Association Canadienne De Linguistique Canadian Linguistic Association

Association canadienne de linguistique Canadian Linguistic Association

Congrès de 2013 | 2013 conference University of Victoria 1–3 juin 2013 | June 1–3, 2013

Programme: http://homes.chass.utoronto.ca/~cla-acl/prog2013.html

Résumés | Abstracts

1 Allen, Blake (UBC): Learning principles of syllabification from word-edge phonotactics 2 Alvarez, Isabel (UW Oshkosh): Children’s interpretation of sentences containing the adverbs almost and casi 3 Anghelescu, Andrei and Michael Schwan (UBC): Nuclear consonants in Gitksan 4 Armoskaite, Solveiga (Oawa) and Carrie Gillon (Arizona State): 50 shades of definiteness 5 Baersby, Tanya (Toronto): Semantic change in the Spanish copula system: Evidential innovation with estar in the Buenos Aires variety 6 Béjar, Susana and Arsalan Kahnemuyipour (Toronto): Agreement in copular clauses embedded in modal contexts 7 Belikova, Alyona (McGill): Linguistically misleading instruction: Effective or not? 8 Bello, Sophia (Toronto): L’omission des clitiques objets indirects: Arguments du VP ou tête fonctionnelle? 9 Bigot, Davy (Concordia): /tUt/ en français laurentien 10 Bilous, Ross (York): Are Slavic languages with or without articles? 11 Bird, Sonya (Victoria), Belinda Claxton (Tsawout First Nation), Ewa Czaykowska-Higgins (Vic- toria), John Ellio (Tsartlip First Nation), Anne Jimmie (Tsawout First Nation), and Janet Leonard (Victoria): e Evolution of a SENĆOŦEN Story Project 12 Bjorkman, Bronwyn, and Elizabeth Cowper (Toronto): Inflectional shells and the syntax of causative have 13 Blainey, Darcie (Tulane): Phonetic vowel nasalization and language loss in Louisiana French 14 Bliss, Heather (UBC): Nominal dependence in Blackfoot clauses 15 Bliss, Heather, Rose-Marie Déchaine, and Tomio Hirose (UBC): Locative PPs in Blackfoot and Plains Cree 16 Boechler, Shay (First Peoples’ Cultural Council): e Endangered Language Project 17 Brook, Marisa (Toronto): Intersecting phonotactic restrictions and their perceptual effects 18 Brown, Colin: Focus in Nata: Denotation vs. discourse-new 19 Brown, Jason and Karsten Koch (Calgary): Focus, Polynesian *ko, and language change 20 Burton, Strang, Rose-Marie Déchaine, and Joash Johannes, with C. Brown, A. Entwistle, E. Guntly, R. Fuhrman, N. Francis, H. Keupdjio, W. M. Lam, J. Ma, A. Osa Gomez del Campo, E. Sadlier-Brown, I. Schniske, D. Si, S. Walters, and Y. Yoshino (UBC): Using storyboards to elicit information structure contrasts in Nata 21 Caldeco, Marion (Simon Fraser) and Ewa Czaykowska-Higgins (Victoria): Tracking Intonation Paerns in Interior Salish 22 Ceong, Hailey Hyekyeong and Leslie Saxon (Victoria): Features of questions and interrogatives 23 Chapman, Cassandra (McMaster): A revised analysis of EPP-feature checking: e case of Mod- ern French 24 Colantoni, Laura, Olivia Marasco, Jeffrey Steele, and Simona Sunara (Toronto): Temporal and spectral parameters in the L2 acquisition of prosodic prominence 25 Compton, Richard (een’s): Incorporation and ellipsis as evidence for phrasal words in Inuit 26 Coon, Jessica (McGill) and Alan Bale (Concordia): Person and number in Mi’gmaq 27 Cowper, Elizabeth (Toronto) and Daniel Currie Hall (Saint Mary’s): English modals: Evidence for a neoparametric theory of phrase structure 28 Cox, Christopher (Alberta): Reclaiming access: Language documentation in Canadian Indige- nous language reclamation 29 Craioveanu, Radu (Toronto): e rise and fall of aspirated fricatives 30 Das, Deboapam, and Maite Taboada (Simon Fraser): Explicit and implicit coherence relations: A corpus study 31 Denis, Derek (Toronto): e social meaning of eh in Canadian English 32 Doner, Julianne (Toronto): e acquisition of first-order CP and DP recursion: A longitudinal case study 33 Dresher, B. Elan (Toronto): Contrastive Vowel Features in West Germanic 34 Dresher, B. Elan, Christopher Harvey, and Will Oxford (Toronto): Feature hierarchies and phonological change 35 Dufresne, Monique (een’s), Mireille Tremblay (Montréal), and Rose-Marie Déchaine (UBC): Les noms sans déterminants en ancien français 36 Dyck, Carrie (Memorial) and Amos Key, Jr. (Woodland Cultural Centre): e ethics of reclaiming indigenous languages: A case study of Cayuga (Gayogoho:nǫˀ) 37 Entwistle, Allie (UBC): High tone placement in Nata verbs 38 Erfani, Parisa (Simon Fraser): Azeri morphosyntactic variation: e effect of Persian on NP structure 39 Filonik, Svitlana (Calgary): Gender assignment to loanwords in Ukrainian 40 Forbes, Clarissa (Toronto): Number in the Gitksan nominal domain: Plural [plural] projections 41 Francis, Naomi (UBC): e marking of future uncertainty in Nata 42 Frolova, Anna (Toronto): Acquisition des structures transitives en russe langue maternelle 43 Fuhrman, Robert (UBC): Agreement as resumption: e case of Nata object marking 44 Fulford, George (Winnipeg): What morphology tells us about effective teaching in Cree 45 Gambarage, Joash Johannes (UBC): Tongue root restriction and nominal morphological domains in Nata 46 Gauthier, Philippe (Western): A government-phonological sketch of vowel laxing in Laurentian French 47 Gessner, Suzanne (First Peoples’ Cultural Council): Creating Adult Fluency rough One-on- One Immersion 48 Ghomeshi, Jila (Manitoba): e syntax of pragmaticalization 49 Gisborne, Nikolas (Edinburgh) and Robert Truswell (Oawa): e origins of clause-medial wh- relatives in Middle English 50 Goad, Heather, and Akiko Shimada (McGill): /s/ is a vocoid in Blackfoot 51 Godfrey, Ross (Toronto): Inner and outer causatives in a type-driven semantics 52 Goncharov, Julie (Toronto): Self -superlatives 53 Guo, Xiaoqian: Features of schwa produced by Chinese EAL speakers: Lexical vs. inserted schwa 54 Hall, Kathleen Currie (UBC): Documenting phonological change: A comparison of two Japanese phonemic splits 55 Hamilton, Michael (McGill): Wh-movement in Mi’gmaq 56 Han, Chung-Hye, Mathieu Dovan, Noureddine Elouazizi, Nancy Hedberg, Meghan Jeffrey, Kyeong- min Kim, and Keir Moulton (Simon Fraser): A self-paced reading study of resumptive relative clauses in English 57 Hansson, Gunnar Ólafur, and Allie Entwistle (UBC): Consonant stricture harmony in Yabem: Manner assimilation at a distance 58 Huang, Yan (Victoria): Les restrictions aspectuelles imposées par les verbes finir, cesser, arrêter et aever sur leurs infinitifs 59 Irimia, Monica (Toronto): Non-canonical, but structural 60 Johns, Alana (Toronto): Ergativity lives: Eastern Canadian Inuktitut and *clitic doubling 61 Kawai, Michiya (Huron College and Western): VP ellipsis and the Identity Condition 62 Kayama, Yuhko (Manitoba) and Yuriko Oshima-Takane (McGill): Parental input paerns and children’s acquisition of verb argument structures in Japanese 63 Keupdjio, Hermann (UBC): Deriving the le edge WH phrase in Nata WH constructions 64 Kiely, Siobhán (Laval): Social aitudes, ethnolinguistic identity, and L2 proficiency: e ebec context 65 Kilbourn-Ceron, Oriana (McGill): Almost does not evaluate propositional alternatives 66 Kim, Kyeong-min (Simon Fraser): Syntax of su: A uniform analysis 67 Kim, Kyumin (Calgary): PERSON all the way in Blackfoot: evidence from psych-predicates 68 Koch, Karsten (Calgary): One focus per clause: consequences of a syntactic focus-marking strategy 69 Koch, Karsten, Aistanskiaki Sandra Manyfeathers, Issapoikoan Brent Prairie Chicken, and Alice Post (Calgary): A Blackfoot children’s book 70 Kunduraci, Aysun (Calgary): Pseudo-3rd person marker and possessive constructions in Turkish 71 Lam, Zoe Wai-man, Sonja oma, and Martina Wiltschko (UBC): e Syntax of Grounding 72 Lee, Sunghwa (Victoria): Korean verb/adjective base vowel shortening as multiple exponence 73 Léger, Catherine (Victoria): Une analyse des trois interprétations de l’adverbe ba en chiac 74 Liell, Patrick (UBC): e relevance of word class to information structure in Kwak’wala 75 Liu, Jianxun (Victoria): Schwa insertion in diminutives of Beijing Chinese: An OT analysis based on an articulatory phonological account 76 Louie, Meagan (UBC): Constraints on licensing if -clauses in Blackfoot 77 Luo, Shan (Victoria): Explain tone sandhi under articulatory phonology (AP) 78 Ma, Jamie (UBC): e disappearance of the final vowel with the Nata passive 79 MacDonald, Danica (Calgary): e historical development of Korean -tul: a corpus study 80 MacDonald, Danica, and Susanne Carroll (Calgary): Who has more? Second-language processing of mass-count nouns 81 Marasco, Olivia (Toronto): Intonation paerns of yes-no questions in L2 Spanish speakers 82 Marinescu, Irina (Toronto): e effects of /s/-aspiration on adjacent vowels in Cuban Spanish 83 Markle Lamontagne, Joanne (Toronto): Child heritage language acquisition of the Spanish present perfect in ebec 84 Massam, Diane (Toronto): Double and single ‘be’ constructions in spoken English 85 Mathieu, Éric (Oawa): Plurals versus pluratives 86 McClay, Elise (McGill), Erin Olson (McGill), Carol Lile (McGill), Hisako Noguchi (Concordia), Alan Bale (Concordia), Jessica Coon (McGill), and Gina Cook (iLanguage Lab): Using Technol- ogy to Bridge Gaps between Speakers, Learners, and Linguists 87 McCulloch, Gretchen (McGill): Finals in Mi’gmaq 88 McIvor, Onowa (Victoria), Carmen Rodriguez de France (Victoria), Aliki Marinakis (Victoria), Nick Claxton (Victoria), Sara Child (Kwakiutl Nation), and Kendra Underwood (WSÁNEĆ School Board): Reconciliation through Graduate and Undergraduate Programming in Indigenous Lan- guage Revitalization 89 McMullin, Kevin (UBC): Learning consonant harmony in artificial languages 90 Moghaddam, Safieh (Toronto): Split ergativity: Evidence from Davani 91 Moreno-Villamar, Itziri, and Silvia Perpiñán (Western): Inversion and case assignment in the language of Spanish heritage speakers 92 Motut, Alexandra (Toronto): A semantics for object-oriented depictives and their connection to partitives 93 Moulton, Keir, Mathieu Dovan, and Meghan Jeffrey (Simon Fraser): Why are weak crossover effects so weak? An experimental investigation 94 O’Neill, Briney (Victoria): ASCII affect: A comparison of emoticons and facial expressions in affective priming 95 Oda, Kenji (Toronto): On apparent adjective fronting in Irish 96 Osa-Gómez del Campo, Adriana (UBC): Incompletion as a future marker in Nata, a Bantu language 97 Paul, Ileana (Western): Projections étendues mixtes et nominalisation dans quelques langues océaniennes 98 Pinard-Prévost, Geneviève (Sherbrooke): Représentation onomasiologique des actes illocutoires conversationnels par la MSN 99 Poiré, François, Jeff Tennant, and Antony Cloutier (Western): Adaptation à l’accent français européen par une comédienne québécoise : changements acoustiques des voyelles et perception des accents québécois et hexagonal 100 Price, Shannon, and Jesse Stewart (Manitoba): Nasal harmony fading in Guaraní 101 Pytlyk, Carolyn (Victoria): Second language orthography: Are orthographic effects language- specific? 102 Rochemont, Michael (UBC): G-marking and second-occurrence focus (SOF) 103 Sadlier-Brown, Emily (UBC): e Nata double-object construction: Implications for applicative and (as-) symmetrical typologies 104 Sammons, Olivia N. (Alberta): Linguistic Variation and Language Revitalization: Perspectives from Michif 105 Sampson, Renee, David Underwood, Pena Ellio, and Tye Swallow (WSÁNEĆ School Board): SȾÁ,SEN TŦE SENĆOŦEN: Building Language Capacity for Language Sustainability 106 Sherkina-Lieber, Marina (York): English influence on Russian embedded yes-no questions in bilingual children’s production 107 Storoshenko, Dennis Ryan (Yale): Only cool people tweet theirselves: Variation in the English reflexive paradigm 108 Strik, Nelleke (Dalhousie): e acquisition of long distance wh-questions in L2 French 109 Tateishi, Miwako, and Stephen Winters (Calgary): Does ultrasound training lead to improved perception of a non-native sound contrast? 110 oma, Sonja (UBC): Bavarian discourse particles at the pragmatics-syntax interface 111 Tollan, Rebecca (Toronto): Deriving morphological ergativity in Basque 112 Truswell, Robert and Paul Melchin (Oawa): Noun phrases and nonprojecting heads 113 Tsedryk, Egor (Saint Mary’s): Internal merge of nominative subjects 114 Turner, Claire (UBC): e temporal interpretation of modals in SENĆOŦEN and Hul’q’umi’num’ 115 Ungureanu, Mona-Luiza (Moncton): Overt and covert D0 in Romanian 116 Voskovskaia, Elena (Toronto): Composés N-N et N-de-N dans la liérature française du 17e au 20e siècle : productivité morphologique 117 Weber, Natalie (UBC): Accent and pro-DPs in Blackfoot 118 Wilhelm, Andrea (Victoria & Alberta): Dënesųłiné as a type language 119 Wilhelm, Andrea (Victoria & Alberta): Language Revitalization: An annotated bibliography 120 Wiltschko, Martina (UBC): e heterogeneity of subjunctives. Evidence from tenseless languages 121 Windsor, Joseph, and Jessi Cobler (Calgary): A unified analysis of three phrase-final phenomena in Blackfoot 122 Winters, Stephen, and Suzanne Curtin (Calgary): Cues to syntactic disambiguation in infant- directed speech 123 Yin, Hui (Xijiao Liverpool): A usage-based approach to multi-verb constructions in Mandarin 124 Yokoyama, Tomohiro (Toronto): Licensing of the question marker ka in Japanese 125 Yuan, Michelle (Toronto): A-bar fronting in Dinka: Evidence for a le-peripheral domain below CP Learning Principles of Syllabification from Word-Edge Phonotactics Blake Allen, University of British Columbia

Speakers of a natural language possess the ability to judge the relative felicity of different divisions of words in that language, as demonstrated by a variety of experimental tasks (Treiman & Danis 1988; Derwing 1992; Redford & Randall 2005). These judgments indicate that the subjects in these experiments use phonological knowledge to assess the acceptability of word divisions, and that some of this knowledge mirrors phonotactic trends observed in the lexicon (Steriade 1999; Hammond 1999; Hall 2006; Eddington et al. 2013). This paper presents a simulation of phonotactic learning in English whose purpose is to establish which predictors of word division (“syllabification”) judgments can be said to reflect learned knowledge of phonotactic patterns in the lexicon. Following Legendre et al. (1990)andHayes & Wilson (2008), I assume that phonological knowledge can be expressed as a set of weighted constraints, whose weights are learned from exposure to primary linguistic data. By using the MaxEnt Grammar Tool created by Wilson & George (2009), it is possible given a set of forms and a set of constraints to determine the weightings of the latter that most accurately predict the patterns observed in the former. The central premise of this research, then, is that word division judgments and other responses in linguistic tasks are due to the same constraint weights that were calculated from observations about primary language data, as schematized below:

(1) observed forms constraint weights phonological judgments ⇔ ⇔ First, I demonstrate that using the MaxEnt Grammar Tool to learn constraint weights from a corpus of responses in word division tasks—taken from Eddington et al. (2013)— successfully produces weights which are consistent with hypothesized factors affecting word division, including various types of phonotactic restrictions at word edges and stress patterns. I then provide comparisons of the observed word divisions from Eddington et al.’s experimental task and the word divisions predicted by the weights calculated from a comprehensive lexicon of English, the CMU Pronouncing Dictionary (Weide 2005). By comparing the fit between the observed and predicted word divisions for each possible subset of constraint weights, I produce evidence that while the effect of some of these factors is compatible with having been learned from phonotactics in the lexicon of English, other factors must have their origin elsewhere, perhaps in language-nonspecific phonetic biases. Specifically, I argue that although the role of initial vowel glottalization, final consonant glottalization, and Onset/NoCoda could have been learned from lexical phonotactics, the influence on word division of anticipatory nasalization patterns and stress must have a non-lexical cause. This research generates new insight into the origin of word division or syllabification judgments, as well as testing a novel approach to integrating phonological theory with computational research methods. Empirically, it provides evidence that word division judgments are affected by both factors learned from phonotactics and factors of non-phonotactic origin; and methodologically, it serves as a proof-of-concept for a research program which coordi- nates experimental investigation of phonological patterns with computational modeling of such patterns. Bibliography

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Wilson, C.,&B. George,2009.Maxentgrammartool(computersoftware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`a+/$H0*-+%#%+bc+/*+-&D'+#(+ &'*D$-^1/#$D&'+30(-'K-*<+!"#$%&'(:+"0E'6'&:+/33'.-'%+-"'+*/H'+*'(-'(3'*+/*+-&D'+H0&'+01-'(+ -"/(+/%D$-*<+C"#*+3/(+7'+'K.$/#('%+#(+-'&H*+01+/60#%/(3'+01+H06'H'(-+/-+-"'+$'6'$+01+W04#3/$+ d0&H<+C"'+*D&1/3'+*-&D3-D&'+3$0*'$?+H#&&0&*+-"'+Wd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uclear consonants in Gitksan Andrei Anghelescu & Michael Schwan University of British Columbia [email protected] & [email protected]

Gitksan, an endangered Tsimshianic language spoken in northern British Columbia, permits clusters of up to ﬁve consonants. These clusters always include a fricative; Rigsby (1986) notes that “fricatives seem to function phonetically as pseudo-syllabic peaks in [such clusters]”. In this paper, we take the labio-velar fricative /xw/asatestcase,claimingthatitfunctionsasasyllabic nucleus in consonant clusters while not functioning as a nucleus in other environments (Dell and Elmedlaoui, 1985). Speakers of Gitksan often treat strings of consonants which include /xw/as syllables. This paper provides phonotactic evidence in support of the dual nature of /xw/. The data in (1) is a selection of words in Gitksan with ﬁnal consonant clusters. In the second line of each example is a schematic representation of the Gitksan word where only vowels are treated as nuclei. In the third line, /xw/istreatedasanucleus;nuclear/xw/isrepresentedbyX.

