The “First Hybrid”: the Transnistrian Conflict in the Context of the Russian- Ukrainian Conflict

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The “First Hybrid”: the Transnistrian Conflict in the Context of the Russian- Ukrainian Conflict THE “FIRST HYBRID”: THE TRANSNISTRIAN CONFLICT IN THE CONTEXT OF THE RUSSIAN- UKRAINIAN CONFLICT Artem Fylypenko Political expert, Ukraine The article presents an analysis of the Transnistrian conflict of 1990-1992 through the lens of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict and criteria for “hybrid warfare”. According to the author, the Transnistrian conflict may also be considered a “hybrid” one due to its methods and means. Just like the Russian aggression against Ukraine, it has also been a part of the Russian strategy to restore Moscow’s control over the former Soviet republics. Is the Transnistrian Conflict a Hybrid One? writtenThe Transnistrian enough books conflict about itcannot in the 25be classified as understudied. There have been and its completion1. At the same time, this localized by March-July 1992, and the armed historicalyears since event the active in itself phase was of theconsidered conflict confrontationTraditionally, thein DubossaryTransnistrian on conflict2 March is beyond the interrelationship with similar 1992 is considered its beginning. At the events that were happening at the beginning of the 1990s in the former Soviet republics. was just the culmination of confrontation. The Russian aggression against Ukraine Thesame referendum time, the armed on the phase establishment of the conflict of TMR (Transnistrian Moldovan Republic) only within the certain historical context was held in December 1989-November makes it possible to regard this conflict not 1990 (due to the impossibility to hold the of 1990-1992 and those of 2014-2017 but referendum simultaneously throughout alsoand toto finddetermine similarities political between interconnection the events between the events separated by the time place in November 1990, with the seizure of gap of 20 years. administrativethe territory); thebuildings first armed by the clashes separatists, took 1 Создание Приднестровской Молдавской Республики (Creation of the Transnistrian Moldovan Republic), История Приднестровской Молдавской Республики (History of the Transnistri- anВолкова, Moldovan А.З. Republic), Бендеры, 2010., Непокоренное Приднестровье. Уроки военного конфликта (The UnconqueredТом 2-2, Transnistria. Тирасполь: Lessons Риопгу, of Приднестровски the Armed Conflict),и� Государственны и� УниверситетКонфликт в Приднестровье.им. Т.Г.Шевченко, Причины, 2001., А.В. проблемы Козлов, В.Н.и прогноз Чернобривы развитияи� , (Conflict in Transnistria. Causes, Problems, and Develop- ment Forecast), М., 2015., Г. Перепелица, К., 2001. UA: Ukraine Analytica · 3 (9), 2017 7 and the establishment of their own • The formation of two poles of the social authorities and armed units was completed confrontation: the Popular Front of Moldova by the end of 1991-beginning of 1992. against the International Movement (Maidan and Anti-Maidan in Ukraine). First of all, it is necessary to answer the • Transnistria was supported by Moscow, which was, at that time, the centre of the question: Can the Transnistrian conflict Soviet Union, seeking to retain Moldova be classified as a “hybrid war”? There are in the USSR with the help of separatist several definitions characterizing this type enclaves, though the position of the of conflicts. One example is a “classical” Communist Party Central Committee definitionHybrid warsby F. Hoffman:can be conducted by both was not consistent in this matter. In states and a variety of non-state actors. 1990-1991, the leaders of Transnistrian Hybrid wars incorporate a range of separatists, I. Smirnov and G. Marakutsa, different modes of warfare, including as well as the leadership of Gagauzia had conventional capabilities, irregular tactics numerous informal meetings in Moscow and formations, terrorist acts including with the Head of the Supreme Council indiscriminate violence and coercion, of the USSR, A. Lukyanov, who fully and criminal disorder. These multi-modal supported and contributed to declaring activities can be conducted by separate and establishing new state entities on units, or even by the same unit, but are the Moldovan territory. Despite the fact generally operationally and tactically that Moldova boycotted the referendum directed and coordinated within the main