baloch Nationalists could not be provided through military actions. He tried a lot to convince the Baloch leaders that the government‟s efforts for economic development were in their best interest but he failed. The current insurgency in Balochistan started from 2005 can not be called only the fault of the Musharraf government. The revolt by Baloch nationalists is an outcome of about sixty years of political mismanagement. Every Pakistani government has never been able to understand Baloch problem and that‟s why no ruler could win the trust of Baloch people to make them realize that they are a part of Pakistan and every step taken towards their development is good for them.

On the other hand, the Baloch nationalist leaders were never prone to build their confidence on Central Government. They were and still are not inclined towards accepting the concept of one Pakistani nation, they always insist upon their unique and distinct ethnic identity. They consider themselves as only Baloch, not Pakistani. Until and unless, the government of Pakistan makes them realize that they are as important as other Pakistani ethnic groups like Punjabi, Sindhi and Pakhtuns, and they owe equal rights over Pakistan, the Baloch nationalists would rise again and again to counter the dominance of other ethnic groups and to prove their strength as a distinct nation. Instead of the peaceful negotiations and political talks with Baloch leaders, the implication of forceful strategies by the Center is the major cause of bitterness in Baloch nationalists which has played a great role in turning them into a militant force rather than a political unit. The policies adopted by the federal government towards Baloch problems have always been a crucial 295 factor in formation of Baloch nationalist movements. In all the conflicts, the Baloch nationalists have blamed; most importantly; the arrogant policies of centre towards Balochistan. Grievances of Baloch nationalists revolve around political and economic deprivation, cultural identity, provincial autonomy, control over natural resources, more representation in Central government, more and justified share from gas revenues, abolition of military camps in Baloch region and limiting Army‟s presence, abuse of human rights, lack of trust in the government, destruction of Baloch identity through heavy invasion of non Baloch outsiders.

Although, the democratic governments of PML-N and PPP during 2008-2013 have designed many strategies to address Baloch issues through proper political dialogue, efforts and plans; such as Balochistan Package; 18th Constitutional Amendment and NFC Award, but they all have failed to implicate those plans in a proper way according to Baloch leadership. The historical overview of all the baloch revolts against government makes it obvious that they never wanted to be a part of Pakistan due to constant negligence of government towards their demands. The baloch people are living in a very poor economic condition with no basic facilities such as education, health and employment. Majority of tribal people, living in remote areas of Balochistan, do not have access to even clean drinking water. Tribal chiefs of Balochistan have always blamed the government of Pakistan for not paying attention to their needs; on the other hand, the central government alleges the tribal chiefs for the poorest economic and social condition of Balochistan as the tribal chiefs do not let government to start any development activity in their region. As the economic and political progress of Balochistan would be a great threat to their centuries old control over Baloch land, people and natural resources.

The study shows that both the nationalist baloch leaders and government policies are equally responsible for the plight of Balochistan and baloch population. Almost all the prominent baloch leaders and tribal Sardars were highly qualified and have always been enjoying very good life style with all the possible facilities. They have constantly been demanding from the government of Pakistan to pay attention to the 296 poor economic condition of baloch population, but at the same time, they unanimously reject all the efforts made by government in this regard, and demand for complete autonomy. The construction of Mega Port at Gwadar and related infrastructure was the most significant and beneficial step towards economic progress of this region which would not only bring prosperity to Balochistan but also would connect Balochistan and its people to international market. Almost all the foreign and regional nations are fully aware of the strategic and economic significance of this mega project which has high-lightened the baloch potential of becoming the richest territory of Pakistan; and may be in future; of South Asia. Politically and economically strong Balochistan is highly beneficial for the existence of Pakistan but highly harmful to the existence of centuries old tribal system and the ruling elite class.