(1) Consonant clusters and nuclear /xw/

a. gi.paj.gunsxw c. ’min pda! ltxw CV.CVC.CVCCC CVC#CVCCC CV.CVC.CVC.CX /xw/asanucleus CVC#CV.CXC /xw/asanucleus ‘airplane’ ‘to climb’ b. PaX.åa.bitxwt d. !ts’iipxwt CVC.CV.CVCCC CVVCCC CVC.CV.CV.CXC /xw/asanucleus CVV.CXC /xw/asanucleus ‘blackﬂy’ ‘to tie up’

For comparison, the data in (2) are words in Gitksan without consonant clusters. In these cases, treating /xw/asanucleusdoesnotsimplifyconsonantclusters.

(2) Non-nuclear /xw/

a. ha.gwi.luxw b. haxw.dakw CV.CV.CVC CVC.CVC ‘rope’ ‘bow’

The alternate syllabification in (1) demonstrates that treating /xw/asasyllablenucleusmini- mizes consonant clusters. However, the analogous treatmentof/xw/asanucleusin(2)doesnot simplify any consonant clusters. Therefore, we hypothesizethat/xw/functionsasasyllablenu- cleus in consonant clusters, while still patterning like a non-nuclear segment in other environments. We explore this hypothesis by comparing syllabification of /xw/invariouscontexts.Thisanalysis is extended to other fricatives. The focus of this paper is on the behaviour of fricatives as syllabic nuclei. This research will serve as a foundation for understanding how words of Gitksan are syllabified. Gitksan, and Tsimshianic languages in general, are under-described languages. One outcome of this research is that we can compare syllabification in Gitksan and syllabification in related languages.

1 References

Dell, F. and Elmedlaoui, M. (1985). Syllabic consonants and syllabiﬁcation in Imdlawn Tashlhiyt Berber. Journal of African Languages and Linguistics,7:105–130.

Rigsby, B. (1986). Gitksan grammar. Ms. University of Queensland.

2 50 shades of definiteness

Solveiga Armoskaite Carrie Gillon University of Ottawa Arizona State University introduction In this paper, we explore the shades of definiteness of bare nouns. We show how certain morphosyntactic conditions induce particular readings in an articleless language (Lithuanian; Baltic). We examine the relationships between: pluractionality, aspect, superlative degree adjectives, pronominal adjectives and bare nouns in Lithuanian. We show that superlative degree/pronominal adjectives and aspect force a definite/specific reading on the internal argument of the verb, whereas pluractionality is only preferentially associated with the definite/specific reading. data In Lithuanian, singular bare nouns may receive either a definite/specific or indefinite interpretation (1).

(1) Jonas suko rakt!. John.Nom.Sg turn.Past.3sg keyAcc.Sg ‘John turned a key.’/‘John turned the key.’

However, this ambiguity disappears in the presence of perfective aspectual marking.

(2) Jonas pa-suko rakt!. John.Nom.Sg pref-turn.Past.3sg keyAcc.Sg (i) ‘John turned the key.’ (ii) "‘John turned a key.’

In contrast, the presence of the pluractional marker -in!-, singular bare nouns are strongly associated with a definite/specific interpretation (3).

(3) Jonas suk-in!-jo rakt!. John.Nom.Sg turn-plur-Past.3sg keyAcc.Sg (i) ??? ‘John kept turning a key.’ (ii) ‘John kept turning the key.’ question How to account for this variation in bare noun interpretations? main claim We propose a scale of definiteness/specificity.

(4) fully ambiguous… ….unambiguously definite unmarked verb pluractional verb perfective verb superlative adjective pronominal adjective

Following Gillon & Armoskaite (2012), we claim that articleless languages, despite lacking any overt D, can utilize a covert D. Further, nominals in (some) articleless languages vacillate between DP and NP structures (Franks & Pereltsvaig 2004, Ajíbóyè 2006, among others). We argue that particular grammatical constructions make the use of the covert D obligatory while others allow for full ambiguity. Pluractionality falls in between the extremes.

References Ajíbóyè, O. 2006. Topics on Yorùbá Nominal Expressions. Ph.D. dissertation, University of British Columbia. Armoskaite, S. 2012. Effects of pluractional suffix. Evidence from Lithuanian. In Massam, D. (ed.) Mass- Count Across Languages, Oxford University Press. Bernstein, J. 2008. Reformulating the determiner phrase analysis. In Language and linguistics compass. 2(6), 1246-1270. Cusic, D. 1981. Verbal Plurality and Aspect. Ph.D. dissertation, Stanford University. Despi#, M. 2011. Syntax in the absence of determiner phrase. Ph D dissertation, University of Connecticut. Filip, H. 1997. Integrating Telicity, Aspect and NP Semantics: The Role of Thematic Structure. In J. Toman (ed.), Formal Approaches to Slavic Linguistics. Ann Arbor, Michigan: Slavic Publications. Franks, S, Pereltsvaig, A. 2004. Functional Categories in the Nominal Domain. Formal Approaches to Slavic Linguistics. Ann Arbor, Michigan: SlavicPublications. Garrett. A. 2001. Reduplication and infixation in Yurok: Morphology, semantics and diachrony. International Journal of American Linguistics 67(3), 264-312. Gillon, C, S. Armoskaite. 2012. The semantic import of (c)overt D. Proceedings of the 29th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics, eds. Jaehoon Choi, E. Alan Hogue, Jeffrey Punske, Deniz Tat, Jessamyn Schertz, and Alex Trueman, 337-345. Henderson, R. 2012. Ways of Pluralizing Events. Ph.D dissertation, University of California, Santa Cruz. Krifka, M. 1986. Nominalreferenz und Zeitkonstitution: Zur Semantik von Massentermen, Pluraltermen und Aspektklassen, PhD dissertation, University of Munich. Published by Wilhelm Finck, Munich, 1989. Lasersohn, P. 1995. Plurality, Conjunction and Events. Dordrecht: Kluwer. Van Geenhoven, V. 2004. For-adverbials, frequentative aspect, and pluractionality. Natural Language Semantics 12(2), 135–190. Verkuyl, H. 1993. A Theory of Aspectuality. The Interaction between Temporal and Atemporal Structure. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.! Semantic change in the Spanish copula system: Evidential innovation with estar in the Buenos Aires variety Tanya Battersby, University of Toronto Spanish is a language with two copulas, ser and estar. In most [copula + adjective] contexts, either copula may occur, but with a difference in meaning (1). (1) a. Juan es alto. b. Juan está alto. Juan COP[ser] tall Juan COP[estar] tall ‘Juan is tall.’ ‘Juan is tall.’ In (1a), ser is used to express an inherent characteristic (tallness) of the subject, while (1b) employs estar to express a change of state, or spatio-temporal limitation, in the application of the characteristic to the subject (for example, Juan has recently had a growth spurt and is tall now). A number of theoretical approaches have attempted to explain this contrast, appealing to a range of syntactic, semantic and pragmatic proposals (Arche 2007, Maienborn 2005, Schmitt 2005), but experimental data present the challenge of accounting for dialectal variation. Geeslin and Guijarro-Fuentes (2008) find that copula distribution in varieties of Peninsular Spanish reflects more conservative semantic parameters, while others (López-González 2010, Silva-Corvalán 1986) observe that in some Mexican and Mexican-American dialects, a process of change is underway involving the semantic extension of estar. The change affects certain atemporal contexts which were previously restricted to ser, such as those describing inherent characteristics (2). (2) La casa está grande. The house COP[estar] big ‘The house is big.’ The current study focuses on another type of innovation with estar: the evidential extension of estar (3), in a different variety, Buenos Aires Spanish. (3) Tus nuevos zapatos están bonitos. Your new shoes COP[estar] nice ‘Your new shoes are nice.’ I claim that this type of [copula + adjective] context represents the evidential extension of estar, a form of innovation that is distinct from the loss of selectional restrictions that is otherwise argued to characterize semantic innovation with estar. If reanalysis of the copula distinction has taken place as part of the internal process of change in Spanish, then this reinterpretation takes the form of a two-way contrast: evidential information is expressed by estar, and neutral discourse is marked with ser. I tested this proposal through the investigation of the types and contexts of information source expressed by ser and estar in Buenos Aires Spanish. Forty-five native speakers of different ages and socioeconomic backgrounds were tested using a contextualized preference task which targeted the three-way evidential paradigm of direct, inferred and reported evidence and contrasted these contexts with evidentially neutral contexts. As shown in Table 1, for contexts where direct, inferred, or reported evidence is present, speakers did not exhibit a preference for selecting estar. Contrary to the predictions of the study, speakers selected estar more often in evidentially neutral contexts than in any of the contexts where evidence is present (see Figure 1). One way to interpret this finding is as an effect of the written nature of the task, and the next steps in testing the proposal of the evidential extension of estar are to analyze spontaneous speech and investigate speaker preferences in an oral task.

Table 1: Mean and standard deviation of selection of estar per group per condition

Condition Group A Group B Group C Group D younger/ed older/ed Direct 0.63 (0.35) 0.75 (0.39) 0.7 (0.42) 0.72 (0.48)

Neutral-direct 0.98 (0.05) 0.98 (0.05) 0.95 (0.06) 1 (0)

Inferred 0.95 (0.06) 1 (0) 0.98 (0.05) 0.92 (0.11)

Neutral-inferred 0.95 (0.06) 0.98 (0.04) 0.98 (0.05) 0.95 (0.06)

Reported 0.63 (0.34) 0.75 (0.22) 0.81 (0.17) 0.79 (0.34)

Neutral-reported 0.81 (0.13) 0.98 (0.04) 0.89 (0.1) 0.83 (0.27)

Figure 1: Mean selection of estar per group per condition (#$" (" !#'" !#&" )*+,-"." !#%" )*+,-"/" !#$" )*+,-"0" !" )*+,-"1"

References Arche, M. J. (2007). Individuals in time: Tense, aspect and the individual/stage distinction. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Geeslin, K. L. & Guijarro-Fuentes, P. (2008). Variation in contemporary Spanish: Linguistic predictors of estar in 4 cases of language contact. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition, 11(3), 365-380. López-González, M. (2010). Ser and estar: Their syntax, semantics, pragmatics, and acquisition in Mexican Spanish. Doctoral dissertation: Johns Hopkins University. Maienborn, C. (2005). A discourse-based account of Spanish ser/estar. Linguistics, 43(1), 155-180. Schmitt, C. (2005). Semi-Copulas: Event and Aspectual Composition. In P. Kempchinsky & R. Slabakova (Eds.), Aspectual inquiries (pp. 121-145). Dordrecht: Springer. Silva-Corvalán, C. (1986). Bilingualism and language change: The extension of estar in Los Angeles Spanish. Language, 62, 587-608. Agreement in copular clauses embedded in modal contexts Susana Bejar and Arsalan Kahnemuyipour, University of Toronto It is well known that copular clauses exhibit cross-linguistic variation with respect to agreement. While in some languages such as English (1) or French, the copular verb consistently agrees with the first NP (hereafter NP1), in other languages such as Portuguese (2), Persian (3), or German, the copular verb agrees with the second NP (hereafter NP2) in specificational copular clauses. (1) The murderer is me. (2) O assassino sou eu. (3) qaatel man-am the murderer am I murderer I-1sg. There have been various proposals in the literature with respect to the kind of variation found in (1)-(3) (notably Moro 1997, Costa 2004, Heycock 2012). The focus of this paper is a different but related phenomenon, namely the agreement pattern in copular clauses used in the context of modal auxiliaries. A better understanding of these agreement facts will enhance our knowledge of the syntax of modal constructions and agreement (in copular clauses). Costa (2004) observes a difference between Brazilian Portuguese (BP) and European Portuguese (EP) with respect to agreement when the specificational copular clause is embedded within the modal context. While both languages exhibit NP2 agreement in a matrix copular clause (2), in the modal context, agreement on the modal is with NP1 in BP (4) but with NP2 in EP (5). Costa (2004) attributes this difference to the absence of a lower phasal CP boundary in EP and its presence in BP, leading to the unavailability of NP2 for agreement in BP. (4) O assassino pode ser eu. (5) O assassino posso ser eu the murderer may.3sg be I the murderer may.1sg be I Persian provides an interesting case study in light of the above discussion, as it appears to allow both the BP and EP modal agreement patterns, (6) and (7), respectively. However, we show that in Persian the unavailability of NP2 agreement does not correlate with the presence of a lower phase boundary, as both embedded clauses are defective (Ghomeshi 2001). Moreover, the Persian facts introduce an additional dimension to the question of agreement as unlike EP and BP, the embedded copula too exhibits agreement in these contexts, leading to three possible overall agreement patterns: modal agreeing with NP1 and copula agreeing with NP2 (6), both modal and copula agreeing with NP2 (7) or both agreeing with NP1 (8). The latter occurs if NP1 LVUHIHUHQWLDOHJXVHGLQWKHFRQWH[WRIDJDPHRIFKDUDGHVZKHUH³WKHPXUGHUHU´LVDFWLQJ³WKH KHDUHU´ (6) qaatel mi-tun-e to baash-i murderer dur.-can-3sg. you be.subjunctive-2sg (7) qaatel mi-tun-i to baash-i murderer dur.-can-2sg. you be.subjunctive-2sg (8) qaatel mi-tun-e to baash-e murderer dur.-can-3sg. you be.subjunctive-3sg The fourth logical possibility ² NP2 agreement on the modal with NP1 agreement on the copula ² is unattested. Thus, NP2 agreement RQWKHPRGDOLVµSDUDVLWLF¶XSRQ13DJUHHPHQWRQ the embedded copula, while NP1 agreement on the modal is not. We note the similarity between WKLVSDWWHUQDQGWKHµSDUDVLWLF¶ agreement described in cases of Long-Distance Agreement in Hindi-Urdu (Boeckx 2004, Bhatt 2005) and we pursue an analysis along these lines. In conclusion, this talk makes a contribution to our understanding of agreement phenomena as well as the structure of copular and modal constructions by introducing a new set of data from a less studied language and adding a novel perspective to the debate on the topic. References Bhatt, Rajesh. 2005. Long distance agreement in Hindi-Urdu. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 23: 757-807. Boeckx, Cedric. 2004. Long-distance agreement in Hindi: some theoretical implications. Studia Linguistica 58.1: 23-36. Costa, João. 2004. Subjects in Spec,vP: Locality and agree. In Collected papers on romance syntax, MIT Working Papers in Linguistics (MITWPL), vol. 47, ed. Ana Castro, Marcelo Ferreira, Valentine Hacquard, and Andrés Pablo Salanova. Cambridge, MA. Ghomeshi, Jila. 2001. Control and Thematic Agreement. Canadian Journal of Linguistics 46, p. 9-40. Heycock, Caroline. 2012. Specification, Equation and Agreement in Copular Sentences. Canadian Journal of Linguistics 57.2: 209-240. Moro, Andrea. 1997. The raising of predicates: Predicative Noun Phrases and the theory of clause structure. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Linguistically Misleading Instruction: Effective or Not? Alyona Belikova, McGill University

Effects of explicit instruction have received considerable attention in L2-research, with the conclusion that it can cause changes in L2-learners’ performance (e.g. Carroll & Swain 1993, Izumi & Lakshmanan 1998, White 1991). At the same time, linguistically misleading instruction has not truly been addressed, with just a few studies concluding that it is not generally internalized by learners (Belikova 2008, Bruhn-Garavito 1995, Özçelik 2010). Of particular interest are those linguistically inappropriate rules that do not face straightforward counterevidence in the input. Learners’ failure to internalize superficially logical but linguistically false generalizations suggests that adult language acquirers still employ language specific learning mechanisms, and are sensitive to subtle linguistic cues. Adult L2-acquisition might then not be as radically different from child L1- acquisition as sometimes claimed (cf. Bley-Vroman 1990, Clahsen & Muysken 1986, Meisel 1997). This paper focuses on L2-acquisition of French reflexive and reciprocal verbs which are consistently misrepresented in the French L2 (FSL) classroom. French reflexive and reciprocal verbs are derived with the clitic se which productively attaches to most transitive verbs, see (1). (1) a. Ils s’habillent. c. Ils se dessinent. they dress(refl/rec) they draw(refl/rec) b. Ils s’embrassent. d. Ils se parlent. they kiss(refl/rec) they talk(refl/rec) These se verbs are syntactically intransitive; reliable syntactic diagnostics involving passive, causative and ellipsis constructions – to name just a few – demonstrate that se does not behave on a par with object clitic pronouns (e.g. Kayne 1975, Reinhart & Siloni 2005), such as nous ‘us’, see (2). (2)a. Brigitte et Marc nous sont présentés par Una. [Grammatical] Brigitte and Marc us are presented by Una ‘Brigitte and Marc are presented to us by Una.’ b. *Brigitte et Marc se sont présentés par Una. [Ungrammatical] Brigitte and Marc SE are presented by Una Intended: ‘Bridget and Mark are presented to each other by Una.’ Superficially, however, se generally resembles object clitic pronouns, due to similarities in distribution and form. It is, then, not surprising that FSL instruction consistently misrepresents se verbs as syntactic transitive constructions, and se itself as a reflexive/reciprocal object pronoun. Since contrasts like (2) are subtle, and the classroom generalization hinges on a superficial but seemingly straightforward analogy between se and object clitic pronouns, the linguistically false observation appears to make sense. An experiment was designed to test whether L2ers converge on the correct representation of se. A contextualized acceptability judgement test was completed by native French speakers (n=19) and advanced L2-French speakers from two L1-backgrounds: Russian (n=19) and English (n=16). Participants were presented with short contexts, followed by a sentence to be judged as possible/impossible in French, and were asked to make corrections as necessary. Testing items (86 altogether) included various types of se-reflexives (1) and passive constructions (2). After the experiment, L2ers completed a questionnaire on se specifically tapping their recollection of any explicit classroom instruction. The most important finding was that although two thirds of participants referred to se as an object pronoun in the se questionnaire – thus showing that they remembered the classroom generalization – L2-learners were still clearly making the relevant native- like distinction between se and true object clitic pronouns in the experimental tasks. To conclude, advanced L2-learners do not generally treat se as a pronoun at the level of linguistic competence – as opposed to the level of learned linguistic knowledge (Schwartz 1993), which suggests that classroom generalizations that are formulated in linguistically misleading terms might fail to be internalized. References

Belikova, A. 2008. Explicit instruction vs. linguistic competence in adult L2-acquisition. In H. Chan et al., eds., Proceedings of BUCLD 32, 48-59. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Press. Bley-Vroman, R. 1990. The logical problem of foreign language learning. Linguistic Analysis 20: 3- 49. Bruhn-Garavito, J. 1995. L2 acquisition of Verb Complementation and Binding Principle B. In F. Eckman et al., eds., Second Language Acquisition: Theory and Pedagogy. Mahwah/Hove: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc. Carroll, S. E. & M. Swain. 1993. Explicit and implicit negative feedback: An empirical study of the learning of linguistic generalizations. Studies in Second Language Acquisition 15: 357-386. Clahsen, H. & P. Muysken. 1986. How adult second language learning differs from child first language development. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 19: 721-723. Izumi, S. & U. Lakshmanan. 1998. Learnability, negative evidence and the L2 acquisition of the English passive. Second Language Research 14 (1): 62-101. Kayne, R. 1975. French Syntax. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press. Meisel, J. M. 1997. The acquisition of the syntax of negation in French and German: Contrasting first and second language acquisition. Second Language Research 13: 227-263. Özçelik, Ö. 2010. English/Turkish Interlanguage Prosody: Implications for UG, Prosodic Transfer Hypothesis and Full Transfer/Full Access. Paper presented at TCP 2010, Tokyo, Japan. Reinhart, T. & T. Siloni. 2005. The Lexicon-Syntax parameter: Reflexivization and other arity operations. Linguistic Inquiry 36(3): 389-436. Schwartz, B. D. 1993. On explicit and negative data effecting and affecting competence and linguistic behavior. Studies in Second Language Acquisition 15(2): 147-163. White, L. 1991. Adverb placement in second language acquisition: Some effects of positive and negative evidence in the classroom. Second Language Research 7: 133–161.