on the preservation of the USSR (17 battlespace to achieve synergistic effects2. March 1991), it was held in Transnistria and Gagauzia. Among 84% of the Thus, it is worth noting that a number of Transnistrian population, 98% voted for the preservation of the Soviet Union. Permanent close ties of the Ukrainian undersimilarities which unite the the events Transnistrian in Donbas conflict are President V. Yanukovych government and developingand the conflict is very in similar Ukraine. to Thethe eventsscenario of the Party of Regions with Russia were 1990-1992 in Transnistria: well-known as well. • The language issue was the formal • After the collapse of the Soviet Union, reason for confrontation (adoption of the Transnistria received not just political but Law of the Republic of Moldova “On the also military support from Russia. Units of functioning of languages on the territory the republican guard have been armed with of the Moldavian SSR” [September the assistance from the 14th Russian army. 1989], according to which the Moldovan Units of Cossacks arrived at Transnistria language received the status of a state from Russia. Igor Strelkov (Girkin), who language and was transliterated into Latin). In the Ukrainian situation, the Donbas seizure, had gone through combat eastern regions actively referred to “practice”later became exactly the main in mediathe Transnistrian figure of the the attempt to repeal the law on the principles of state language policy (2012) Sea Fleet units and supplies of Russian by the representatives of the Maidan. weaponryconflict. In theto Donbas Ukrainian played situation, a decisive the Black role. 2 F. Hoffman, Conflict in the 21st Century: The Rise of Hybrid Wars, Potomac Institute for Policy Studies: Arlington, p. 14. 8 UA: Ukraine Analytica · 3 (9), 2017 • The so-called “state security institutions” attack on Moldovan positions turned the of Transnistria were established with the tide in favour of separatists. Similarly, assistance from Moscow. In late 1991, direct participation of the Russian armed Vladimir Artyufeev, under the name forces units reversed the course of events of Vadim Shvetsov, and other wanted near Ukrainian Illovaisk in August 20144. (because of the armed dispersal of Latvian Methods and Tools Used Latvian Ministry of Internal Affairs came toprotests the unrecognized for independence) republic officials to participate of the Thus, it should be noted that during the in the establishing of the Transnistrian Ministry of State Security. It is noteworthy war in Donbas a similar set of methods and that V. Artyufeev, forced to leave the post toolsTransnistrian was used, conflict namely: as well as during the of the head of the Transnistrian special services in 2011, and his former employees • active use of irregular forces supported have become active in the Russian “hybrid and armed by Russia; war” against Ukraine. Initially they participated in the operation to occupy • information warfare: discrediting the Crimea and then they were sent to DPR for leadership of the states (Ukraine and strengthening the cadres there. In a short Moldova), their armed forces and security while, the Transnistrian leaders gained forces within and outside of the state; leading positions: Artyufeev himself took shaping a negative attitude toward attempts the post of the vice prime minister for of the government to regain control over security issues3, the former TMR vice the separatist territories, etc.; prime minister A. Karaman became the vice prime minister for social affairs and • direct participation of the Russian armed then minister of foreign affairs in DPR; forces in military actions. other leading positions were also taken by In the Ukrainian case, a range of methods special services. applied was enlarged through economic other former officials of the Transnistrian sanctions and terrorist acts (Odessa and • 14th Russian army, located on the territoryIn the courseof the separatistof the conflict,enclave, wasthe Kharkiv, late 2014-first half of 2015). increasingly getting involved in the to each other not only by means of similar armed confrontation, pretending to be methodsAt the same and time,tools. bothThe analysis conflicts of areideological related “volunteers who want to defend their methods, myths, templates, memes that families” at the early stage. Participation were used in the Russian information wars of the Russian military in the war became against Moldova (1991-1992) and Ukraine undisguised in June 1992 at the height of (2014-2017) is indicative of certain schemes the Battle for Bender: The tank attack on and templates for waging these wars. the Bender Bridge, retained by Moldovan The following directions of information military and police, and the artillery campaigns can be distinguished: 3 Экс-министр КГБ Приднестровья стал «вице-премьером» ДНР (Ex-minister of Transnistrian KGB Became “Vice Prime Minister”), “NB News”, 11 July 2014, http://nbnews.com.ua/ru/news/126804. 