The well educated, economically strong, sharp minded, influential and politically alert baloch Sardars definitely understood and foresaw the strong and long lasting impacts of all the development plans on their under rule baloch people. Economic development would open the doors to education, socio-political awareness, better life style and more income to the masses of Balochistan which would make people less dependent on tribal Sardars. In the battle of Tribal Leaders and Government of Pakistan, it is the poor population of Balochistan that has to suffer since the constant and persistent chaos in the form of armed struggle between these two forces has destroyed the peace of the region and is the root cause of social, political and economic backwardness of Balochistan

There are many examples when democratic government of Pakistan tried to address the baloch problem but every time the efforts were never welcomed by baloch nationalists. In addition, the off and on switch to democratic government to army dictatorship, played a great role in worsening the situation in Balochistan as Pakistan army is not trustworthy to baloch people due to their past experiences. The Baloch have been violently resisting against the Federal rule and 297

Government‟s efforts to establish the writ of law in Balochistan throughout their history.

Balochistan as a tribal society has always been under the absolute influence and rule of autocrat Sardars who have kept the people backward, illiterate and underprivileged. The three major and most influential Sardars of Bugti, Marri and Mengal tribes have been involved in motivating their people to revolt against the Central Government in their own interests of maintaining their status and power by obstructing the Government‟s efforts of development in the region as it would empower the Centre in Balochistan and weaken the hold of Sardars. Although most of the baloch Sardars have been designated in the Government and held powerful positions as chief ministers of their province from time to time but they did not do anything significant for the economic and social betterment of baloch people and to maintain their authoritarian rule they decided to detach themselves from the federation and political process.

In fact, during last decade, all the Governments emphasized only on strengthening the Federal Government with a view that only a strong and powerful Center would ensure the national integration and political stability in Pakistan, but all the policies adopted in this regard, put a very negative impression on baloch nationalists and enhanced their sense of alienation, consequently their nationalist sentiments provoked them to protest in an extreme manner and their demand for provincial and financial autonomy, turned into the demand for an Independent Balochistan.

This is an interesting thing that initially, all the baloch insurgent groups were not operated by common Baloch people but they were headed by prominent Baloch Sardars, who were trying to create instability in Balochistan just to oppose the Center, and to create obstacles in the progress of development projects. Their acts of terrorism brought great sense of insecurity in the foreign investors especially for China. The Baloch Sardars did not want Chinese interference to prevent the full potential of Gwadar from being realized. So they tried their best to stop 298 development works, created obstacles for the Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline and other mega infrastructure, and keep Balochistan economically deprived.

The insurgency initiated by Baloch Sardars during 2004-05, and the destruction caused by this armed conflict, has taken the baloch people back to the age of stones rather than to future development. In addition, the current insurgency has become a matter of great interest for the foreign players and the burning atmosphere provided a golden chance to the foreign nations to intrude into the internal matter of Pakistan by supporting baloch rebels. Balochistan is an important region for Pakistan which can play a major role in the economic development of the whole country and thus can make Pakistan an economically and politically strong country. The stability of Pakistan lies in the stability of Balochistan which is never acceptable for many regional and international powers especially for India and USA. The unstable Balochistan is highly beneficial for the enemies of Pakistan. US and India have always been alleged by Government of Pakistan for supporting Baloch militants by providing them financial aid and military trainings. May be, it is the support of foreign nations that led Baloch Nationalists to demand for a separate Balochistan.

In Pakistan, no government has been successful in establishing a strong parliamentary democracy which resulted in an ever-changing political scenario and the state institutions could not get enough strength. The weakness of state brought political instability and leveled the grounds for consecutive military rules. Since independence, Pakistan has had four martial laws and eleven heads of state. During last sixty years, Pakistan witnessed dismissal of eight out of fifteen prime ministers and termination of seven out of ten national assemblies. Unfortunately, every government developed its own political strategy, regardless of the need of the country. The independent political policies and agendas damaged the real soul and purpose of political system and ultimately, destroyed the state institutions.

Political instability brought many other disorders in the political progress of state institutions such as lack of transparency, corruption and mismanagement of funds 299 by non- eligible, non-serious and insincere political leaders and bureaucrats. A non-composed political system, sporadic martial laws, dishonest and crooked politicians, gave rise to the culture of conspiracy, corruption and greed, and all these factors are main causes of the decay and decline of political system in Pakistan. Not only Baloch people but every citizen of Pakistan has lost his faith in the politicians and political system. The prevailing situation of distrust and discontentment has led to the development of regionalism and provincialism. The same is the case with Baloch nationalist movement and the major cause of their demand for autonomy.