/¶RPLVVLRQGHVFOLWLTXHVREMHWVLQGLUHFWVArguments du VP ou tête fonctionnelle? Sophia Bello University of Toronto

%LHQTXHOHVpWXGHVVXUO¶RPLVVLRQGHVclitiques se soient concentrées, en grande partie, sur les objets directs, certains chercheurs ont aussi FRQVLGpUp O¶DFTXLVLWLRQ GHV objets indirects (i.e. Gavarró & Mosella, 2009 en Catalan; Costa et al., 2008 en Português Européen; Castilla, 2008 en Espagnol; et Babyonyshev & Marin, 2006 en Roumain). Ces travaux PRQWUHQWXQWDX[G¶RPLVVLRQs TXLYDULHG¶XQH ODQJXHjO¶DXWUH et laissent lDTXHVWLRQGHO¶RPLVVLRQGHO¶REMHWLQGLUHFWRXYHUWH. Ainsi, cette présentation sert à mettre en évidence ce qui se produit en français HWG¶LGHQWLILHUFHTXLPRWLYHOHVHQIDQWVjRPHWWUH le clitique. Une telle étude est fondamentale pour comprendre le statut des arguments du verbe et O¶RPLVVLRQGHVFOLWLTXHVHQDFTXLVLWLRQGHODODQJXHPDWHUQHOOH Une expérience a été menée pour observer ce que les enfants produisent lors de O¶pOLFLWDWLRQGHVREMHWV indirects. La tâche inclut des verbes ditransitifs (e.g. envoyer) qui demandent un objet direct DP et un FOLWLTXHREMHWLQGLUHFW/¶pWXGHDpWpadministrée aux enfants francophones âgés de 3 à 6 ans et à un groupe control adulte. Les résultats suggèrent que les enfants ont la capacité de produire des constructiRQV GLWUDQVLWLYHV GqV O¶kJH GH DQV (1), mais ils présentent un taux élevé G¶RPLVVLRQs des FOLWLTXHVREMHWVLQGLUHFWVMXVTX¶jO¶kJHGHDQV, ce qui contraste avec le comportement des adultes ((2) et Figure 1). (1) Question : 4X¶HVW-ce que Nicole fait pour qXH-HDQQ¶DLWSOXVIDLP" Enfant : Elle lui donne une pomme. (C1, 3;10) (2) Question : 4X¶HVW-ce que Marc fait pour que Julie puisse manger ses céréales? Enfant : i Ø donne du lait. (C71, 6;8) Comment peut-RQH[SOLTXHUO¶RPLVVLRQGXFOLWLTXH objet indirect en français? On peut supposer que la grammaire GHO¶HQIDQW accepte des objets indirects nuls. Costa et ses collègues (2007, 2008) proposent TX¶LOH[LVWHGHVFRQVWUXFWLRQVjREMHW indirect nul en português européen. Leurs résultats suggèrent un taux élHYpG¶RPLVVLRQs (52%) des clitiques objets indirects chez les enfants âgés de 3 à 4 ans. Si on FRPSDUHOHXUVGRQQpHVDYHFODILJXUHRQUHPDUTXHTX¶HQIUDQoDLVOHVHQIDQWVGHjDQVRPHWWHQWOH clitique objet iQGLUHFWGHIDoRQVLPLODLUHTX¶HQ português européen. Ainsi, ils DGDSWHQWO¶K\SRWKqVHTXH les catégories fonctionnelles sont acquises tard et que FHSKpQRPqQHG¶omission est due à un système complexe (i.e. les enfants ont le choix entre lHFOLWLTXHO¶REMHWOH[LFDORXnul et les pronoms forts) qui mène à la surgénéralisation des objets nuls. AXFXQHpWXGHQ¶DH[DPLQp cette possibilité en français. Il UHVWHjYRLUV¶LO\DGHVFDVRla grammaire adulte accepte des constructions à objet indirect nul. Une autre possibilité est G¶pWHQGUHles approches sur les objets directs aux objets indirects. Par exemple, Pérez-Leroux et ses collègues (2008) proposent XQVWDGHG¶REMHWQXO dans la grammaire des enfants. La QRWLRQHVWTX¶XQHQIDQWjO¶RSWLRQGHSURGXLUHXQREMHWQXO1UpIpUHQWLHORXXQFOLWLTXH. EnsuLWHF¶HVW O¶H[SpULHQFH dépendant du contexte présenté (i.e. si le contexte est non-spécifié avec une référence générique), qui le mène à produire un objet nul. Tout comme en português européen, leurs résultats suggèrent que les enfants francophones et anglophones passent par un stade où ils généralisent les REMHWV GLUHFWV QXOV GDQV OHV FRQWH[WHV REOLJDWRLUHV MXVTX¶j FH TX¶LOV DFTXLqUHQW OD JUDPPDLUH DGXOWH Étant donné FHWWHDSSURFKHGHO¶RPLVVLRQLOHVW important de prendre en considération la possibilité TX¶LOH[LVWHDXVVLXQVWDGHG¶REMHWLQGLUHFWQXOGDQVODJUDPPDLUHGHO¶HQIDQW. Les résultats obtenus dans mon étude suggèrent que cette analyse G¶REMHWQXO pourrait rendre compte du taux pOHYp G¶RPLVVLRQV des clitiques REMHWV LQGLUHFWV '¶DXWUHV DSSURches seront discutées lors de la présentation.

Figure 1

Références Babyonyshev, Maria et Marin, Stefania (2006). Acquisition of Pronominal Clitics in Romanian. Catalan Journal of Linguistics 5: 17-44. Castilla, Anny P. (2008). Developmental Measures of Morphosyntactic Acquisition in Monolingual 3-, 4-, 5-year-old Spanish-speaki ng Chi l dr en. PhD dissertation, University of Toronto. Costa, João et Lobo, Maria (2007). Clitic omission, null objects or both in the acquisition of European Portuguese? Dans S. Baauw, F. Drijkoningen et M. Pinto (Eds.), Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 2005. Amsterdam/Philadephia: John Benjamins, pp. 59-71. Costa, João, Lobo, Maria, Carmona, Jacqueline et Silva, Carolina (2008). Clitic Omission in European Portuguese: Correlation with Null Objects? Dans A. Gavarró et M. João Freitas (Eds.), Language Acquisition and Development: Proceedings of GALA 2007. Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Press, pp. 133-143. Gavarró, Anna et Mosella, Marta (2009). Testing Syntactic and Pragmatic Accounts of Clitic Omission. Dans J. Crawford et al . (Eds.), Proceedings of the 3rd Conference on Generative Approaches to Language Acquisition North America (GALANA 2008). Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Proceedings Project, pp. 25-35. Pérez-Leroux, Ana Teresa, Pirvulescu, Mihaela et Roberge, Yves (2008). Null Objects in Child Language: Syntax and the Lexicon. Lingua 118: 370-398.

Davy Bigot Université Concordia

/tUt/ en français laurentien

En français québécois (FQ) et plus généralement en français laurentien, il existe à l’oral une neutralisation des formes masculines du français standard (FS) /tu/ et /tus/ en /tUt/. En effet, on distingue les deux paradigmes suivants :

(1) Le paradigme de tou(t)(s) en FS : tout (/tu/) mon vin; tous (/tu/) mes amis. (2) Le paradigme de /tUt/ en FQ : tUt mon vin; tUt les amis.

À ce jour, on compte plus d’une quinzaine d’études portant sur le phénomène. On citera, entre autres, Morin (1976), Lemieux-Niger, Leblanc et Paquin (1981), Lemieux (1982), Lemieux et Sankoff (1983), Lemieux, St-Amour et Sankoff (1985), Cyr (1991), Léard et Beauchemin (1991), Junker (1995) ou encore Bélanger (2003). Comme le soulignait tout récemment Burnett (sous presse), /tUt/ est « l’un des éléments les plus étudiés du système de quantification du FQ […] ». Malgré les nombreuses analyses réalisées jusqu’à présent, peu se sont penchées sur l’emploi de /tUt/ du point de vue de la sociolinguistique. Actuellement, nous dénombrons six études traitant de la variation de /tUt/ dans différents corpus. Lemieux, St-Amour et Sankoff (1985) ont examiné son emploi dans un corpus d’entrevues informelles de locuteurs montréalais interviewés dans les années 70 (le corpus Sankoff-Cedergren). Daveluy (2005) a relevé les alternances entre /tu/ - /tus/ et /tUt/ également chez les locuteurs du corpus Sankoff-Cedergren, mais uniquement quand ces derniers étaient en situation de lecture. Bigot (2010) s’est concentré sur l’emploi de /tUt/ dans le parler des membres de l’élite sociale et culturelle québécoise interviewés dans le cadre de l’émission Le point diffusé par la Société Radio-Canada, entre 2003 et 2005. Labelle-Hogue (2012) a observé l’utilisation de /tUt/ par les personnages de la télésérie québécoise La petite vie. Bigot (2012) a examiné l’usage de la variante dans un corpus d’entrevues semi-dirigées de jeunes Franco-Albertains natifs d’Edmonton enregistrés dans les années 70. Enfin, Bigot et Papen (2012) ont étudié l’alternance entre /tu/ - /tus/ et /tUt/ dans le récent corpus de Casselman (ON). Bien que, pour des raisons méthodologiques évidentes, toutes ces données ne soient pas parfaitement comparables (par exemple, certains corpus sont distants de plus de 30 ans, certains corpus sont constitués d’entrevues semi-dirigées informelles alors que d’autres sont construits autour d’entrevues formelles ou d’épisodes), il ressort de leur mise en commun que l’emploi de /tUt/ n’est ni systématique, ni aléatoire. Au contraire, on constate que son utilisation est variable et que celle-ci obéit à des facteurs linguistiques et extralinguistiques précis. Cette comparaison de données provenant de corpus sociolinguistiques aussi différents s’inscrit dans la lignée des récentes recherches comparatives de Mougeon, Hallion Bres, Papen et Bigot (2010) portant sur les points de divergence et de convergence entre les variétés de français parlées dans les diasporas québécoises de l’Ontario et des provinces de l’Ouest. Dans un premier temps, nous reviendrons sur les propriétés linguistiques de /tUt/. Par la suite, nous dresserons un portrait sociolinguistique détaillé de son emploi dans l’ensemble des corpus observés jusqu’à présent. Enfin, nous démontrerons qu’en français laurentien 1) la neutralisation en faveur de /tUt/ ne se réalise pas de la même façon dans tous les contextes linguistiques, 2) l’emploi de /tUt/ dépend du degré de formalité du discours, et 3) la variante est socialement marquée. Références bibliographiques Bélanger, Gaëlle. 2003. Propriétés adverbiales du quantifieur TUT en français québécois: critique syntaxique et sémantique. Mémoire de maîtrise, UQAM. Bigot, Davy et Robert, A. Papen. 2012. « Du français québécois au français ontarien. De nouvelles données sociolinguistiques sur /tUt/. », Congrès de l’American Council for Quebec Studies, Sarasota (FL), du 8 au 10 novembre. Bigot, Davy. 2012. « /tUt/ dans le français parlé des jeunes Franco-Albertains des années 70 », Congrès du CEFCO, Winnipeg (MB), 27 au 29 septembre. Bigot, Davy. 2010. « La norme grammaticale du français québécois oral : des questions, une réponse », dans Carmen Leblanc, France Martineau et Yves Frenette (dir.), Vues sur les français d’ici, Québec : Presses de l’Université Laval, pp. 9-30. Burnett, Heather. sous presse. « Structure événementielle et modification pragmatique : on connaît-tu tout sur /tUt/ ? », dans Bigot Davy, Friesner Michael et Mireille Tremblay, Les français d’ici et d’aujourd’hui. Description, représentation et théorisation. Québec : Presses de l’Université Laval. Cyr, Francine. 1991. La quantification à distance en français québécois. Mémoire de maîtrise, Montréal : Université de Montréal. Daveluy, Michèle. 2005. Les langues étendards. Allégeances langagières en français parlé à Montréal. Collection « Langue et pratiques discursives », Québec : Nota bene. Junker, Marie-Odile. 1995. Syntaxe et sémantique des quantificateurs flottants tous et chacun : distributivité en sémantique conceptuelle. Genève : Droz. Labelle-Hogue, Simon-Pier. sous presse. « État du vernaculaire dans la télésérie québécoise : l’exemple de la Petite vie », dans Bigot Davy, Friesner Michael et Mireille Tremblay, Les français d’ici et d’aujourd’hui. Description, représentation et théorisation. Québec : Presses de l’Université Laval. Léard, Jean-Marcel et Normand Beauchemin. 1991. «Quelques propriétés morpho-syntaxiques du français Québécois : l'interprétation de /tUt/. » dans Hans-Joseph Niederehe, H. et Lothar Wolf, (éds). Actes du 3ième colloque international du français de France-français du Canada. Tuebingen : Niemeyer, p. 171-192. Lemieux, Monique. 1982. « M’as /tut/ vous conter ça ». In La syntaxe comparée du français standard et populaire : approches formelle et fonctionnelle, tome 2, sous la dir. de C. Lefebvre, p. 49-71, Québec : Publication gouvernementale du Québec. Lemieux-Nieger, Monique, Leblanc, Louise et Paquin, Sylvie. 1981. « La variation dans l'emploi de /tu/ et de /tUt/ dans le français parlé à Montréal ». Variation Omnibus, sous la dir. de D. Sankoff et H. Cedergren, p. 313-319. Edmonton : Linguistic Research Inc. Lemieux, Monique, Anne St-Amour et David Sankoff. 1985. « tUt en français de Montréal. » dans Henriette Cedergren & Monique Lemieux, (éds.), Les Tendances Dynamiques du Français Parlé de Montréal., Vol. 2. Montreal : Office de la langue française, p. 7- 90. Lemieux, Monique. et David. Sankoff. 1983. « On peux-tu /tUt/ désambiguiser ? ». Revue de l’association québécoise de linguistique, vol. 3, no. 2, p. 159-164. Morin, Jean-Yves. 1976. « Semantic interpretation of 'displaced' quantifiers in French. », Le cahier bleu, Université de Montréal. Mougeon, Raymond, Hallions-Bres, Sandrine, Papen, Robert A., et Davy, Bigot. 2010. « Variantes morphologiques de la première personne de l’auxiliaire aller dans les variétés de français laurentien du Canada », dans Carmen Leblanc, France Martineau et Yves Frenette (dir.), Vues sur les français d’ici, Québec : Presses de l’Université Laval, pp. 131-184. Are Slavic languages with or without articles?

Ross Bilous

Traditionally most Slavic languages are considered to be languages without articles or with bare nominals. The objective of this study is to show, however, that all Slavic languages have article-like elements, which are instrumental in the morphosyntactic realization of certain features (genericity, specificity, referentiality, and so on), and that such thing as “bare nominals” simply does not exist. Adopting a featural approach to the study of DP (determiner phrase) structure in Slavic, we demonstrate that this group of languages has some grammatical properties universal for all Indo- European languages. We embark on our investigation discussing the status of the category of article from a crosslinguistic perspective, drawing on some most relevant empirical data from Germanic and Romance languages. Further, based on a number of examples from Ukrainian and other closely related languages we seek to explicate the role of article-like elements and demonstratives in the construction of morphosyntactic and syntactic-pragmatic means responsible for the realization of the above-mentioned features in Slavic. Some of the examples to be studied (constituting semantically equivalent constructions) are as follows:

(1) a. I love ø tea. (English) b. J’aime le thé. (French) c. Ja liubliu ø kavu-ACC. (Ukrainian)

From these examples we can see that the feature of genericity is realized in English by means of lack of definite article, in French by means of its presence, and in Ukrainian – by means of the ACC case marking. We propose that in Ukrainian the ACC ending on direct object nouns is an article-like determiner and the head of any NP (nominal phrase), following the DP Hypothesis (Brame 1982; Abney 1987). It participates in the morphosyntactic realization of generic, specific (to a varying degree), and referential nominal constructions. We also adopt the view that semantically equivalent NPs have the same underlying structure crosslinguistically (Vangsnes 2001; among others). We follow specifically Julien’s (2002, 2005) proposal in that article-like elements in Ukrainian are base-generated at ArtP. In constructions containing only article-like elements (that is ACC case desinences), with no prenominal deictic determiners, the suffixed elements have to raise only covertly to DP and thus stay in ArtP, that is in situ. The suffixed article has to undergo a merger with the head noun after syntax, which in its turn has to raise partially to Num. It can be concluded that in Ukrainian the suffixed determiner either raises covertly or does not raise at all. If it does raise, the feature of referentiality is activated. In certain constructions ACC case is not assigned (so that another semantic feature can be realized) and no deictic determiner is used in the pre-nominal position. In such instances the DP has an indefinite reading:

(2) Petro kynuv kamen-em. Peter threw ø stone-INSTR ‘Peter threw a stone.’