4 Прокуратура выяснила все обстоятельства Иловайской трагедии (The Prosecutor’s Office Discovered All Circumstances of the Ilovaisk Tragedy), “Pravda.com.ua”, 14 August 2017, http://www.pravda.com.ua/rus/ news/2017/08/14/7152171. UA: Ukraine Analytica · 3 (9), 2017 9 • dehumanization of the enemy, a constant emphasis on the difference dissemination of information about
Recommended publications
  • Kozak Memorandum Transnistrian Issue
    Kozak Memorandum Transnistrian Issue Cosmo neologise gloomily. Christiano is predictive: she vituperate terminatively and daikers her zamia. Submergible Smith piked erelong or glows aborning when Stanfield is Austronesian. World war ii, russia and vladimir voronin himself announced increase of moldova regards these strategic security committee of distributing powers clearly, but immunized against. Abkhazia and commenced peace settlement process for which became an opening for? More transnistrian issue and kozak memorandum which included in practice, but also include outright war, political issues to tangible progress. Moldovan relations with kozak memorandum transnistrian issue of transnistrian guard. Above the business contacts and needs reasonable plan, where he wanted to reducing tensions between moldova became an issue takes under kozak memorandum, while looking ahead. Soviet state language, but in bucharest regarding its transformation and divided on anything about changes to pay for now. The customs authorities with economic blockade and west and on their support that russia? Soviet bloc which accentuates ethnic minorities, kozak memorandum is highly uneven enforcement, kozak memorandum transnistrian issue of the. At issue adequately, kozak memorandum transnistrian issue takes under what country. Moscow appeared together representatives, which are trafficked for a geopolitical opportunity for? This would have been a need to change in the kozak memorandum, only potentially call on. An extreme stance on its relations at stalemate, kozak memorandum included in terms about his political promises. Legal status quo, have bridged any kind of trafficking in accordance with kozak memorandum contained elements in terms of legislative power. In any particular segments of poland, kozak memorandum transnistrian issue as expressed its significant issues were not refer to sign it.
    [Show full text]
  • ADEPT Political Commentaries
    ADEPT Political Commentaries September-December 2004 Concerns on the eve of elections Igor Botan, 15 September 2004 Democracy and governing in Moldova e-journal, II year, no. 37, August 30 - September 12, 2004 With the launch of the fall political season analysts and media alike engaged in assessing preparations for parliamentary elections. According to their estimates, elections might be held late May or even June next year. The source for such predictions is the Constitution itself. Paragraph 3 Article 61 of the Constitution provides that "election of Parliament members will be started not later than 3 months from the end of the previous mandate or from the dissolution of the previous Parliament". Article 63 specifies that "the mandate of the current Parliament may be extended until the structure of the new Parliament has been completed and the latter can meet in full session" that according to the same article is held "within at most 30 days from election day". That is why it is considered that Parliament mandate commences on the day of its first session. Given that the last parliamentary elections were held on February 25, while the Parliament was convened on a first session via a Presidential Decree on March 20, 2001, it is expected that parliamentary elections would be held sometime during the three months March 21 - June 21, 2005. This estimation is logical and at the first glance seems accurate. Arguments cited by those who claim election date would be set for the end of May or even June cite, derive from the supposed interests of the ruling party.