Not only political system but the overall situation of law and order has totally declined for the last decade when Musharraf decided to interfere in FATA to counter Taliban of Al-Qaeda. His decision was viewed with great concern and strongly disliked by nationalist leaders of Balochistan. These concerns not only created anxiety; unrest and apprehensions among Baloch nationalists but also motivated the militant organizations to work on their agenda of creating a hazardous situation for future stability, political and economic development.

The militant attacks by Baloch nationalists have worsen the condition of law and order and have created barriers on the way to political and economic development of Balochistan. Many projects including Gwadar Port, Economic Corridor, IP Gas Pipeline Project, TAPI and construction of other infrastructure, has been ceased due to security concerns. IP Gas Pipeline project is facing the problem of security in Balochistan. The major portion of pipeline‟s length would be passing through Balochistan and is at great risk due to major security threat by Baloch Nationalists. The Baloch nationalists have been destroying such development projects with a perception that their economic interests were being ignored. Balochistan has gained the status of an internationally important region because the political instability within Balochistan and the struggle for autonomy and independence from Pakistan is putting prominent impacts on the security of surrounding regions also.

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Many projects of Mega development have been delayed due to the unsure circumstances and lack of peaceful environment. The on going nationalist movement is not only putting restrictions on the opportunities of economic progress but also playing a dominant and critical role in global politics. The Baloch Nationalism has opened the doors to foreign players to play their own game on Baloch land. Foreign powers are exploiting Baloch Nationalism to attain and increase their own political and economic strength, which is an alarming situation not only for Balochistan but also for entire Pakistan as this situation has brought dramatic changes in the economic, political, and strategic landscape of South and Southwest Asia while creating numerous other problems in Balochistan such as social unrest, poverty, illiteracy, political instability and economic backwardness.

Balochistan is always an influential region on local, national, and international politics due to its geo-strategic position. The present insurgency, based on Baloch Nationalism, is the great hurdle in the social, political and economic development. It has damaged the security of region as the Baloch nationalists are talking of Greater Balochistan which would include the Baloch areas of Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan.

The Baloch have been struggling for the preservation of their ethnic identity and freedom as an independent nation over the past decades in Baloch regions of Pakistan and Iran, despite of their failure as yet, Baloch nationalist movements have always been creating problems for both countries, that is why it is a source of deep concern to the governments of these countries. Baloch nationalists had actively started advocating the idea of the "Greater Balochistan" in early years of 20th century. The Greater Balochistan is supposed to cover an area equal to present day Pakistan.

The condition of law and order in Balochistan is getting worse with the passage of time and demands serious attention. The issue is not only between Center and Baloch Nationalists anymore, the strong and irresistible sense of hatred among 301 various ethnic and linguistic groups of Balochistan has given rise to target killing. This target killing, as an action and reaction is leading to high degree violence and distraction in the province. The fear of being killed has compelled many skilled professionals from different fields to leave Balochistan. This situation is badly affecting the already insufficient political, economic, educational and other institutions of Balochistan. Teachers, doctors and other people working on administrative positions are migrating from Balochistan. Due to security threats the officials from other provinces and federal government are unwilling to be appointed there. This has also damaged the administrative machinery of the provincial government too.

The Baloch Nationalism has created various serious challenges for Central Government. The current Baloch uprising is difficult to control and getting longer than any of the past movement, and has involved the armed struggle more widely than ever. The movement based on Nationalism has spread over almost all Balochistan from rural to urban areas. It is no more a conflict between the Nationalist Sardars and Central Government, but has also involved Baloch women and youth who fully support the struggle for an independent Balochistan. In the past, the Baloch tribes and insurgents used to attack only army camps and government infrastructure but now they are also attacking non-Baloch citizens and other ethnic minorities to get rid of all the non-Baloch people to protect their distinct ethnic identity. It is a reality that the land of Balochistan has often been misused and ignored in the past. No one has ever seriously tried to understand the cause of Baloch Nationalist Movement. Every attempt by Government was just to restore peace in the region temporarily instead of finding out a permanent, long lasting solution. This is also a big fact that it is very difficult to understand the Baloch people and their issues. There has always been a clash between Tribal Chiefs and Center on the issue of Gas revenues and royalty. The baloch leaders complaint against economic oppression and financial injustice but whenever the Federal Government take solid steps in this regard, they simply reject all the proposals and suddenly jump to the issue of their Ethnic Identity and Provincial Autonomy and 302 demand for an independent Balochistan. It seems the Baloch leadership is itself confused about its own demands, problems and their solutions.