The results of this study show that: 1) any Slavic language has a suffixed article-like element whose semantic content is similar to that of definite articles in French and English, and 2) Romance, Germanic and Slavic languages share more common properties in the nominal domain than it has been generally (and traditionally) assumed. References

Abney, Steven. 1987. The English noun phrase in its sentential aspect.Doctoral Dissertation: MIT, Cambridge, MA. Brame, Michael. 1982. The head-selector theory of lexical specification and the nonexistence of coarse categories. Linguistic Analysis 10(4):321–325. Julien, Marit. 2002. Determiners and word order in Scandinavian DPs. Studia Linguistica 56:264–315. Julien, Marit. 2005. Nominal phrases from a Scandinavian perspective. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Vangsnes, Øystein Alexander. 2001. On noun phrase architecture, referentiality, and article systems. Studia Linguistica 55(3):249–299. The Evolution of a SENĆOŦEN Story Project

Sonya Bird*, Belinda Claxton°, Ewa Czaykowska-Higgins*, John Elliott+, Anne Jimmie°, Janet Leonard* *University of Victoria °Tsawout First Nation +Tsartlip First Nation

(Special Session: Reclaiming Canada’s Indigenous Languages)

Our poster tracks the evolution of a SENĆOŦEN story project collaboration currently underway between UVic Linguistics and WSÁNEĆ community members. The original project idea was to establish a “SENĆOŦEN Coffee House”, to bring together language-speaking elders and other interested community members to converse in SENĆOŦEN in an informal setting. The goal was to record the coffee house sessions and to use them 1) to create a set of guidelines and ‘best practices’ to ensure that the conversations elicited would be maximally useful for linguistic analysis and for language revitalization; 2) to transcribe and translate recorded materials for use in language documentation and teaching; and 3) to use the recordings in linguistic studies on SENĆOŦEN pronunciation. Bringing elders and language learners together regularly for unstructured language-speaking sessions proved to be logistically impossible. Thus, we refocused the project: we decided to work in smaller groups, consisting of one or two elders, one or two linguists, and any interested language learners, and to use stories as a focal point for discussion. As a result of this evolution, the project is now concentrated on transcribing and translating a previously recorded SENĆOŦEN story, and on conducting linguistic analysis on the pronunciation of SENĆOŦEN in that story. In our poster, we illustrate our work on the project: what the respective roles of the team members are, and how we are reaching our goals. This project is an example of how a small collaborative project can contribute both to linguistic analysis and to community-based language reclamation work.

Inflectional shells and the syntax of causative have Bronwyn Bjorkman and Elizabeth Cowper (University of Toronto) While much syntactic work acknowledges that embedded clauses can be of varying sizes— from small clauses to bare TPs to full CPs—it is generally assumed that embedding clauses have a complete sequence of functional and lexical projections. Against this assumption, we argue for the possibility of inflectional shells: multiple layers of functional inflectional syntax above a single lexical core. Applying this structure to the analysis of English causative verbs – in particular causative have – we demonstrate its empirical advantages over previous analyses in which causative verbs occur within a monoclausal inflectional sequence. A recurring question in work on causatives (and other multi-verb structures) is whether they are best analyzed as mono-clausal or bi-clausal. As the split-vPapproachtoargument structure (Hale and Keyser, 1993; Kratzer, 1993, et seq.) has been more widely adopted, however, the mono-clausal analysis of causatives has become standard. On this view, causative verbs such as English make or have spell out a functional head (e.g. vcause) within the hierarchy of a single clause (Harley, 1995; Ritter and Rosen, 1997; Pylkkänen, 2008). This monoclausal analysis makes the prediction, however, that causative verbs should occur in a fixed position with respect to functional heads outside the vP domain, such as tense and aspect. As (1) demonstrates, this prediction is false for English causative have (as well as for make), which can scope either above or below progressive aspect: (1) a. The director is having the chorus sing at the opening of every show. b. The director has the chorus be singing at the opening of every show.

These data present a challenge to the monoclausal analysis of causatives. Specifically, such approaches cannot straightforwardly account for the grammaticality of examples such as (1-b): if have realizes a head in the argument structural (vP) domain, it should always occur below viewpoint aspect such as the progressive. The question is whether the data in (1) require that we adopt a fully biclausal analysis of causatives, in which have is a clause-embedding main verb, contra proposals of Harley (1995) and Ritter and Rosen (1997). We propose that this apparent analytical difficulty can be resolved by slightly modifying our view of the relationship between functional and lexical syntax, allowing a many-to-one relationship between functional and lexical layers of clause structure. Specifically, we propose that a head such as vcause (realized as have or make) can embed a recursive layer of higher temporal inflectional syntax, without any intervening lexical verb. The internal sequence of each inflectional “shell” independently respects the sequencing of functional projections. This proposal extends into inflectional syntax the widely accepted analysis of restructuring predicates, in which a single layer of functional structure embeds two lexical VPs (Wurmbrand, 2003, et seq.). In that analysis as in ours, the fact that one layer is syntactically incomplete – not a full clause – accounts for its syntactic dependence and the appearance of clause union phenomena. This proposal also contributes to broader questions concerning the syntax of have,grammaticalized from possession not only to causation, but also to necessity and even the perfect. An attractive view, but one that has not been fully cached out in the literature, is that the differences among these uses should not attributed not to different meanings of have itself, but instead to differences in the types of arguments with which have combines.

1 References

Hale, Kenneth, and Samuel J. Keyser. 1993. On argument structure and the lexical expression of syntactic relations. In The view from building 20 , 53–109. Cambridge, MA: the MIT Press.

Harley, Heidi. 1995. Subjects, events and licensing. Doctoral Dissertation, Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

Kratzer, Angelika. 1993. On external arguments. In Functional projections , ed. Elena Bene- dicto and Jeﬀrey Runner, 103–130. University of Massachusetts,Amherst:GLSA.

Pylkk¨anen, Liina. 2008. Introducing arguments. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

Ritter, Elizabeth, and Sara T. Rosen. 1997. The function of have. Lingua 101:295–321.

Wurmbrand, Susi. 2003. Inﬁnitives: Restructuring and clause structure.MoutondeGruyter.

2 Phonetic Vowel Nasalization and Language Loss in Louisiana French Darcie Blainey, Tulane University

Louisiana French (LF) has been in a linguistic minority situation with English for over a century, and is severely endangered. This paper tracks phonetic vowel nasalization in LF across several decades, examining how language contact has influenced the process of vowel nasalization in LF over time, and how this may be represented in a phonological framework.

In English, anticipatory (regressive) contextual vowel nasalization comes from a following syllable-internal nasal consonant, as in the word bone /bon/  [bõn] (Cohn 1990, 1993; Duanmu 2009; Malécot 1960). Acoustic and aerodynamic evidence suggests that phonetic nasal spreading also occurs in “Standard” French, most often in the form of carryover (progressive, perseverative) contextual nasalization from a preceding nasal segment, as in mot /mo/  [mõ] ‘word’ (Basset et al. 2001; Delvaux et al. 2008; Kelly, Poiré & Williams 2007). LF is reported to exhibit both progressive and regressive contextual nasalization (e.g., Guilbeau 1950; Papen & Rottet 1997), but no study has performed a quantitative analysis of this phenomenon in LF.

The study examines the speech of 32 informants, considering a total of 2,830 tokens from 260 minutes of phonemically transcribed speech. Vowels that have phonemic nasal counterparts in LF ([e/, a, /o]) form the basis of the analysis. Recordings from 1977 (12 speakers) and 2010-2011 (20 speakers) lend spectrographic evidence to the account and allow for a diachronic analysis. Formal and informal speech contexts in the 2010-2011 interviews also provide the basis for a synchronic style-based examination. All interviewees come from a tightly controlled geographical area in Southwestern Louisiana, and speakers are evenly divided by sex. Birth years range between 1888 and 1956.

The quantitative analysis shows that regardless of syllable structure, regressive nasalization (e.g., donne /dn/  [dn] ‘give(s)’; donner /dne/  [dne] ‘to give’) is much more frequently attested than progressive nasalization (N = 1254 vs. N = 16). Also, the rate of contextual nasalization has decreased from 52% in 1977 to 44% 2010-2011. This decrease is statistically significant, 2 (1, N = 2,830) = 10.23, p = .00, but there is no significant difference between the 2010-2011 speech styles, 2 (1, N = 2,273) = .01, p = .47. Finally, regressive nasalization occurs with significantly higher frequency if the following nasal segment is word-internal rather than word-external, 2 (1, N = 2,762) = 1759.56, p = .00.

These results indicate that while the most common type of contextual nasalization in LF corresponds to that of English, its prevalence has decreased over time, suggesting that influence from English may not be the origin or driving force of this process in LF. In addition, the lack of stylistic difference appears to point to speech register contraction as a part of language death (Dressler 1972; Dressler & Wodak-Leodolter 1977), but stylistic differences are observed for other phenomena in LF (Blainey 2009, 2010; Carmichael 2007, 2008; Dajko 2009; Salmon 2009). Furthermore, the evidence identifies the word boundary as the active domain for contextual nasalization in LF, rather than the syllable. An Optimality Theory (McCarthy & Prince 1994; Prince & Smolensky 1993) analysis attempts to reflect the observed patterns by pitting correspondence and positional faithfulness constraints against structural markedness constraints. Overall, results suggest that changes in LF contextual nasalization behavior cannot be explained by the language variety’s situation of severe endangerment.

References

Basset, P., A. Amelot, J. Vaissière & B. Roubeau. (2001). Nasal airflow in French spontaneous speech. Journal of the International Phonetic Association 31: 87-99. Blainey, D. (2009). Schwa behaviour in formal and informal speech in the French of Ville Platte, Louisiana. In F. Mailhot (Ed.), 2009 Canadian Linguistics Association (CLA) Conference Proceedings. Ottawa. Blainey, D. (2010). Optimality Theory and Language Death. In F. Neveu, V. Muni Toke, J. Durand, T. A. Klingler, L. Mondada & S. Prévost (Eds.), Actes du CMLF 2010 - 2ème Congrès Mondial de Linguistique Française. New Orleans: EDP Sciences. 1265- 1277. Carmichael, K. (2007). Gender Differences in the Substitution of /h/ for // in a Formal Register of an Endangered Dialect of Louisiana French. Southern Journal of Linguistics 31(2): 1-27. Carmichael, K. (2008). Language Death and Stylistic Variation: An Intergenerational Study of the Substitution of /h/ for // in the French of the Pointe-Au-Chien Indians. M.A., Tulane University, New Orleans. Cohn, A. C. (1990). Phonetic and phonological rules of nasalization. Los Angeles, CA: Phonetics Laboratory, Dept. of Linguistics, UCLA. Cohn, A. C. (1993). Nasalisation in English: phonology or phonetics. Phonology 10(1): 43- 81. Dajko, N. (2009). Ethnic and geographic variation in the French of the Lafourche Basin. Ph.D., Tulane University, New Orleans. Delvaux, V., D. Demolin, B. Harmegnies & A. Soquet. (2008). The aerodynamics of nasalization in French. Journal of Phonetics 36(4): 578-606. Dressler, W. U. (1972). On the phonology of language death. Chicago Linguistics Society 8: 448-457. Dressler, W. U. & R. Woldak-Leodolter. (1977). Language Preservation and Language Death in Brittany. Linguistics 191: 33-44. Duanmu, S. (2009). Syllable Structure: The Limits of Variation. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press. Guilbeau, J. J. (1950). The French spoken in Lafourche Parish, Louisiana. Ph.D., University of North Carolina Chapel Hill, Chapel Hill. Kelly, S., F. Poiré & D. Williams. (2007). The Nasal Appendix in Canadian French Proceedings of the 33rd Conference of the Linguistic Association of Canada and the United State (LACUS). Toronto. 317-327. Malécot, A. (1960). Vowel Nasality as a Distinctive Feature in American English. Language 36(2): 222-229. McCarthy, J. J. & A. Prince. (1994). The emergence of the unmarked: Optimality in prosodic morphology, from http://scholarworks.umass.edu/linguist_faculty_pubs/18. Papen, R. A. & K. J. Rottet. (1997). A Structural Sketch of the Cajun French Spoken in Lafourche and Terrebonne Parishes. In A. Valdman (Ed.), French and Creole in Louisiana. New York: Plenum Press. 71-107. Prince, A., & P. Smolensky. (1993). Optimality theory: constraint interaction in generative grammar. New Brunswick [NJ]: Rutgers Center for Cognitive Science, Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey. Salmon, C. (2009). Cent ans de français cadien en Louisiane : étude sociolinguistique du parler des femmes. New York: Peter Lang. Nominal Dependence in Blackfoot Clauses Heather Bliss, University of British Columbia

Introduction: Blackfoot (Plains Algonquian: Southern Alberta) indexes 3rd person arguments via number/obviation suffixes at the right edge of the verbal complex (cf., Frantz 2009). (1) a. Á-óhki-wa om-wa imitáá-wa. PROXIMATE IMPF-bark.AI-PROX DEM-PROX dog-PROX ³7KDWGRJLVEDUNLQJ´ b. Á-óhki-yini ann-yi ot-ómitaa-m-yi. OBVIATIVE IMPF-bark.AI-OBV DEM-OBV 3-dog-POSS-OBV ³+HUGRJLVEDUNLQJ´ c. Á-óhki-yi om-iksi imitáá-íksi. PLURAL IMPF-bark.AI-PL DEM-PL dog-PL ³7KRVHGRJVDUHEDUNLQJ´ This paper addresses the syntactic position and function of the 3rd person suffixes. 3rd Person Suffixes Instantiate COMP: Two diagnostics indicate that the 3rd person suffixes are in COMP. Their distribution is sensitive to clause type and illocutionary force, both CP-level properties (cf., Cheng 1991; Rizzi 1997). Regarding clause type, the suffixes are restricted to matrix clauses (2), and regarding force, number/obviation contrasts are neutralized in all but declarative clauses (e.g., obviative is marked as ±wa, not ±yini in interrogatives (3)). (2) a. Ann-wa nináá-wa á-íistap-oo-(*wa). DEM-PROX man-PROX IMPF-away-go.AI-PROX ³7KDWPDQLVOHDYLQJ´ b. Nits-ík-sstaa ann-wa nináá-wa m-ááhk-iistap-oo-hsi(*-wa). 1-INTS-want.AI DEM-PROX man-PROX 3-MOD-away-go.AI-CONJ ³,ZDQWWKDWPDQWROHDYH´ (3) Kata¶-aaZiSVVSLLQDR¶VL-wa ann-yi-hk w-óóm-yi? INTERROG-wear.glasses.AI-PROX DEM-OBV-INVIS 3-husband-OBV ³'RHVKHUKXVEDQGZHDUH\HJODVVHV"´ The Function of Proximate ±wa: Overt complementizers typically indicate subordination, and it has been long observed that subordination requires a nominal element (e.g., Rosenbaum 1967; Franco 2012). Further, complementizers themselves are often nominal (Kayne 2010; Manzini & Savoia 2003, 2007; Roberts & Roussou 2003). Blackfoot ±wa is also nominal; it is derived from a Proto-Algonquian nominalizer (Goddard 1974, 2007) and is found synchronically in both noun and verb paradigms (see 1). However, whereas complementizers like English that signal dependency, Blackfoot ±wa marks expressions as independent, as evidenced by the fact that both nouns and verbs marked with ±wa can stand alone as matrix clauses. (4) a. Om-wa aakíí-wa b. Om-wa á-\R¶NDD-wa DEM-PROX woman-PROX DEM-PROX IMPF-sleep-PROX ³WKDWZRPDQ´25³VKHLVDZRPDQ ³SKHLVVOHHSLQJ´25³WKHVOHHSLQJRQH´ The Function of Obviative ±yini and Plural ±yi: Unlike ±wa, -yini and -yi are not nominal (1), and they are also not independent; they cannot stand alone without an NP or pronominal clitic. (5) a. Nit-sskonákat-a-yini*(ayi). b. Nitsskonákatay*(aawa). 1-shoot.at-TA-DIR-OBV-3OBV.PRN 1-shoot.at-TA-DIR-PL-3PL.PRN ³,shot at it (OBV ´ ³,VKRWDWWKHP´ Conclusions: These findings suggest Blackfoot exemplifies the conver se of a Case-licensing system; nominality does not signal dependence but rather independence. This has implications for our understanding of clause structure, nominal licensing, and the typology of subordination.

Nominal Dependence in Blackfoot Clauses Heather Bliss, University of British Columbia

References

Cheng, Lisa. 1991. On the Typology of Wh-Questions. PhD Dissertation, MIT. Franco, Ludovico. 2012. Complementizers are not (Demonstrative) Pronouns and vice versa. To appear in Poznan Studies in Contemporary Linguistics. Frantz, Donald G. 2009. Blackfoot Grammar, 2nd edi ti on. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Goddard, Ives. 1974. Remarks of the Algonquian Independent Indicative. International Journal of American Linguistics 40: 317-327. Goddard, Ives. 2007. Reconstruction and History of the Independent Indicative. In Wolfart, H.C. (ed.), Papers of the 38th Algonquian Conference. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba. .D\QH5:K\,VQ¶WThis a Complementizer? In Kayne, R. (ed.), Comparison and Contrasts. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 190-227. Manzini, M.R., Savoia, L., 2003. The Nature of Complementizers. Rivista di Grammatica Generativa 28, pp. 87±110. Manzini, M.R., Savoia, L., 2007. A Unification of Morphology and Syntax. Investigations into Romance and Albanian Dialects. London: Routledge. Rizzi, Luigi. 1997. The Fine Structure of the Left Periphery. In Haegeman, L. (ed.), Elements of Grammar: A Handbook of Generative Syntax. Dordrecht: Kluwer, pp. 281-338. Roberts, Ian, and Anna Roussou. 2003. Syntactic Change: A Minimalist Approach to Grammaticalization. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Rosenbaum, Peter. 1967. Phrase Structure Principles of English Complex Sentence Formation. Journal of Linguistics 3(1): 103-118. Locative PPs in Blackfoot and Plains Cree

Heather Blissa, Rose-Marie Déchaineb, and Tomio Hirosec University of British Columbiaa,b and Kanagawa Universityc

1. Introduction: We investigate the deployment of locative PPs in two Algonquian languages: Blackfoot and Plains Cree. The surface position of locative morphemes differs in the two languages: Blackfoot locatives are marked by the preverb it-; Plains Cree locatives are marked by the suffix - ihk, which attaches to N-stems. Despite this difference in surface distribution, both Blackfoot it- and Plains Cree -ihk instantiate the category P. And, in both languages, locative PPs are adjuncts; consequently, there are no “PP GOAL arguments” in these two languages. 2. Both Blackfoot it- and Plains Cree -ihk license locative DPs: Blackfoot it- is part of the set of relative roots (Frantz 2009); these are functional items that appear within the V-complex to license oblique nominal expressions. Plains Cree -ihk appears on nouns and is often analyzed as a locative case marker (Cyr 1993). Blackfoot it- and Plains Cree -ihk both license locative DPs. Thus, in Blackfoot, a locative DP is licit only if the V-complex has it-, (1a). And in Plains Cree, a locative DP is licit only if the noun is inflected with -ihk, (1b).