    [Show full text]
  • Russian Military Presence in Moldova – a Sensitive Issue for the Future of Relations Between Chișinău and Moscow
    RUSSIAN MILITARY PRESENCE IN MOLDOVA – A SENSITIVE ISSUE FOR THE FUTURE OF RELATIONS BETWEEN CHIȘINĂU AND MOSCOW Ion TĂBÂRȚĂ The presidential elections in the Republic of Moldova are barely over, and the first divergences between the future President of the Republic of Moldova, Maia Sandu – on one hand, and the Kremlin administration – on the other hand, are already foreshadowed. Some statements by Sandu regarding the presence of Russian military troops, illegally stationed on the left bank of the Dniester, and which statements in fact reiterated Chisinău's official stance on this matter, as it was known before the Ion Chicu government, disturbed Moscow and provoked its negative reaction. The statements of the president-elect Maia Sandu Shortly after winning the presidential term on November 15, 2020, Maia Sandu, stated in an interview with the Ukrainian daily Evropeiskaya Pravda, that resolving the Transnistrian conflict presupposes the complete withdrawal of Russian troops from Moldova. These statements by Sandu have immediately provoked negative reactions in Moscow. Russian officials have labeled the scenario proposed by the future president of the Republic of Moldova as a return to the year 1992, and as something to which those in Tiraspol will never agree. The outgoing president of the Republic of Moldova, Igor Dodon, also reacted to Maia Sandu's statements, which he stated were a serious mistake1. Later, on November 30, 2020, at a press conference, Maia Sandu came with clarifications of her position on the Russian military presence on the left bank of the Dniester. Asked by the NTV Moldova correspondent whether, as a president, she will opt for the withdrawal of Russian peacekeepers, Sandu specified that the Russian army, deployed on the left bank of the Dniester, is divided into the Operational Group of Russian Forces in Transnistria (OGRF), whose presence on the territory of the Republic of Moldova has no legal status, and the peacekeeping mission, stationed in the Transnistrian region in accordance with the Moldovan-Russian agreement of July 21, 1992.
    [Show full text]
  • Guarantee Options for a Settlement of the Conflict Over Transnistria
    Guarantee Options for a Settlement of the Conflict over Transnistria Stefan Wolff ECMI WORKING PAPER #51 November 2011 ECMI- Working Paper The European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) is a non-partisan institution founded in 1996 by the Governments of the Kingdom of Denmark, the Federal Republic of Germany, and the German State of Schleswig-Holstein. ECMI was established in Flensburg, at the heart of the Danish-German border region, in order to draw from the encouraging example of peaceful coexistence between minorities and majorities achieved here. ECMI’s aim is to promote interdisciplinary research on issues related to minorities and majorities in a European perspective and to contribute to the improvement of interethnic relations in those parts of Western and Eastern Europe where ethnopolitical tension and conflict prevail. ECMI Working Papers are written either by the staff of ECMI or by outside authors commissioned by the Centre. As ECMI does not propagate opinions of its own, the views expressed in any of its publications are the sole responsibility of the author concerned. ECMI Working Paper European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) Director: Dr. Tove H. Malloy © ECMI 2011 2 | P a g e ECMI- Working Paper Guarantee Options for a Settlement of the Conflict over Transnistria Any meaningful consideration of guarantee options requires some assumptions about the nature of the underlying settlement. With this in mind, the following discussion draws on comparative experience in two ways. First, it considers the nature of the conflict over Transnistria in a broader context of similar conflicts elsewhere in order to establish the likely dimensions of a settlement.
    [Show full text]
  • Vladimir Voronin, President of Moldova (2001-2009) Anna Sous, RFE/RL Date of Interview: May 2015
    Vladimir Voronin, president of Moldova (2001-2009) Anna Sous, RFE/RL Date of interview: May 2015 ************************ (This interview was conducted in Russian.) Anna Sous: You're not only a former president, but also a working politician, an opposition politician. You've been the leader of the Communist Party of Moldova for more than 20 years. Even at 74 years old, you're very active. How long is your typical workday? Vladimir Voronin: As long as necessary. Longer than people who have a standard working day. From 16 to 18 hours is normal. Anna Sous: Vladimir Nikolayevich, the Communist Party of Moldova is the only Communist party among the countries of the former Soviet Union that has managed to become the ruling party. How do you think Moldova's Communists differ from those in Russia? Vladimir Voronin: In ideological terms, our action plan isn't really any different. We don't differ from them in terms of being Communists, but in terms of the conditions we act in and work in -- the conditions in which we fight. Anna Sous: You were Moldova's minister of internal affairs. In 1989, when the ministry's building was set on fire during unrest in Chisinau, you didn't give the order to shoot. Later you said you wouldn't have given the command to shoot even if the ministry building had burned to the ground . Maybe this is how Moldova's Communists differ from those in Russia? Vladimir Voronin: Of course, the choices we had, and the situation we were in, were such that if I had given the order to shoot, it would have been recognized as constitutional and lawful.