The idea of Independent Balochistan may be a good source of motivation for the youth of Balochistan regarding their struggle against Central Government but in fact this idea is not applicable as an independent Balochistan would never be able to survive without a strong central leadership which they are lacking. They want to preserve their ethnic identity as a distinct nation, and their identity lies in their traditional tribal system. Every tribe has its own chief; they would never be able to choose a single chief as the head of the state. There would a great chance of inter- tribal war-like conflicts which would definitely bring more violence instead of peace. Moreover, the population is very small in number and majority is uneducated, unhealthy, and unskilled thus is not in the condition to generate any profits to the state. As far as the natural resources are concerned, their exploration and exploitation requires highly qualified, skilled and experienced personnel, which Balochistan lacks badly. So an Independent Balochistan would have no sources to run its economy for the development of state and people. Agriculture is already very limited in Balochistan. Political process would also be requiring qualified and educated people to function properly which would never be feasible due to their tribal structure. So, the Independent Balochistan would add into the miseries and restlessness of Baloch population. They would soon have to rely upon some foreign power for their survival.

The peaceful integration of the Balochistan into the nation of Pakistan is the most imperative, sensitive and significant issue because there are many other domestic, regional, and international factors involved which demand an urgent attention and solution. Being a symbol of great economic development for Pakistan, Balochistan is the only possible domestic source to overcome the current economic decline. Pakistan would achieve great development through utilizing the rich mineral and energy resources, establishing international oil and gas pipelines and completing the construction and utilization of Gwadar seaport and Pak-China Economic 303

Corridor. Balochistan is a potential economic advantage to Pakistan and without political stability and peace in this region; it is not possible to succeed at even one of these mega projects. Additionally, a separatist movement by the Baloch Nationalists is threatening even the existence of the Pakistani state as it could motivate existing movements among the other ethnic groups such as Sindhi, Gilgit, and Pakhtun, and could result in the collapse of Pakistan as a state.

The Baloch Nationalists should understand that the issue can not be resolved through militant attacks and armed protest; it should be handled very carefully only through political dialogue. It is the responsibility of the Federal Government to make serious efforts to win the trust of Baloch rebels and the Baloch leaders should play a positive role towards settlement by convincing Baloch people to understand the horrible consequences of violence. Violence brings only political and economic destruction, and destruction leads to no-where. So the Central Government and Baloch Leaders; both should work together to rectify their past mistakes, resolve their grievances against each other and should pay attention only to the economic development of not only Balochistan but of entire Pakistan.

The Baloch leaders should try to resolve their tribal feuds to bring the scattered baloch nationalists close to each other. As the tribal harmony is most significant factor in reducing tension between tribes and Central Government. The Central Government should play its role to promote inter-provincial harmony without being partial to any ethnic group and should design a long-term strategy to deal with ethnic problems. In this regard, the most necessary thing is the alleviation of the forcful sentiments of nationalism among Baloch people. This can be done only by restoring their trust and faith in Central Government and its policies towards Balochistan. There is a great need of a proper negotiation between Baloch Tribes and Central Government to find out a permanent solution to Balochistan crisis. As the social structure of Balochistan has deep roots in tribal system which can never be removed, so the Government should formulate certain policies for the welfare of local people in collaboration with the tribal chiefs. The policies like Aghaz-e-Huquq- 304 e-Balochistan Package should be implemented in true sense to resolve all the socio-economic problems such as poverty, illiteracy, unemployment and health issues. Until and unless, the local population of Balochistan does not get a chance to participate in the process of political and economic development, they will always be used by internal and external powers to destabilize the progress of Pakistan.

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