(1) a. Anna Leo *(it)áyo’kaawa anni kookóówayi. BLACKFOOT ann-wa L it-a-yo’kaa-wa ann-yi k-ookoowa-yi DEM-PROX L LOC-IMPF-sleep.AI-PROX DEM-INAN 2-house-INAN Leo is sleeping at your house.’

b. Nimîcison mîcisokamko*(hk). PLAINS CREE ni-mîciso-n mîcisowikamikw-ihk 1-eat.AI-LCL eating.place-LOC ‘I ate at the restaurant.’ 3. Both Blackfoot it- and Plains Cree -ihk instantiate P: But the two languages differ in how they integrate PP into clausal structure. Blackfoot PP adjoins to IP, while Plains Cree PP adjoins to CP. This correctly predicts that: (i) Blackfoot PP is discontinuous; (ii) Plains Cree PP forms a surface constituent. Blackfoot P appears in the V-complex, from where it licenses a VP-external DP. Plains Cree P is adjacent to its DP complement, and this PP constituent is external to the V-complex. Other locative expressions are modifiers, rather than P heads. This accounts for the fact that other locative expressions co-occur with these P-heads. 4. Blackfoot and Plains Cree PPs are not PP arguments: Our analysis predicts that locative PP- adjuncts (adjoined to IP in Blackfoot, to CP in Plains Cree) never link to a VP-internal GOAL argument, i.e. “PP GOAL arguments” will be absent. This surprising prediction is confirmed. Three kinds of evidence support this claim. First, both languages lack GOAL arguments introduced by P; instead, ditransitive verbs incorporate GOAL arguments. Second, GOAL DPs licensed by P do not participate in the direct/inverse contrast. Third, though VP-internal PP arguments are absent, VP- internal PP adjuncts are attested, though not with locatives/goals. Rather, VP-internal adjunct instrument PPs appear as pre-verbs, as with Blackfoot iiht- (Louie 2009) and Plains Cree ohci-. Conclusion: Our analysis bears on cross-Algonquian variation in the syntax of P. Oxford (2008, 2011) analyzes Innu locative marking (cognate with PC -ihk) as P. However, Rhodes (2005, 2010) argues that the historical source of relative roots (cognate with BF it-) is via P-incorporation. Our account allows for both possibilities: although they occupy different positions in the surface syntax (and have different historical origins), BF it- and PC -ihk both instantiate locative P.

References Cyr, Danielle. 1993. Cross-linguistic quantification: Definite articles vs demonstratives. Language Sciences 15, 195−229. Frantz, Donald.G. 2009. Blackfoot Grammar. 2nd ed. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Louie, Meagan. 2009. The Blackfoot ‘means’ linker iiht-, ms. University of British Columbia. Oxford, Will. 2008. A Grammatical Study of Innu-aimun Particles. Winnipeg: Algonquian & Iroquoian Linguistics Memoir 20. Oxford, Will. 2011. The syntax of Innu-aimun locatives. UBCWPL 31, 135−150. Rhodes, Richard A. 2006. Clause structure, core arguments & the Algonquian relative root construction. Winnipeg: Voices of Rupert’s Land. Rhodes, Richard A. 2010. Relative root complement: A unique grammatical relation in Algonquian syntax. In Rara & rarissima: Documenting the fringes of linguistic diversity, ed. J. Wohlgemuth & M. Cysouw, 305−324. De Gruyter Mouton.

The Endangered Language Project Shay Boechler, First Peoples’ Cultural Council

(Special Session: Reclaiming Canada’s Indigenous Languages)

Today, some 7,000 languages are spoken around the globe. Yet, linguistic diversity is declining. Almost half of the languages spoken today face extinction within the next century if a concerted effort is not made to protect and pass them on to future generations. Language revitalization begins at a community level, but can be greatly enhanced with the use of technology and by connecting with others around the globe involved in this important work. That’s where the Endangered Languages Project can help. The Endangered Languages Project is an online resource where language communities across Canada and the globe can record, access and share samples of, and research on, endangered languages. The site is also a place where those working to document or strengthen at-risk languages can share advice and best practices. The ELP is an online community for language champions. Users create an account to share knowledge and research and to help keep content up-to-date. Content that has already been uploaded ranges from 18th century manuscripts to modern video and audio language samples, knowledge-sharing articles to word lists and dictionaries. Visit www.endangeredlanguages.com for more information.

References:

Gordon, Julie (2013) – ELP promotional brochure Endangered Languages Project website: www.endangeredlanguages.com (various authors/contributors) Intersecting phonotactic restrictions and their perceptual effects Marisa Brook (University of Toronto)

A considerable amount of research over the last several decades has probed the perception of phonotactic combinations that are not found in the listeners’ native language(s). One consistent finding from experimental work has been that listeners have a perceptual bias towards resolving illegal sequences by reinterpreting them as legal ones (Brown and Hildum 1956; Massaro and Cohen 1983; Pitt 1998). More specifically, impermissible biconsonantal onset clusters are readily repaired via the insertion of perceptual epenthetic vowels (Pitt 1998; Hallé et al. 1998; Berent et al. 2007, 2008; Dupoux et al. 1999, 2001, 2011; Davidson and Shaw 2012).

That said, not all illegal clusters are alike. Listeners appear to be sensitive to a universal hierarchy of sonority contours: the more an onset cluster deviates from a steep increase in sonority, the less acceptable it is (Berent et al. 2007). This is true even of speakers of Korean, which does not permit onset clusters at all; it is possible that this finding points towards a universal gradient of unacceptability according to sonority contour (Berent et al. 2008).

A separate restriction that applies to biconsonantal onsets in English is a constraint against homorganicity of place (Rice 1992:76). Greenberg (1978) points out that homorganic onset clusters are somewhat disfavoured cross-linguistically; however, it is uncertain whether this might stem from universal properties of phonotactics comparable to the ones pertaining to sonority.

The present research builds directly on the findings of Berent et al. (2007, 2008) by looking for effects of both sonority contour and homorganicity in speakers of English and Japanese. As with Korean, Japanese does not have onset clusters; speakers of Japanese can be expected to show gradient unacceptability of onset clusters according to sonority contour just as the speakers of Korean did. Preliminary results from a pilot study of English speakers reveals a small but consistent negative effect of homorganicity on the recognition of consonant clusters across all types of sonority contour. If speakers of Japanese demonstrate a similar distaste for clusters whose segments have identical place-features, it will attest to the potential universality of homorganicity avoidance.

References

Berent, I., Steriade, D., Lennertz, T., and Vaknin, V. (2007). What we know about what we have never heard: Evidence from perceptual illusions. Cognition, 104, p. 591-630.

Berent, I., Lennertz, T., Jun, J., Moreno, M., and Smolensky, P. (2008). Language universals in human brains. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 105, p. 5321-5325.

Brown, R. W., and Hildum, D. C. (1956). Expectancy and the perception of syllables. Language, 32(3), p. 411-419.

Davidson, L., and Shaw, J. A. (2012). Sources of illusion in consonant cluster perception. Journal of Phonetics, 40, p. 234-248.

Dupoux, E., Kakehi, K., Hirose, Y., Pallier, C., and Mehler, J. (1999). Epenthetic vowels in Japanese: a perceptual illusion? Journal of Experimental Psychology: Human Perception and Performance, 25(6), p. 1568-1578.

Dupoux, E., Pallier, C., Kakehi, K., and Mehler, J. (2001). New evidence for prelexical phonological processing in word recognition. Language and Cognitive Processes, 16(5/6), p. 491-505.

Dupoux, E., Parlato, E., Frota, S., Hirose, Y., and Peperkamp, S. (2011). Where do illusory vowels come from? Journal of Memory and Language, 64, p. 199-210.

Greenberg, J. H. (1978). Some generalizations concerning initial and final consonant clusters. In Moravcsik, E. A. (ed.), Universals of human language, Vol. 2, p. 243-279. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.

Hallé, P., Segui, J., Frauenfelder, U. H., and Meunier, C. (1998). The processing of illegal consonant clusters: A case of perceptual assimilation? Journal of Experimental Psychology: Human Perception and Performance, 24, p. 592-608.

Massaro, D. W., and Cohen, M. M. (1983). Phonological constraints in speech perception. Perception and Psychophysics, 34, p. 338-348.

Pitt, M. A. (1998). Phonological processes and the perception of phonotactically illegal consonant clusters. Perception and Psychophysics, 60, p. 941-951.

Rice, K. D. (1992). On deriving sonority: a structural account of sonority relationships. Phonology, 9(1), p. 61-99.

Focus in Nata: Denotation vs. discourse-new

Colin Brown - University of British Columbia

1 Focus in Nata and Bantu

A subset of Bantu languages (including Chichewa, Kirundi and Kinyarwanda, all cannonically SVO), show a correlation between non-cannonical word order and different discourse-pragmatic readings. Subject-Object reversal, a process in which the logical subject and object switch positions in a sentence (SVO to OVS), is only felicitous when the Subject is ‘Focused/Discourse-New’ [Morimoto, 2001, Marten, 2007]: (1) igitabo ki-som-a umuhuungu 7book 7-read-fv 1boy ‘the boy is reading the book’ (Kinyarwanda [Morimoto, 2001]) Focus Marking (F-marking) in Nata12 patterns differently. Denotational Focus3, which indicates the presence of alternatives [Krifka, 2008], is morphologically and syntactically marked, while New-Information Focus is unmarked: (2) a. n-omukari a-som-ire eghitabho FOC-1woman 1-read-PERF 7book ‘a woman read the book’ (not a boy, Carl, etc.) b. n-eghitabho omukari a-som-ire FOC-1woman 7book 1-read-PERF ‘a woman read the book’ (not a newspaper, bible, etc.) In this respect, F-marking in Nata seems to resemble English, which prosodically F-marks Denotational and not Discourse-New Focus [Selkirk, 2008], more than the closely related Kin- yarwanda. In this paper I discuss Focus in Nata in the context of the typology of Bantu Information Struc- ture and the grammar of Focus cross-linguistically, and I argue that Nata, unlike many Bantu languages (but like English), systematically F-marks Denotational Focus, while ignoring Discourse- Newness.

References

Manfred Krifka. Basic notions of information structure. Acta Linguistica Hungarica, 55(3):243 – 276, 2008. Lutz Marten. Focus strategies and the incremental development of semantic representations: Evi- dence from Bantu, pages 113–135. Mouton de Gruyter, 2007. Yukiko Morimoto. Discourse Conﬁgurationality in Bantu Morphosyntax. PhD thesis, Stanford University, 2001. Elisabeth O Selkirk. Contrastive focus, givenness and the unmarked status of ”discourse-new”. Acta Linguistica Hungarica, 55(3-4):331–346, 2008. 1Bantu, Lacustrine, also SVO 2Introspective analyses conducted with a native speaker 3used in restriction (’only the girl’), expansion (’and the girl, too), correction (no, it was the girl, conﬁrmation (yes, it was the girl), etc. - crucially not restricted to ’newness’

FOCUS, Polynesian *ko, and language change Jason Brown (University of Auckland) & Karsten Koch (University of Calgary) In Polynesian, we find a structure in which a nominal preceded by *ko may precede the verb under certain pragmatic conditions (Clark 1976). The majority of Polynesian languages are predicate-initial, and *ko structures are striking in that they allow for a nominal to precede the lexical predicate. While there have been many (often language specific) morpho-syntactic accounts of these structures, we offer a novel account of *ko that is grounded in formal semantics. This predicts that the various syntactic structures that *ko surfaces in across the Polynesian languages will nevertheless share a common semantics: *ko marks FOCUS. We make the strong claim that *ko has a uniform semantics in that it marks a morphosyntactic FOCUS feature. FOCUS identifies the following nominal as contrasted with a set of discourse alternatives (e.g. Rooth 1992), predicting certain patterns of behaviour of *ko structures: (i) they should focus the following nominal (e.g. in clefts like (1)); (ii) they may display parallels to wh-questions, which are inherently FOCUS marked (2); (iii) they should display question-answer congruence (e.g. in a question-answer sequence, wh-questions and *ko structures should FOCUS mark the same nominal (3)); (iv) they should interact with FOCUS sensitive operators like only, in that only must be interpreted semantically with fronted *ko-marked nominals (and not nominals that are in situ in VSO structures (4)); and (v) they can mark topics (5), which are inherently FOCUS marked (e.g. Büring 1997, Krifka 2007).

(1) ko [ta-ku tamaiti]FOCUS tee kaa hano. Rarotongan ko dominant.possession-1SG child DEF INCEPTIVE go ‘It is [my child]FOCUS who will go.’ (Yasuda 1968:84)

(2) ‘O [le ! ]FOCUS le mea ‘ua tupu? Samoan ko DET what DET thing PERF happen ‘[What]FOCUS is the thing that happened?’ (Mosel & Hovdhaugen 1992:489, ex. 10.203)

(3) Q: ‘O [wai]FOCUS ke kumu? A: ‘O [Kimo]FOCUS ke kumu Hawaiian ko who DET teacher ko Jim DET teacher ‘[Who]FOCUS is the teacher?’ ‘[Jim]FOCUS is the teacher.’ (Elbert & Pukui 1979)

(4) Ò [ia]FOCUS,1 anaiho1 à taù North Marquesan ko 3SG only INT mine.PAST.know ‘[He]FOCUS,1 is the only1 one indeed that I know.’ (Mutu & Teikitutoua 2002: 87)

(5) [Ko [Mele]FOCUS]TOPIC na’a ne kaiha’asi ‘a e ika Tongan ko Mele PAST 3PERS steal ABS DET fish ‘[[Mele]FOCUS]TOPIC, she stole the fish.’ (Custis 2004:124-125) We offer a comprehensive view across the language family, looking at *ko behaviour in both nuclear VSO languages and in outliers that have shifted to SVO order (Clark 1994). Our contribution is to offer a unified account of the phenomena in (1-5). We show that the predictions hold to a remarkable degree across the family, suggesting that while the phonology of *ko and the syntactic structures that it appears in may show considerable variation, its FOCUS semantics are historically surprisingly stable. This implies that many Polynesian languages are both FOCUS-initial and predicate-initial. In fact, a prominent initial FOCUS position may be a more general typological feature of verb-initial systems. This predicts that, once the basic word order of a verb-initial language undergoes change, the role of *ko and the initial FOCUS position will also undergo change. Our investigation provides support for this idea: in those languages where SVO word order has developed, the role of *ko may be considerably eroded. For example, in West Futunan, which is SVO, *ko has disappeared, and nominals may appear before predicates without special marking.

References: FOCUS, Polynesian *ko, and language change Büring, D. 1997. The Meaning of Topic and Focus. London: Routledge. Clark, R. 1976. Aspects of Proto-Polynesian syntax. Auckland: Linguistic Society of New Zealand. Clark, R. 1994. The Polynesian Outliers as a locus of language contact. In Dutton, T.E., and D. Tryon, eds. Language Contact and Change in the Austronesian World. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. 109-139. Custis, T. 2004. Word order variation in Tongan: A syntactic analysis. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Minnesota. Elbert, S.H., & M. K. Pukui. 1979. Hawaiian grammar. Honolulu: University Hawaii Press. Krifka, M. 2007. Basic notions of information structure. In Féry, C , G. Fanselow and M. Krifka, eds. The Notions of Information Structure. Interdisciplinary Studies on Infomation Structure 6. Potsdam: Universitatsverlag Potsdam. 13-56. Mosel, U., & E. Hovdhaugen. 1992. Samoan Reference Grammar. Oslo: Scandinavian UP. Mutu, M., & B. Teìkitutoua. 2002. Ùa Pou: Aspects of a Marquesan Dialect. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. Rooth, M. 1992. A Theory of Focus Interpretation. Natural Language Semantics 1: 75-116. Yasuda, A. 1968. The structure of the Penrhyn phrase. M.A. thesis, University of Hawaii.