    [Show full text]
  • The EU and Transnistria UNISCI Discussion Papers, Núm
    UNISCI Discussion Papers ISSN: 1696-2206 [email protected] Universidad Complutense de Madrid España Popescu, Nico The EU and Transnistria UNISCI Discussion Papers, núm. 10, enero, 2006, pp. 247-254 Universidad Complutense de Madrid Madrid, España Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=76701015 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative UNISCI DISCUSSION PAPERS Nº 10 (Enero / January 2006) THE EU AND TRANSNISTRIA AUTHOR:1 NICO POPESCU Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS), Brussels Introduction EU thinking, assessments and policies towards the conflict in Transnistria have evolved quickly. The turning point towards a more active role occurred in late 2002. Since then, the EU has stepped up its attention and actions. The EU now raises constantly the Transnistria issue in relations with Russia and Ukraine. The Union has also used an array of CFSP instruments to support the conflict resolution process – these have included appointing a EU Special Representative, introducing a travel ban against the Transnistrian leadership, as well as envisaging common actions under its ENP Action Plans with Moldova and Ukraine on conflict resolution in Transnistria. 1. Why More EU Engagement? First, because of enlargement. A 2002 Commission paper on EU approaches to Moldova stated: ‘Moldova’s stability clearly matters to the EU. Within a few years, Moldova will be on the borders of an enlarged EU. It has been destabilised by weak government, armed conflict and secession, near economic collapse, organised crime and emigration […] The EU needs to help Moldova address these problems’2.
    [Show full text]
  • The Role of Germany in the Transnistria Conflict
    Przegląd Strategiczny 2020, Issue 13 Bogdan KOSZEL DOI : 10.14746/ps.2020.1.7 Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7118-3057 THE ROLE OF GERMANY IN THE TRANSNISTRIA CONFLICT HISTORIC BACKGROUND The territory of Transnistria is a special enclave on the left bank of the Dniester River, with cultural and historical traditions markedly different than those in neighbor- ing Moldova. The Ottoman conquests, followed by the partitioning of Poland, made the Dniester a river marking the border between the Russian and Turkish empires. When Turkey grew weaker in the international arena and Russia grew stronger after its victory over Napoleon, the territory – known as Bessarabia – fell under Russian rule until 1918, to be embraced by Greater Romania after the collapse of tsarism (Lubicz- Miszewski, 2012: 121–122). After the Soviet Union was formally established in 1922, the Moscow government immediately began to question the legality of Bessarabia’s inclusion within Romania and never accepted this annexation. In 1924, the Moldovan Autonomous Socialist So- viet Republic (MASSR) was established on the left bank of the Dniester as an integral part of the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic. Before World War II, Germany showed no interest in this region of Europe, believ- ing that this territory was a zone of influence of its ally, the Austro-Hungarian mon- archy, and then of the Soviet Union. In the interwar period, Romania was a member of the French system of eastern alliances (Little Entente) and Berlin, which supported Hungarian revisionist sentiments, held no esteem for Bucharest whatsoever. At the time of the Weimar Republic, Romania became interested in German capital and ob- taining a loan from the Wolff concern to develop their railroads, but Germany shunned any binding declarations (Koszel, 1987: 64).