Using Storyboards to Elicit Information Structure Contrasts in Nata S. Burton, R.-M. Déchaine, and J. Johannes with C. Brown, A. Entwistle, E. Guntly, R. Fuhrman, N. Francis, H. Keupdjio, W.M. Lam, J. Ma, A. Osa Gomez del Campo, E. Sadlier-Brown, I. Schniske, D. Si, S. Walters, Y. Yoshino University of British Columbia

1. Research question: Bantu languages are famously sensitive to information-structure, and especially the structural determination of topic and focus (Bresnan and Mchombo 1987). The question we address is how Nata – an endangered (6,000 speakers) and undocumented Bantu language (Guthrie E.10) spoken at the edge of the Serengeti in northwestern Tanzania – codes such contrasts. In particular, we report on the use of a storyboard method developed at UBC to elicit information structure contrasts. 2. Research context: A problem for the examination of I-structure (Chafe 1976; Krifka 2008) is that data gathered using traditional elicitation methods is contextually impoverished, while data from free-form narratives is often too noisy. By “contextual impoverishment”, we mean that the interview format of standard elicitation (where a linguist guides a language consultant through a series of well-formedness judgments) does not provide a rich enough context to support the discourse-level contrasts that are necessary to examine information structure. And by “noisy”, we mean that free-form narratives are in some sense too rich, in that they don’t provide the kinds of pairwise contrasts that are necessary for formal analysis. 3. Method: Two storyboard narratives were constructed (Nosy Mom; Confused Dad) with the aim of examining: (i) contrasts between 1st/2nd versus 3rd person; (ii) question/answer congruence (Büring 2007); (iii) interaction of topic and focus with left- and right-dislocation (Rizzi 1997). The design process involved five stages. First, the linguist met with the storyboard designer to identify target features and narratives that would support the emergence of those features. Second, the storyboard designer created a cartoon version of the story, with a frame-by-frame English summary of the targeted forms. Third, the storyboard was pre-tested with the consultant, to ensure that it was visually coherent and matched the target narrative. Fourth, after a gap of several days, the storyboard was presented to the consultant, who was asked to recount in the target language (Nata) a narrative that matched the storyboard. (If necessary, several recordings were made; the criteria being whether the consultant judged it to be “natural sounding”.) 4. Findings: In addition to successfully targeting the grammatical features under investigation (person contrasts, question/answer congruence, right/left-dislocation), the storyboard method also provided information pertaining to: (i) the expressive use of pitch and ideophones; (ii) prosodic phrasing (Downing 2007), (iii) scene-setting strategies. 5. Conclusion and significance of findings: Our findings are significant for several reasons. First, they provide an ecologically valid confirmation of how topic and focus are deployed. Although previous (de-contextualized) studies have concentrated on the occurrence of topic and focus at the left periphery of the sentence, our data set indicates that the right periphery is equally active. Second, previous studies have not contrasted 1st/2nd person and 3rd person topic/focus. Our data set establishes that there is a systematic difference related to person features. Third, more broadly, the use of the storyboard technique for the examination of information structure allows the linguist to test for discourse-level contrasts in a systematic and controlled fashion, resulting in a more robust data set. Selected references

Bresnan, Joan, and Sam A. Mchombo 1987 Topic, pronoun, and agreement in Chichewa. Language 63(4):741-782. Büring, Daniel 2007 Semantics, intonation and information structure. In The Oxford Handbook of Linguistic Interfaces. G. Ramchand and C. Reiss, eds. Pp. 445-474: OUP. Chafe, Wallace L. 1976 Givenness, contrastiveness, definiteness, subjects, topics and point of view. In Subject and topic. C.N. Li, ed. Pp. 27–55. New York, NY, USA: Academic Press. Downing, Laura J. 2007 Focus prosody divorced from stress and intonation in Chichewa, Chitumbuka and Durban Zulu. In Bantu languages: analyses, description and theory. K. Legère and C. Thornell, eds. Pp. 17-29. Köln: Rüdiger Köppe. Krifka, Manfred 2008 Basic Notions of Information Structure. Acta Linguistica Hungaria 55(3-4):243- 276. Rizzi, Luigi 1997 The Fine Structure of the Left Periphery. In Elements of Grammar. L. Haegeman, ed. Pp. 281-337. Dordrecht, NL: Kluwer Academic Publishers.

Tracking Intonation Patterns in Interior Salish Marion Caldecott, Simon Fraser University Ewa Czaykowska-Higgins University of Victoria

(Special Session: Reclaiming Canada’s Indigenous Languages)

Learning intonation patterns is difficult. As Archibald (1997) points out, it requires competency at two interfaces: phonology and syntax (we’d add semantics) and phonology and pragmatics. Archibald shows that L1 prosody in the form of phrasal stress (or, nuclear accent) influences L2 prosody. In fact, non-native speakers of a language are often discernable by having non-native intonation, even when their pronunciation of individual sounds is native-like. Learning intonation is thus one way to increase native-like ability in a language. It is also a potentially crucially time-sensitive research topic, as intonation cannot be learned from books, only from speakers. In this poster, we document our ongoing research into intonation patterns in one Interior Salish language, Nxaʔamxcin, which is closely related to BC Salish languages like Nsyilxcəən and Nłeʔkepmxcin. We examine the intonation patterns of declaratives and Wh- questions in a Nxaʔamxcin story told by an excellent storyteller, and compare these to similar sentence types provided through direct elicitation with a second speaker. Finally, we compare the observed Nxa'amxcin intonation patterns to patterns reported for other Interior Salish (Nsyilxcəən (Barthmaier (2004), Nłeʔkepmxcin (Koch 2008), and St'at'imcets (Caldecott 2009)), and non-Interior languages (SENĆOŦEN (Benner 2006, Leonard 2011), Lushootseed (Beck and Bennett 2007) and Skwxwu7mesh (Jacobs 2007)). As predicted by research in the related languages, nuclear accent appears to be rightmost in Nxaʔamxcin while Wh-words and negatives appear to be aligned with the left edge of phrases. Documenting the intonation patterns in Salish languages and understanding the limitations of the data source provides useful information for language curriculum developers.

References Barthmaier, P. (2004). Intonation units in Okanagan. In D. Gerdts & L. Matthewson (Eds.), Studies in Salish Linguistics in Honor of M. Dale Kinkade (Vol. 17): University of Montana Occasional Papers in Linguistics. Beck, D., & Bennett, D. (2007). Extending the Prosodic Hierarchy: Evidence from Lushootseed Narrative. Northwest Journal of Linguistics, 1: 1-34. Benner, A. (2006). The prosody of SENĆOŦEN, a pilot study. Paper presented at The 41st International Conference on Salish and Neighbouring Languages. University of Victoria. Caldecott, Marion (2009) Non-exhaustive parsing: Phonetic and phonological evidence from St’at’imcets. PhD Dissertation. University of British Columbia. Jacobs, P. (2007). Intonation of yes/no questions in Skwxwu7mesh. In K. M. Johannsdottir & M. Oberg (Eds.), Papers for the 42nd ICSNL (Vol. 20, pp. 256- 284). UBC Kelowna: UBCWPL. Koch, K. (2008). Intonation and Focus in Nlhe7kepmxcin (Thompson River Salish). PhD Dissertation, University of British Columbia. Leonard, J. (2011) Prosodic units in SENCOTEN (North Straits Salish). University of Victoria, ms. Hailey H. Ceong & Leslie Saxon University of Victoria !"#$%&"'()*(+%"'$,)-'(#-.(,-$"&&)/#$,0"'( The central purpose of this study is to develop a well-founded classification of CP layers into certain projections: here we focus on ForceP and TypeP. The fact that Korean polar alternative questions (PAQs) are incompatible with constituent questions in main clauses, but compatible with them in embedded clauses implies that the notion of question is necessarily distinct from the notion of ‘interrogative’ in syntax. This study proposes that ForceQ features sit in the head of ForceP (Rizzi 2001) and TypeINT feature sits in the head of TypeP (Cheng 1997; Rizzi 2001). The asymmetric compatibility of Korean PAQs with constituent questions in main versus embedded clauses is observed in the English translations of these sentences as well: example (1) is ungrammatical in both Korean and English, while (2) is grammatical in both languages. (1) * nwu-ka hakkyo-ey ka.ss-ni mos ka.ss-ni ? who-NOM school-LOC. went-Q can.not went- Q *Who could or couldn’t go to school? (Who could go to school or not)’( (2) nwu-ka hakkyo-ey ka.ss-nun.ci mos kass-nun.ci kwungkumha-ta. who-NOM school-LOC. went- INT can.not went- INT wonder-DECL ‘(I) wonder who could or couldn’t go to school.’( In this paper, we claim that the asymmetric behaviour of Korean PAQs is due to the fact that questions and ‘interrogatives’ operate in different domains of Universal Grammar: the semantic or pragmatic differences have syntactical consequences. If we follow the assumption that WH- elements occupy the Spec of FocusP and interrogative force occupies the Spec of IntP or question force occupies the Spec of ForceP (Rizzi 2001), there is no explanation for the ungrammatical of (1) — and this is in fact the essence of our analysis of (2). Assuming that the head of ForceP is associated with one yes-no or Wh- illocutionary Force QUESTION feature, the ungrammaticality of (1) is argued to be due to the inability of the features in the head of Force to merge with both features on the constituent question morpheme nwu ‘who’ and the PAQ morpheme –ni-mos-ni (i.e. A-not-A) ‘can or cannot’. The asymmetrical analysis of questions and ‘interrogative’ is also supported by the fact that complementizers with different illocutionary force (yes-no question (–l-lay, -l-kka, and –ni), tag question (ci), and echo question (–tako)) appear in main clauses in Korean, but only the neutralized interrogative complementizer nun.ci occurs in embedded clauses. Thus, we claim that ForcePQ is strictly a category of main clauses, disputing the conclusions of Baker (1970). What has been assumed to be ForceP in embedded clauses is TypeP. The novel data from Korean PAQs require a major rethinking of the received view on the analysis of ForceP and IntP as expressed in Rizzi (2001). Our analysis shows that the pragmatic categories of illocutionary force are highly significant for syntactic analysis in ways that have not been treated consistently in theoretical discussions of questions, in particular as regards the very distinct roles of questions and ‘interrogatives’. Selected references Baker, C. (1970). Notes on the description of English questions: The role of an abstract question morpheme. Foundation of Language, 6(2),197-219. Cheng, L. (1997). On the typology of wh-questions. New York: Garland Pub. Rizzi, L. (2001). On the position “Int(errogative)” in the Left Periphery of the clause. In G. Cinque & G. Salvi (eds.) Current studies in Italian syntax: Essay offered to Lorenzo Renzi (pp. 287-296). Amsterdam: Elsevier. A revised analysis of EPP-feature checking: The case of Modern French Cassandra Chapman McMaster University This talk will propose a new analysis of EPP-feature checking that will account for Modern French, a language that has often been ignored in existing theories of the EPP. The current theories have all failed to account for French because they assume that only one element is needed to satisfy the EPP. The French data provide a counterexample to this assumption because the EPP can be checked in two ways: expletive merge/subject movement to spec-TP and V-T movement. Thus, the French data not only show that a revision to the current theory is required but they also seriously challenge the validity of the EPP as a cross-linguistic universal constraint. Background Informally, the EPP is known as All sentences need a subject (in English: Chomsky, 1981; universally: Chomsky, 1982). More recent work in the Minimalist Program (Chomsky, 1995) has argued that the EPP is a strong D-feature in the T-domain. It is an uninterpretable feature that must be satisfied before spell-out by merging a nominal element (DP, expletive or pro) in spec-TP. In an influential proposal, Anagnostopoulou & Alexiadou (1998) argue that both X- and XP-movement can satisfy the EPP. If a language has V-T movement, e.g. Spanish, the verb will come with phi-features, which can check the D-feature on T. Interface models The EPP has also been argued to be a PF constraint (Holmberg, 2000; Landau, 2007), requiring that a phonologically overt element check a [P] feature on a functional head. Importantly, movement does not occur to this position to satisfy the EPP but for independent reasons. A semantic approach to the EPP is proposed in Rosengren (2002) who argues that either spec-FinP or spec-TP must be filled in order to be visible. This proposal assumes that head movement cannot satisfy the EPP because it is a PF structural requirement and does not satisfy the visibility requirement in spec-FinP/TP. Thus, not all languages are so-called, EPP-languages. Issue Current EPP models all carry the underlying assumption that one element can satisfy the EPP in a functional domain (often T). Modern French presents us with a counterexample: both V-T movement and merge/move of an XP to spec-TP are required in French. Why? Proposal In order to account for French, both of the interface approaches need to be adopted and revised. Importantly, the EPP is not a PF requirement. Instead, spec-TP will carry a phonological requirement that must be satisfied before spell-out. This requirement does not trigger movement; it must occur independently. In French, the XP will move to receive Case through agreement with the T head, simultaneously checking the [P] feature on T. In order to account for the V-T movement, I follow Alexiadou & Anagnostopoulou in assuming that the verb carries phi-features which are able to check the D-feature on T. This movement also enables the T-head to enter into a spec-head agreement relationship with the XP in spec-TP. I will argue against Rosengren’s split T projection and argue that French does not project Finite Phrase. Consequently, the only position for us to distinguish between expletives and full DP subjects is T. Following Rosengren, the expletive will carry a referential [R] feature which is bound to the event variable e. The expletive makes e visible and will thus receive an existential reading through spec-head agreement with the T head. Rosengren also argues that movement of the subject from spec-VP to spec-TP splits the subject from the rest of the sentence thereby giving it a non-existential reading because it is visibly distinct from the rest of the proposition. I will adopt this analysis for French. Implications Using both the PF and LF interface approaches, my analysis argues that there are multiple features at play in French movement operations. While both movements are motivated independently, only X-movement is able to satisfy the D-feature on T. This proposal thus shows that a revision to the EPP is needed and challenges the original motivations behind the constraint. References Alexiadou, A. & Anagnostopoulou, A. (1998). Parametrizing AGR: Word order, V-movement and EPP Checking. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, 16, 491-539. Chomsky, N. (1981). Letters on Government and Binding. Dordrecht: Foris. Chomsky, N. (1982). Some concepts and consequences of the Theory of Government and Binding. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Chomsky, N. (1995). The Minimalist Program. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Holmberg, A. (2000). Scandanavian stylistic fronting: How any category can become an expletive. Linguistic Inquiry, 31, 445-83. Landau, I. (2007). EPP Extensions. Linguistic Inquiry, 38, 485-523. Rosengren, I. (2002). EPP: A syntactic device in the service of semantics. Studia Linguistica, 56(2), 145-190.

Temporal and spectral parameters in the L2 acquisition of prosodic prominence Laura Colantoni, Olivia Marasco, Jeffrey Steele & Simona Sunara University of Toronto

This study investigates the acquisition of lexical and phrasal stress in Spanish and French respectively by native English speakers, testing the general hypothesis that, due to cross- linguistic influence, the more similar the L1 and target language instantiations of a phonological or phonetic parameter, the more accurate learners’ production. Phonologically, compared to English, Spanish is more similar than French: (i) the smallest prominence unit is the word as opposed to the phrase; (ii) feet are binary as opposed to unbounded; (iii) stress is most often (foot) initial versus uniquely final. Thus, Hypothesis 1 predicts that there will be greater phonological accuracy in L2 Spanish. Phonetically, English differs from both languages: (i) the primary cue to prominence is pitch, compared to duration (French) or a trading relationship between duration, pitch, and amplitude (Spanish; Ortega- Llebaria, 2006); (ii) unstressed vowels are centralized; and (iii) the stressed-to-unstressed vowel ratio is 1.5 versus 2 (French) and 1.1 (Spanish) (Delattre, 1966). Thus, Hypothesis 2 predicts similar phonetic accuracy in French and Spanish for L2 learners of similar proficiency. The production of 15 English-speaking intermediate-to-advanced learners and 5 native speakers per target language was elicited using two reading tasks (carrier sentences, passage). Utterances were divided into intonational phrases (Spanish) or accentual phrases (French). Pitch accents and boundary tones were labelled and temporal and spectral properties of stressed and unstressed vowels were analyzed acoustically in prominent words. Hypothesis 1 was strongly supported: whereas L2 Spanish learners’ stress placement was highly target-like, French learners’ accuracy varied (62-90%) conditioned by phrase length with errors involving multiple prominences per target phrase and many initial prominences. Hypothesis 2 received mixed support. Target-like stressed-to-unstressed vowel ratios occurred with only some vowels in both languages and vowel centralization was restricted to French. This can be partly explained by the fact that the learners tended to divide utterances into significantly more intonational/accentual phrases than the native speakers, which, in turn, increases the learners’ use of phrase accents. These phrase accents, which were commonly realized as a continuation-rise in the L2 speech, were also associated with vowel lengthening, which explains, in part the fact that we found no clear support for Hypothesis 2. In summary, results show that the acquisition of (post-)lexical prosodic prominence interacts with the acquisition of higher prosodic units, such as the intonational phrase.

References Delattre, P. (1966). A comparison of syllable length conditioning among languages. International Review of Applied Linguistics, 4, 183-198. Ortega-Llebaria, M. (2006). Phonetic cues to stress and accent in Spanish. In M.Díaz-Campos (Ed.), Selected Proceedings of the Second Conference on Spanish Laboratory Phonology (pp. 104-118). Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Press. Incorporation and ellipsis as evidence for phrasal words in Inuit Richard Compton, Queen’s University Claim: This paper argues that data from noun incorporation (NI), conjunction, ellipsis, and a VP pro-form in Inuit provides evidence for word-internal XPs inside polysynthetic words, contra Piggott & Travis’s (2012) proposal (following Baker 1996) that phonological words cross-linguistically correspond to syntactic heads—simplex or complex—with morphologically complex words being derived via head movement, head-adjunction, or PF movement. Evidence: While NI has often been analyzed as involving roots, NI in Inuit can include nomi- nalizers and adjectives, as in (1)-(2), indicating that the incorporate is larger than a (category- neutral) root. Furthermore, a subset of NI verbs obligatorily incorporate arguments bearing oblique case and number (and optional possessor marking), as in (3)-(4) (Johns 2007:561-2), indicating an even larger structure (KP/PP) has incorporated. Also, incorporation applies to proper names, as in (4), which have been argued to correspond to DPs (Longobardi 1994). Similarly, pronouns can incorporate, as in (5), which D´echaine & Wiltschko (2002) propose to be DP/φP/NP cross-linguistically. Moreover, Beach (2011:386) notes the possibility of incorporating one conjunct in a conjunction, as in (6), while the remaining conjunct is a full DP. Assuming conjuncts share the same phrasal level of projection (or semantic types, Munn 1993) this further points to incorporates being larger than roots: (1) uqalimaar-vi-ralaa-qaq-tugut (2) iglu-tsiava-nngua-qaq-tuq read-nomz-small-have-dec.1pl house-great-pretend-have-dec.3sg ‘We have a small library.’ ‘(S)he has a great pretend house.’ (3) illu-ga-kku-u-vutit (Labrador) (4) Ottawa-min-ngaq-tunga house-poss.1sg-vialis-go-ind.2sg Ottawa-abl.sg-come-dec.1sg ‘You’re going through my house.’ ‘I’m coming from Ottawa.’ (5) ivvi-u-lauq-puq (6) tuktu-tu-ruma-junga palaugaar-mil=*(lu) you-cop-past-ind.3sg caribou-eat-want-dec.1sg bread-obl.sg=*(and) ‘it was you’ ‘I want to eat caribou and bread.’ Additional evidence for clausal complexes containing XPs includes ‘stem-ellipsis’ in Arctic Que- bec dialects, as in (7)-(8) (Dorais 1988:10), where contextually salient verbal roots can be elided. Lobeck’s (1995) claim that ellipsis targets phrases conﬂicts with a head movement analysis of clausal complexes in which the elided constituent would constitute part of a complex head, as in (9): (7) . . . -juujar-tuq (8) . . . -jja-nngit-tuq (9) . . . -seem-dec.3sg -really-neg-dec.3sg ‘looks like . . . ’ ‘does not really . . . ’ v ◦ ...

root v ◦

Similarly, the pro-form pi- can target a VP-sized constituent, including adverbial modiﬁers:

(10) kapi-guma-tanga tuktu kisiani pi-gunna-nngit-tanga stab-want-dec.3sg.3sg caribou(abs.sg) but do.so-can-neg-dec.3sg.3sg ‘(S)he wants to stab the caribou but (s)he can’t #(stab it).’ The obligatory inclusion of elided material in readings points to pi-beingaphrasal pro-form. Conclusion: An analysis of Inuit whereby polysynthetic words contain phrasal material adds further evidence for the existence of phrasal NI (Barrie & Mathieu 2012).

1 References

Baker, M. C. (1988). Incorporation: A Theory of Grammatical Function Changing. Chicago: Uni- versity of Chicago Press. Baker, M. C. (1996). The Polysynthesis Parameter. New York: Oxford University Press. Barrie, M. and E.´ Mathieu (2012). Head movement and noun incorporation. Linguistic In- quiry 43 (1), 133–142. Beach, M. (2011). Studies in Inuktitut grammar. Ph. D. thesis, SUNY Buffalo. de Reuse, W. J. (1994). Siberian Yupik Eskimo: the language and its contacts with Chukchi. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press. Déchaine, R.-M. and M. Wiltschko (2002). Decomposing pronouns. Linguistic Inquiry 33 (3), 409– 442. Di Sciullo, A. M. and E. Williams (1987). On the Definition of Word. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Dorais, L.-J. (2003). Inuit Uqausiqatigiit - Inuit languages and dialects (2nd ed.). Iqaluit: Nunavut Arctic College. Fortescue, M. (1984). West Greenlandic. London, UK: Croom Helm. Ghomeshi, J. and D. Massam (2009). The proper D connection. In J. Ghomeshi, I. Paul, and M. Wiltschko (Eds.), Determiners: Universals and variation, pp. 67–96. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Johns, A. (2007). Restricting noun incorporation: root movement. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 25 (3), 535–576. Julien, M. (2002). Syntactic Heads and Word Formation. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Legislative Assembly of Nunavut (2002). Debates (Hansard), February 22. Iqaluit. Lobeck, A. (1995). Ellipsis: Functional Heads, Licensing, and Identification. New York: Oxford. Longobardi, G. (1994). Reference and proper names. Linguistic Inquiry 25 (4), 609–665. Mithun, M. and E. Ali (1996). The elaboration of aspectual categories: Central Alaskan Yup’ik. Folia Linguistica 30, 111–127. Piggott, G. and L. Travis (2012). Wordhood and word internal domains: a project report. Presented at Exploring the Interfaces (ETI) 1, May 6, McGill University. Sadock, J. M. (1999). The nominalist theory of Eskimo: A case study in scientific self-deception. International Journal of American Linguistics 65 (4), 383–406. Sadock, J. M. (2003). A Grammar of Kalaallisut (West Greenlandic Inuttut). Languages of the World/Materials. Muenchen: Lincom Europa. Selkirk, E. O. (1982). The syntax of words. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Swift, M. and S. Allen (2002). Verb base ellipsis in Inuktitut conversational discourse. International Journal of American Linguistics 68 (2), 33–56. Travis, L. (1984). Parameters and Effects of Word Order Variation.Ph.D.thesis,MIT. Wiltschko, M. (2008). The syntax of non-inflectional plural marking. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 26 (3), 639–694.

2 PERSON AND NUMBER IN MI’GMAQ Jessica Coon & Alan Bale The Eastern Algonquian language Mi’gmaq lacks the person preﬁxes and “theme signs” familiar from many of its relatives. Instead, the TA stem is followed by two agreement slots, separated by negation. This paper presents agreement puzzles concerning the representation of 1st and 2nd person plural (PART-PL) arguments in Mi’gmaq. We discuss implications for both the featural decomposition of pronouns, as well as for the representation of hierarchies and “inverse” systems. Across most of the TA paradigm, Slot 1 can be straightforwardly characterized as object agreement for person features (1)–(2). First person plural exclusive objects (13) trigger 1 agreement, while second person plural objects (23) trigger 2 agreement. This provides evidence that these PART-PL pronouns can be featurally decomposed, following Harley and Ritter 2002. (1) a. Mu nem-i’li-w-g. (2) a. Mu nem-i’li-w-eg. NEG see-1OBJ-NEG-3 NEG see-1OBJ-NEG-13

‘She doesn’t see me.’ ‘You don’t see usEXCL.’ b. Mu nem-u’ln-u-eg. b. Mu nem-u’ln-u-eg. NEG see-2OBJ-NEG-13 NEG see-2OBJ-NEG-13

‘WeEXCL don’t see you.’ ‘WeEXCL don’t see youSG/PL.’ c. Mu nemi-a-w-gw. c. Mu nem-u’ln-u-oq. NEG see-3OBJ-NEG-12 NEG see-2OBJ-NEG-23

‘WeINCL don’t see her.’ ‘I don’t see youPL.’ The characterization of Slot 1 as object agreement breaks down in exactly one context: 3rd person subjects acting on PART-PL objects. In exactly these “inverse” environments, the morpheme -ugsi appears in Slot 1, as shown in (3). (3) a. Mu nem-ugsi-w-gw. c. Mu nem-ugsi-w-oq. NEG see-PARTPL-NEG-12 NEG see-PARTPL-NEG-23

‘He doesn’t see usINCL ‘He doesn’t youPL b. Mu nem-ugsi-w-eg. NEG see-PARTPL-NEG-13 (4) SLOT 2 HIERARCHY ‘He doesn’t see us 12, 13 23 1, 2, 3 EXCL { } { } PART-PL arguments are also important for the content of Slot 2. If the object position is not occupied by a PART-PL DP, Slot 2 is simply subject agreement (1). When the object is PART-PL, the realization of Slot 2 is determined by the hierarchy in (4). Crucially, the ranking in (4) cannot be characterized by person or number features alone: 1PL 2SG (2a), but 2PL 1SG (2c). We argue that Slot 1 is v0 agreement and that Slot 2 is Infl0 agreement. We propose, following Bejar´ and Rezac 2009; Lochbihler 2012 a.o., that [+PART] DPs must be licensed by a person (π) probe, located on v0. In Mi’gmaq, v0 can π-license two [+PART] DPs, as in (2). However, only when the subject is third person, v0 agrees twice with the PART-PL object: once with the [+PART] DP itself, and once with the features which make up the DP. The “inverse” suffix -ugsi in (3) is the spell-out of this double agreement with the object and is possible only when subjects are [-PART]. To capture the hierarchy effects in Slot 2, we propose that a probe on Infl0 attracts the highest ranked DP to its specifier (following Bruening 2001, 2005). This complex probe which begins by searching for a DP with the maximum set of features specified: [[PART [SPKR]], [PL]]. Note that 1st person plural DPs cannot be ranked with respect to each other, since [12] and [13] configurations are impossible. If no 1st person plural DP is found, [SPKR] is “peeled off” and the probe researches for a 2PL DP: [[PART], [PL]]. If still none is found, Infl0 resorts to subject agreement.

1 PERSON AND NUMBER IN MI’GMAQ Jessica Coon & Alan Bale References

Bejar,´ Susana, and Milan Rezac. 2009. Cyclic Agree. Linguistic Inquiry 40:35–73. Bruening, Benjamin. 2001. Syntax at the edge: Cross-clausal phenomena and the syntax of Passamaquoddy. Doctoral dissertation, MIT, Cambridge, MA. Bruening, Benjamin. 2005. The Algonquian inverse is syntactic: Binding in Passamaquoddy. Ms. University of Delaware. Harley, Heidi, and Elizabeth Ritter. 2002. Person and Number in Pronouns: A Feature-Geometric Analysis. Language 78:482–526. Lochbihler, Bethany. 2012. Aspects of argument licensing. Doctoral Dissertation, McGill University, Montreal,´ QC.

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(Special Session: Reclaiming Canada’s Indigenous Languages)

This poster examines the applicability of recently proposed language documentation methodologies to language reclamation efforts in the context of Canadian Indigenous languages. In particular, this considers the potential of so-called 'basic oral language documentation' (BOLD; Bird 2010, Reiman 2010, Boerger 2011) annotation methods to improve the accessibility of monolingual language materials in current language reclamation. In using only minimal digital technology and eliminating the requirement for contributors to be comfortable in written transcription, BOLD methods aim to reduce barriers to involvement in language reclamation for a broader section of the speech community, establishing an environment in which fluent speakers, 'fluent listeners', and non-speakers can contribute meaningfully to different aspects of language reclamation. In partnership with Tsuut'ina (Dene) Elders and youth, this poster evaluates the application of BOLD methods with one Canadian Indigenous language, assessing both the possible benefits of such methods for capacity development and engagement in community-based and community-partnered language resource development, and identifying potential pitfalls of deferring further transcription and analysis in cases of severe language endangerment.

References

Bird, Steven. 2010. A scalable method for preserving oral literature from small languages. In Gobinda Chowdhury, Chris Khoo, and Jane Hunter, eds., Proceedings of ICADL 2010. Lecture Notes in Computer Science 6102, 5-14. Berlin / Heidelberg: Springer Verlag. Boerger, Brenda H. 2011. To BOLDly go where no one has gone before. Language Documentation and Conservation 5.208-233. Reiman, D. Will. 2010. Basic Oral Language Documentation. Language Documentation and Conservation 4.254-268. Radu Craioveanu University of Toronto

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1 References

Agha, A. (2003). The social life of cultural value. Language and Communication, 23:231–273.

Avis, W. S. (1972). So eh? is canadian eh? Canadian Journal of Linguistics, 17(2/3):89–104.

Eckert, P. (2008). Variation and the indexical ﬁeld. Journal of Sociolinguistics, 12(4):453–476.

Gibson, D. J. (1977). Eight types of ‘eh’. Sociolinguistics Newsletter, 8:30–31.

Gold, E. (2008). Canadian eh? From eh to zed. Anglistik: International Journal of English Studies, 19(2):141–156.

Gold, E. and Tremblay, M. (2006). Eh? and hein?: Discourse particles or national icons? Cana- dian Journal of Linguistics, 51(2/3):247–263.

Johnstone, B. (2009). Pittsburghese shirts: Commodiﬁcation and the enregisterment of an urban dialect. American Speech, 84(2):157–175.

Silverstein, M. (2003). Indexical order and the dialects of sociolinguistic life. Language and Communication, 23:193–229.

Tagliamonte, S. A. (2006). “So cool, right?”: Canadian English entering the 21st century. Cana- dian Journal of Linguistics, 51(2/3):309–331.

2 The Acquisition of First-Order CP and DP Recursion: A Longitudinal Case Study Julianne Doner, University of Toronto

Recursion has been posited to be a fundamental property of human language and an aspect of Universal Grammar and the Language Acquisition Device (Arsenijevi! and Hinzen 2012, Givón 2009, Roeper and Snyder 2005, and Hauser, Chomsky, and Fitch 2002). Some studies on recursion have found that recursive structures such as complex DPs begin to be used much later in child speech than expected. Children show difficulty producing and comprehending recursive structures, and even some adults have difficulty with multiple layers of recursion (Roeper 2011, Pérez-Leroux et al. 2012). For example, Pérez-Leroux et al. (2012) show that only about a third of three-year-old children will produce first-order embedding for recursive comitative DPs, and only about a quarter of four-year-old children. In this study, I compare the acquisition of two different forms of recursion to see if recursion appears simultaneously for different structure types, or whether one appears later than the other. I collected longitudinal spontaneous speech data from the child Naomi on CHILDES (MacWhinney 2000, Sachs 1983), looking for the first productive use of recursive CPs and DPs. I extracted CPs with a tensed main verb taking a tensed complement clause and DPs which selected for and contained a PP containing another DP. The recursive CPs first appeared at age 3;03.27 (e.g., 1a) and the recursive DPs at age 2;01.01 with pronouns (e.g., 1b), and at age 2;05.08 with phrasal DPs (e.g., 1c). (1) a. This says [all the people live in here]. [3;03.27] b. Milk [in it]. [2;01.01] c. Cook something [with celery [?] [in it]]. [2;05.08] According to the binomial test (Snyder 2007), the acquisition of DP recursion statistically occurs prior to the acquisition of CP recursion. During the ages considered, Naomi’s use was less frequent than her mother’s. The acquisition of both recursive structures occurs as early as should be predicted when compared with Naomi’s MLU and the minimum length of each structure. However, the frequency of use shows some signs of difficulty. I thus posit that the grammatical analysis of such structures is easy, but that they are difficult in terms of processing. I propose that this is due to the fact that both types of recursive structure require multiple phases, and that phases need to be stored in working memory while constructing further structures. This approach also explains the appearance of pronouns first in DP recursion, as they are phase heads which would not need to be stored.

References Arsenijevi!, Boban and Wolfram Hinzen. 2012. On the Absence of X-within-X Recursion in Human Grammar. Linguistic Inquiry 43(3): 423-440. Givón, Talmy. 2009. The Genesis of Syntactic Complexity. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Hauser, Marc. D., Noam Chomsky, and W. Tecumseh Fitch. 2002. The Faculty of Language: What Is It, Who Has It, and How Did It Evolve? Science 298: 1569-1579. MacWhinney, B. 2000. The CHILDES Project: Tools for analyzing talk. Third Edition. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Pérez-Leroux, Ana, Anny P. Castilla-Earls, Susana Bejar and Diane Massam. 2012. Elmo’s sister’s ball: The problem of acquiring nominal recursion. Language Acquisition 19: 301- 311. Roeper, Thomas and William Snyder. 2005. Language learnability and the forms of recursion. In A.M. Di Sciullo and R. Delmonte (eds.) UG and External Systems: Language, Brain and Computation. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. 155-169. Roeper, Thomas. 2011. The Acquisition of Recursion: How Formalism Articulates the Child’s Path. Biolinguistics 5(1-2): 57-86. Sachs, J. 1983. Talking about the there and then: The emergence of displaced reference in parent–child discourse. In K. E. Nelson (Ed.), Children’s language, Vol. 4, Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Snyder, William. 2007. Child Language: The Parametric Approach. Cary, NC: Oxford University Press.

Contrastive Vowel Features in West Germanic B. Elan Dresher, University of Toronto The insight that phonological change may involve a reorganization of the contrasts of a language goes back to Jakobson (1931), who argued for a structuralist phonemic approach (see Salmons & Honeybone to appear). Hogg (1992) provides interesting instances where his Neogrammarian predecessors have been unable to give a satisfactory account of developments in pre- and early Old English because they lacked a phonemic perspective. I show that Hogg’s insights are not expressible in a theory that requires full specification of underlying segments. They can be recaptured, however, if underlying forms are specified only for contrastive features. One example concerns the prehistory of early OE long æ!. Since the corresponding vowel in Proto-Germanic is assumed to have also been *æ!, Wright & Wright (1925) propose that æ! persisted into the Old English period. Against this view is historical/comparative evidence which appears to show that it was a back vowel, *a!, in West Germanic. Most other writers therefore posit that P-G *æ! retracted to WGmc *a!, then fronted again to OE *æ! when not before a nasal. Hogg (1992: 61–3) argues that the alleged shift of P-G *æ! to WGmc *a! and then back to OE æ! emerges as an artefact of a non-phonemic theory, once we consider the contrasts in play at each stage. He proposes that, in the WGmc dialects from which Old English developed, “*/æ!/ is the only low long vowel and there is no front/back contrast in operation. From the structural point of view, therefore, the vowel as it develops in WGmc may be considered to be neutral in this last respect, that is, */a!/”, whatever its precise phonetic character. This suggests that */a!/ (and short low */a/) should not be specified as either [+back] or [–back]; its pronunciation could have remained [æ!] all along, while its contrastive feature specifications changed. We can turn Hogg’s insight into an explicit theory by positing that contrastive specifications are assigned by ordering features into a hierarchy (Dresher 2009). On the assumption that active features are contrastive (the Contrastivist Hypothesis, Hall 2007), phonological activity can serve as a heuristic to feature ordering. An ordering in which low vowels lack a specification for [front/back] is given in (1) ([long] is not shown). This ordering, [low] > [back] > [high] > [long], also requires that [round] be absent from the system. Purnell & Raimy (to appear) observe that this is supported by Lass’s (1994) observation that rounding is non-distinctive in West Germanic. Note that there is evidence for an active [round] feature in Old English, which had different vowel contrasts; I will argue that the OE order is [back] > [round] > [high] > [low] > [long], as in (2). Like the dog that didn’t bark, the absence of evidence for active WGmc [round] requires an explanation, which is provided by the analysis in (1). It is significant that evidence bearing on the activity and inactivity of different WGmc and OE vowels converges on the trees in (1) and (2). (1) West Germanic vowel hierarchy (2) Old English vowel hierarchy vowels vowels ei qp [+low] [–low] [+back] [–back] /a(!)/ ei ru ei [+back] [–back] [+rnd] [–rnd] [+rnd] [–rnd] ty ty ty g ty ru [+hi] [–hi] [+hi] [–hi] [+hi] [–hi] /a(!)/ [+hi] [–hi] [+hi] [–hi] /u(!)/ /o(!)/ /i(!)/ /e(!)/ /u(!)/ /o(!)/ /y(!)/ /ø(!)/ /i(!)/ ty [+lo] [–lo] /æ(!)/ /e(!)/ Contrastive Vowel Features in West Germanic

References

Dresher, B. E. 2009. The contrastive hierarchy in phonology. Cambridge: CUP.

Hall, D. C. 2007. The role and representation of contrast in phonological theory. Doctoral dissertation, U. of Toronto.

Hogg, R. M. 1992. A grammar of Old English. Vol. 1: Phonology. Oxford: Blackwell.

Jakobson, R. 1931. Prinzipien der historischen Phonologie. TCLP 4: 247–267 (Copenhagen).

Lass, R. 1994. Old English: A historical linguistic companion. Cambridge: CUP.

Purnell, T. & E. Raimy. to appear. Distinctive features, levels of representation and historical phonology. In P. Honeybone & J. Salmons, eds., The handbook of historical phonology. Oxford: OUP.

Salmons, J. & P. Honeybone. to appear. Structuralist historical phonology: Systems in sound change. In Honeybone & Salmons.

Wright, J. & E. M. Wright. 1925. Old English grammar (third edition). London: OUP.