    [Show full text]
  • The Influence of Newer Member States in the European Union: the Case of Poland and the Eastern Partnership
    EAS_EB_190713 EUROPE ASIA STUDIES 2013 (Special Issue Editor Final Proof) 5 The Influence of Newer Member States in the European Union: The Case of Poland and the Eastern Partnership 10 NATHANIEL COPSEY KAROLINA POMORSKA 15 Abstract This article seeks to examine and assess the role of Poland in the early stage making of the Eastern Partnership (EaP) of the European Union (EU). First, it briefly reviews Poland’s aims and ambitions with regard to the European Union’s policy towards its eastern neighbours, both before and since it 20 joined the European Union in 2004. Second, it describes and analyses the EaP, including its added value for the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). Third, it draws on a range of interviews carried out by the authors in Brussels and Warsaw on Poland’s role in the initial formation of the EaP, as seen by its partners in the other Member States and European institutions. In addition, it seeks to unpack some of the early stage lessons learnt by the Polish government about how best to achieve its ambitions 25 in the EU, and notes the remaining weaknesses of the Polish administration, particularly in the area of administrative capacity. THIS ARTICLE SEEKS TO EXAMINE AND ASSESS THE ROLE OF POLAND 30 during the initial establishment phase of the Eastern Partnership (EaP) of the European Union (EU), as viewed by key EU and Polish political elites. The EaP was jointly launched by Poland and Sweden in 2008 as a means of reinforcing the eastern dimension of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). The article contributes primarily to the growing body of scholarship on the impact and influence of newer 35 Member States of the European Union as unlikely power brokers on its policy agenda (see, for example, Dangerfield 2010).
    [Show full text]
  • Moldova's Political Crisis Abates
    CRS INSIGHT Moldova's Political Crisis Abates June 20, 2019 (IN11137) | Related Author Cory Welt | Cory Welt, Specialist in European Affairs ([email protected], 7-0530) On June 14, 2019, a political crisis in Moldova ended when leaders of the formerly ruling Democratic Party of Moldova (PDM) agreed to dissolve the outgoing government in favor of a new coalition. The coalition includes a reform- oriented, Western-leaning alliance, ACUM (or "Now"), and the socially conservative, Russian-leaning Party of Socialists, which placed first in Moldova's February 2019 elections. Moldova is one of three post-Soviet states that, together with Ukraine and Georgia, have sought greater integration with the West while coping with separatist territories occupied by Russian forces. Many Members of Congress have long supported Moldova's democratic trajectory and territorial integrity and have called on Russia to respect Moldova's sovereignty and withdraw its military forces. Growing Discontent Moldova's political environment was increasingly contentious before the recent crisis. The PDM gained power in 2016 after the prior government collapsed amid fallout from a bank fraud case involving the alleged loss of some $1 billion, equivalent to more than 12% of Moldova's gross domestic product. ACUM leaders and many observers contend that the PDM, in particular party leader and wealthy businessman Vlad Plahotniuc, effectively "captured" Moldova's state institutions for personal and party gain. In summer 2018, mass protests opposed a court decision to annul a snap mayoral election in Chisinau, Moldova's capital, which had been won by Andrei Nastase, who later became one of ACUM's two co-leaders.
    [Show full text]
  • Dniester Jews Between
    PARALLEL RUPTURES: JEWS OF BESSARABIA AND TRANSNISTRIA BETWEEN ROMANIAN NATIONALISM AND SOVIET COMMUNISM, 1918-1940 BY DMITRY TARTAKOVSKY DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2009 Urbana, Illinois Doctoral Committee: Professor Mark D. Steinberg, Chair Professor Keith Hitchins Professor Diane P. Koenker Professor Harriet Murav Assistant Professor Eugene Avrutin Abstract ―Parallel Ruptures: Jews of Bessarabia and Transnistria between Romanian Nationalism and Soviet Communism, 1918-1940,‖ explores the political and social debates that took place in Jewish communities in Romanian-held Bessarabia and the Moldovan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic during the interwar era. Both had been part of the Russian Pale of Settlement until its dissolution in 1917; they were then divided by the Romanian Army‘s occupation of Bessarabia in 1918 with the establishment of a well-guarded border along the Dniester River between two newly-formed states, Greater Romania and the Soviet Union. At its core, the project focuses in comparative context on the traumatic and multi-faceted confrontation with these two modernizing states: exclusion, discrimination and growing violence in Bessarabia; destruction of religious tradition, agricultural resettlement, and socialist re-education and assimilation in Soviet Transnistria. It examines also the similarities in both states‘ striving to create model subjects usable by the homeland, as well as commonalities within Jewish responses on both sides of the border. Contacts between Jews on either side of the border remained significant after 1918 despite the efforts of both states to curb them, thereby necessitating a transnational view in order to examine Jewish political and social life in borderland regions.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction
    Introduction R a y B r a n d o n a n d W e n d y L o w e r Before the Second World War, the Jews of Ukraine constituted one of the largest Jewish populations in Europe.1 They were without a doubt the largest Jewish population within the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union.2 And between July 1940 and June 1941—af­ ter Stalin occupied the interwar Polish territories of eastern Gali­ cia and western Volhynia as well as the interwar Romanian territo­ ries of northern Bukovina and southern Bessarabia—the number of Jews in the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic (UkrSSR) rose to at least 2.45 million persons, thus making it for a brief period home to the largest Jewish population in Europe.3 Despite the size of Ukraine’s Jewish population, academics and laypersons alike have for over two generations tended to talk about the Holocaust in the Soviet Union, Poland, Romania, or Hungary, but not about the Holocaust in Ukraine, which is the subject of this book. The reason for this traditional approach is evident. Unlike any of the aforementioned countries, Ukraine from the mid-thir­ teenth until the mid-twentieth century was but an ensemble of disparate territories partitioned among several neighboring pow­ ers. Ukrainian efforts to establish a state in these lands in the aftermath of the First World War were thwarted by internecine factionalism as well as Polish national aspirations and Soviet rev­ olutionary ambitions. Between the Polish-Soviet peace of 1920 and the Nazi-Soviet pact of 1939, the lands of modern Ukraine were split among Poland (eastern Galicia and western Volhynia), Czechoslovakia (Transcarpathia), Romania (northern Bukovina and southern Bessarabia), and the Soviet Union.
    [Show full text]
  • Labour Productivity Simulations in Ukrainian Regions: Analysis Based on a Gravitational Growth Model
    43 Svitlana Chugaievska et al. ISSN 2071-789X RECENT ISSUES IN ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT Chugaievska, S., Filipowicz, K., Tokarski, T., & Wisła, R. (2020). Labour productivity simulations in Ukrainian regions: Analysis based on a gravitational growth model. Economics and Sociology, 13(4), 43-60. doi:10.14254/2071- 789X.2020/13-4/3 LABOUR PRODUCTIVITY SIMULATIONS IN UKRAINIAN REGIONS: ANALYSIS BASED ON A GRAVITATIONAL GROWTH MODEL Svitlana Chugaievska ABSTRACT. The purpose of the article is to build a Zhytomyr Ivan Franko State gravitational growth model of Ukrainian economy. The University, Zhytomyr, Ukraine correlation of the labour productivity macroeconomic E-mail: [email protected] indicator and its empirical verification is considered. The ORCID 0000-0002-9751-9647 article looks at recent research dealing with data analysis of region groups as of 2004-2017. To determine the Katarzyna Filipowicz conditions for economic development of the regions, the Jagiellonian University in Krakow, magnitude and the possible influence of the main Krakow, Poland macroeconomic factors were assessed. The methodology E-mail: [email protected] of gravity modelling makes it possible to study the ORCID 0000-0003-2131-0414 significance of each individual factor on the basis of statistical information and to predict these factors within Tomasz Tokarski the context of possible scenarios. Methods of statistical Jagiellonian University in Krakow, analysis and econometric modelling were used to build a Krakow, Poland gravity model and to assess its statistical significance and E-mail: [email protected] forecasting ability for economy. The methodological ORCID 0000-0002-9551-0892 principles of the gravity theory in the context of the set tasks involve studying both regional GDP indicators and Rafał Wisła the geographical location and remoteness from the Jagiellonian University in Krakow, capital.
    [Show full text]