Feature Hierarchies and Phonological Change B. Elan Dresher, Christopher Harvey, and Will Oxford, University of Toronto We propose to build on Jakobson’s (1931) observation that shifts in the contrastive organization of the phonemic inventory of a language are an important type of phonological change. We incorporate contrast into the grammar via the following hypotheses: 1a. The Contrastivist Hypothesis (Hall 2007): Only contrastive features are active in phonology. b. The Contrastive Feature Hierarchy (Jakobson, Fant & Halle 1952; Jakobson & Halle 1956; Dresher 2009): Contrastive features are assigned by language-particular feature hierarchies. c. Feature hierarchies are subject to diachronic change: features may be reordered, or contrasts may be reinterpreted over time (cf. Barrie 2003 for Cantonese; Dresher & Zhang 2005 for Manchu; and Ko 2010; 2011; 2012 for Korean and Mongolic). The hypotheses in (1) predict that contrast shifts will have observable consequences for synchronic patterns of phonological activity. This prediction is dramatically confirmed in a survey of diachronic changes in the vowel systems of Algonquian languages by Oxford (2012a, b). He proposes that Central Algonquian (CA) has the vowel feature hierarchy in (2). Two groups of changes are particularly common in CA: */!/ regularly merges with */i/ (Fox, Shawnee, Miami- Illinois, Ojibwe-Potawatomi, Cree-Montagnais); and palatalization always includes */i/ as a trigger (Proto-Algonquian, Montagnais). We assume that (a) contrastive sisters are the most likely merger partners, and (b) palatalization is triggered by a contrastive feature, here [coronal]. 2. Central Algonquian feature hierarchy: 3. Eastern Algonquian feature hierarchy: [labial] > [coronal] > [low] [high] > [labial] > [coronal] [syllabic] [syllabic] qp qp [labial] (non-lab) [high] (non-high) */o/ wo ty ty [coronal] (non-coronal) [labial] (non-lab) [coronal] (non-cor) ty */a/ */o/ */i/ */!/ */a/ [low] (non-low) */!/ */i/ Oxford (2012) observes that in Eastern Algonquian (EA), the high vowels, derived from */i/ and */o/, began to pattern together, suggesting that [low] was reanalyzed as [high] and promoted to the top of the hierarchy (3). Subsequent developments in EA follow the predictions of this new hierarchy, and lead to dramatically different patterns of merger and palatalization: */!/ merges with or shifts to */a/ rather than */i/; and palatalization is triggered by */!/ but excludes */i/. More radical contrast shifts occur in the development of Mansi (M) and Khanty (K) vowel systems from Proto-Ob-Ugric. Harvey (2012) argues that contrast shifts describe phonological events that can be shared and borrowed by neighbouring speech communities, and plotted as isoglosses. For example, [coronal] vowel harmony is lost in M and K dialects where the ranking of [coronal] is lowered to the bottom of the feature hierarchy. This change appears to have originated in Northern M and spread along the major regional rivers to both M and K dialects, which excludes the possibility of this being a genetic change. As the Algonquian and Ob-Ugric examples show, viewing phonological change in terms of contrast shift accounts for large-scale typological patterns that are hard to explain any other way. These developments in turn lend support to language-particular contrastive feature hierarchies as an organizing principle of individual phonological systems. Feature Hierarchies and Phonological Change

References

Barrie, Mike. 2003. Contrast in Cantonese vowels. Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics 20: 1– 19.

Dresher, B. Elan. 2009. The contrastive hierarchy in phonology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Dresher, B. Elan, and Xi Zhang. 2005. Contrast and phonological activity in Manchu vowel systems. Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 50: 45–82.

Harvey, Christopher. 2012. Contrastive Shift in Ob-Ugric Vowel Systems. Ms., University of Toronto.

Jakobson, Roman. 1931. Prinzipien der historischen Phonologie. TCLP 4: 247–267 (Copenhagen). English transl. in Keiler (ed.) 1972 and Baldi & Werth (eds.) 1978.

Jakobson, Roman, Gunnar Fant & Morris Halle. 1952. Preliminaries to speech analysis. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.

Jakobson, Roman & Morris Halle. 1956. Fundamentals of language. The Hague: Mouton.

Ko, Seongyeon. 2010. A contrastivist view on the evolution of the Korean vowel system. In MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 61: Proceedings of the Sixth Workshop on Altaic Formal Linguistics, ed. by Hiroki Maezawa and Azusa Yokogoshi, 181–196.

Ko, Seongyeon. 2011. Vowel contrast and vowel harmony shift in the Mongolic languages. Language Research 47: 23–43.

Ko, Seongyeon. 2012. Tongue root harmony and vowel contrast in Northeast Asian languages. Doctoral dissertation, Cornell University.

Oxford, Will. 2012. “Contrast shift” in the Algonquian languages. In A. McKillen and J. Loughren (eds.), Proceedings from the Montreal-Ottawa-Toronto (MOT) Phonology Workshop 2011: Phonology in the 21st Century: In Honour of Glyne Piggott. McGill Working Papers in Linguistics 22.1.

Oxford, Will. 2012. Patterns of contrast in phonological change: Evidence from Algonquian vowel systems. Ms., U of Toronto.

Les noms sans déterminants en ancien français M. Dufresne (Queen’s U.), M. Tremblay (U. de Montréal) & R.M. Déchaine (UBC)

1. Introduction For some authors (e.g. Longobardi 1994), nouns are essentially predicates (type ), while for others (e.g. Baker 2003), nouns are inherently arguments (type ). Strict bare argument languages (e.g. Latin) provide evidence in favor of the first hypothesis, while languages with obligatory determiners (e.g. French) argue in favor of the latter. Languages where bare nouns are part of the paradigm (i.e. limited to indefinites (Brazilian Portuguese), to plural indefinites (English), or plural indefinites in object position (Italian)) highlight the semantic and syntactic conditioning of bare nouns. In this paper, we argue that the emergence of determiners in Old French (OF) provides additional evidence in favor of an analysis of nouns as predicates. 2. Bare nominals in Old French OF freely permits both singular and plural bare nominal arguments; illustrative examples (from Boucher 2003) are given in (1). (1) a. Hom qui traïst altre, nen est dreiz qu’il s’en vant BARE singular N ‘A man who betrays his fellows should not boast of it.’ b. Galois sont tuit par nature plus fol que bestes an pasture BARE plural N ‘Gauls are all naturally crazier than beasts let out to pasture.’ OF has a dedicated definite D, an emerging singular indefinite un, but no clear plural indefinite D. Argument bare Ns are compatible with indefinite existential construal, generic reference, abstract nouns, and mass nouns (Boucher 2003, Mathieu 2009). Both singular and plural definite count nouns require the presence of the definite determiner, which agrees in gender, case and number with the noun, although focus and metric have been argued to favor the definite (Mathieu 2009). 3. Methodology Our study relies on two Anglo-Norman texts from the 12th century: Le voyage de St-Brendan (c.1106-21) and Les lais de Marie de France (c.1154-1189). Both texts are entirely tagged and parsed. Only definite and indefinite arguments in subject and object position were considered (i.e. arguments inside PPs, nominal predicates, possessive and demontrative DPs, and QPs were excluded, as well as indefinite pronominals or quantifiers such as on/hum, autre, and rien). All instances of un were analyzed as determiners, not numerals. 4. Results Definite determiners with count nouns are well established in subject position in St- Brendan and are almost categorical 50 years later in Marie de France. Mass nouns and abstract nouns appear without a definite determiner 50% of the time, accounting for the presence of bare nouns in subject position (with an increase in definite determination between St-Brendan (40%) and Marie de France (60%)). Plural indefinites are categorically bare in both texts (the partitive des not being reanalyzed as a plural indefinite determiner until Middle French), but singular indefinites show a slight increase of the determiner (20%). OF shows no subject/object asymmetry (unlike Italian) and the distribution of bare nouns in subject position does not seem to be restricted to postverbal position (unlike Spanish). 5. Analysis In OF, definiteness is a predictor for D, which is consistent with treating definiteness as a primitive feature. (In)definiteness is an active contrast for count nouns, but not for mass and abstract nouns, which are progressively licensed by definite expletives (Zubizaretta & Vergnaud 1992). Within count nouns, the asymmetry between definiteness and indefiniteness (definites vs. plural indefinites) is consistent with the emergence of number as a licensor for bare nouns. 6. Conclusion The expression of determiners in OF is linked to the morphological changes that occurred in the system (subject/object, case/number, singular/plural). These changes yielded ambiguous nominal structures resulting in an obligatory phonological realization of the determiner. The progressive morphologization of the determiner and the regression of bare nouns are indications that there is a null D morpheme in OF, as predicted by the N=predicate analysis. 7. References Buridant, C. (2000) Grammaire nouvelle de l'ancien français. Paris : SEDES. 800 p. Baker, Mark C. 2003. Lexical Categories: Verbs, Nouns, and Adjectives: Cambridge University Press. Boucher, P. 2003. Determiner phrases in Old and Modern French, dans From NP to DP. Volume 1: The syntax and semantics of noun phrases, M. Coene & Y. D’Hulst (eds), 47-69.Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Carlier, A. & M. Goyens (1998) « De l’ancien français au français moderne : régression du degré zéro de la détermination et restructuration du système des articles », Cahiers de l’Institut de Linguistique de Louvain-la-Neuve 24, 3-4 ; pp. 77-112. Déchaine, R-M & M. Tremblay (in press) Deriving Nominal Reference. WECOL 2011 Proceedings. Longobardi, Giuseppe. 1994. "Reference and Proper Names: A Theory of N-movement in Syntax and Logical Form." Linguistic Inquiry 25:609-665. Mathieu, E. (2009) « From local blocking to cyclic Agree: the role and meaning of determiners in the history of French », in Jila Ghomeshi et al. (eds.), Determiners: variation and universals (John Benjamins) ; pp. 123-157. Vergnaud, J.-R. & M.L. Zubizaretta (1992) “The definite determiner and inalienable Constructions in French and English”. Linguistic Inquiry 23.4: 595-652. The ethics of reclaiming indigenous languages A case study of Cayuga (Gayogoho:nǫˀ)

Carrie Dyck*, Amos Key, Jr.∘ *Memorial University of Newfoundland ∘Woodland Cultural Centre

(Special Session: Reclaiming Canada’s Indigenous Languages)

Language reclamation projects constitute an unacknowledged kind of social engineering (Meek, 2010). Ethical protocols are a good case study. In our poster, we first use the two-row wampum, signifying two distinct, non-interacting civilizations, to illustrate that the ethical protocols mandated by the federal TriCouncil agencies are different from the ethical sensibilities of Cayuga (Gayogoho:nǫˀ, Iroquoian) Longhouse followers. (Gayogoho:nǫˀ has about 60 speakers.)

Two-row wampum belt; image from http://www.wampumchronicles.com/tworowwampu mbelt.html.

We then observe that for outside researchers, the consequences of ignoring federally- mandated ethical safeguards are immediate (e.g., loss of funding), whereas the consequences of ignoring community ethical sensibilities are less obvious, partly because the researcher is not related to anyone in the community. However, ignoring community ethical protocols is…unethical. Researchers must identify and assume responsibility for the community transformations and outcomes of their research (Wilson 2007, 2008). We use the space between the two purple rows of the wampum belt to represent the Ethical Space of Engagement, which involves “…configuring ethical…principles in cross-cultural cooperation…” (Ermine 2007:201). We present some creative ethical solutions (and problems). For example, to deal with community sensibilities about language recordings, community members suggest that recordings should begin with an Elder explaining the purpose of the recording, who should use it, and how it should be used. Anyone who uses the recording then has the responsibility to use it appropriately. Our poster, then, illustrates two ethical systems that operate in parallel, but which need to be reconciled in order to promote ethical research between outside researchers and community members.

Works consulted Canadian Institutes of Health Research, Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada, and Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, Tri-Council Policy Statement: Ethical Conduct for Research Involving Humans, December 2010. http://www.pre.ethics.gc.ca Ermine, Willie. 2007. “The ethical space of engagement.” Indigenous Law Journal 6(1): 193-203. First Nations Centre. (2007). OCAP: Ownership, Control, Access and Possession. Sanctioned by The ethics of reclaiming indigenous languages A case study of Cayuga (Gayogoho:nǫˀ)

the First Nations Information Governance Committee, Assembly of First Nations. Ottawa: National Aboriginal Health Organization. Meek, Barbra. 2010. We are our language: an ethnography of language revitalization in a Northern Athabascan community. Tucson: University of Arizona Press. Six Nations Elected Council. 2009. Conducting Research at Six Nations. http://www.sixnations.ca/admEthicsPolicy.pdf Sweetgrass First Nations Language Council Inc. 1992. The Status of Aboriginal Languages in Southern Ontario. Sweetgrass News, volume 2, issue 3, special edition, pp. 1-6. Brantford, Ontario: Woodland Cultural Centre. Wilson, Shawn. 2007. Guest Editorial: What is an Indigenist Research Paradigm? Canadian Journal of Native Education. Vol 30, No. 2; ProQuest pg. 193 ———. 2008. Research Is Ceremony: Indigenous Research Methods. Halifax and Winnipeg: Fernwood Publishing.

2 +LJK7RQH3ODFHPHQWLQ1DWD9HUEV $OOLH(QWZLVWOH 7KLVSDSHUH[DPLQHVYHUEDOWRQHLQ1DWDDQXQGHUVWXGLHG*URXS(%DQWXODQJXDJHVSRNHQLQ7DQ]DQLD 7KHUHLVYHU\OLWWOHOLWHUDWXUHRQ1DWDDQGDOPRVWQRZRUNKDVEHHQGRQHRQYHUEDOWRQH7KLVSDSHULV EDVHGRQSULPDU\GDWDHOLFLWHGIURPDQDWLYHVSHDNHURIWKHODQJXDJH 7KHUHLVDELQDU\GLVWLQFWLRQEHWZHHQKLJKDQGORZWRQHLQ1DWDDQGWKHUHLVDOZD\VRQHKLJK WRQHSHUSKRQRORJLFDOZRUG6RPH7$0FDWHJRULHVLQ1DWDDUHPDUNHGE\KLJKWRQHDVVLJQPHQWRU ZKDW%LFNPRUH FDOOVWKH³VXIIL[DOKLJK´7KLVSDSHUZLOOLGHQWLI\WKHWRQDOSDWWHUQVRIWKHVLPSOH QHDUDQGUHPRWHSDVWDVZHOODVLQILQLWLYHVDQGQHJDWLRQWRVHUYHDVDVWHSSLQJVWRQHIRUIXWXUHUHVHDUFK ,QWKHGHIDXOWWRQDOSDWWHUQZKLFKLVVHHQLQWKHSUHVHQWWKHVLPSOHSDVWDQGWKHUHPRWHSDVWWKH KLJKWRQHDOZD\VIDOOVRQWKHWKLUGV\OODEOHIURPWKHOHIWHGJHRIWKHZRUGDVFDQEHVHHLQ EUDFNHWV LQGLFDWHWKHYHUEVWHP 5HPRWH3DVW D QDDKHHUp 1"60367JLYH35) ı>ııғ@ µKHJDYH¶ E QDDPXKpHUH 1"6036720JLYH3)9 ıı>ıғı@ µKHJDYHLW¶ F QDDNHP~KHHUH 1"603672020JLYH3)9 ıııғ>ıı@ µKHJDYHLWWRKLP¶ 1HDU3DVW D QiiKHHUH 1"60JLYH35) ıғ>ıı@ µKHJDYH¶ E QiiPXK HHUH 1"6036720JLYH3)9 ıғı>ıı@ µKHJDYHLW¶ F QiiNHPXKHHUH 1"603672020JLYH3)9 ıғıı>ıı@ µKHJDYHLWWRKLP¶ 1HJDWLRQ D WDDPXKHHUp 1(*6020JLYH3)9 ıı>ııғ@ µKHGLGQ¶WJLYHLW¶ UHPRWH E WDPXKHHUp 1(*6020JLYH3)9 ıı>ııғ@ µKHGLGQ¶WJLYHLW¶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i WRJLYH NRP~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

%LFNPRUH/HH6 +LJKWRQHVSUHDGLQ(NHJXVLLUHYLVLWHG$QRSWLPDOLW\WKHRUHWLFDFFRXQW /LQJXD Azeri morphosyntactic variation: The effect of Persian on NP structure Parisa Erfani Azeri, the second largest language in Iran, is a Turkic language. However, its lexicon is heavily influenced by Persian, an Indo-European language (Dehghani 2000, KÕUDODQG/HH8). This study examines the effect of Persian on Azeri morphosyntax which is also becoming persified. As seen in Table 1, in Turkish NPs, modifiers appear before the head noun (Kornfilt 1997). On the other hand, in Persian modifiers follow the head (Mahootian 1997). Azeri shows mixed properties: although adjectives precede the head noun, relative clauses (RCs) and modifiers in compound nouns (CNs) can either precede or follow the head. Table1. Word order in three languages Turkish (head-final) Azeri Persian (head-initial) adjectives ADJ N ADJ N N ADJ relative clauses RC N RC N / N RC N RC compound nouns modifier N modifier N / N modifier N modifier For example, in Azeri RCs precede the head in the native structure (pre-nominal RC) in (1) but follow the head in the persified structure (post-nominal RC) in (2): (1) >NLúL-nin oxu-GX÷-u] kitab man-GEN read-REL-POSS.3SG book ‘the book that the man reads’ (2) o NLúL [ki get-GÕ@ baba-m-GÕU that man [COMP go-PST.3SG] father-POSS.1SG-PST.3SG ‘The man who went is my father.’ The purpose of this research was to ascertain the extent of the persification of Azeri by conducting a field study with five monolingual in Azeri and five bilingual in Azeri and Persian in Tabriz, Iran. Analysis of the data (from recorded conversations) revealed that in the two domains —RCs and CNs—all speakers use both native and borrowed variants almost equally in the overall results. The finding on RCs reveals that younger and higher educated speakers tend to use more persified RCs—81% post-nominal RCs—whereas older and less educated speakers prefer the native variant—72% pre-nominal RCs. Similarly, the result on CNs reveals that younger and higher educated speakers prefer the persified variant—67% left-headed CNs—whereas older and less educated speakers prefer the native variant—64% right-headed native CNs. To sum up, Azeri has adopted some head-initial structures due to influence from Persian. The degree of penetration of Persian into Azeri is seen by the fact that even monolingual Azeri speakers use the persified variants. In addition, I have found that certain socio-cultural factors— age and education—have a decisive role in the choice of variant. Furthermore, that the choice of variant is correlated with age provides evidence for a language change in progress. Dehghani,Y. (2000). A grammar of Iranian Azari (including comparisons with Persian). Munich: Lincom Europa. .ÕUDO) Das gesprochene Aserbaidschanisch von Iran: eine Studie zu den syntaktischen Einflüssen des Persischen. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Kornfilt, J. (1997). Turkish. Routledge, London. Lee, S. N. (2008). A grammar of Iranian Azerbaijani. Seoul: Thaehaksa. Mahootian, Sh. (1997). Persian. London: Routledge. Myers-Scotton, C. (1993). Dueling languages: Grammatical structure in code-switching. Oxford: Clarendon.

Svitlana Filonik University of Calgary

GENDER ASSIGNMENT TO LOAN WORDS IN UKRAINIAN There seems to be general agreement in the literature that gender is primarily assigned to nouns on the basis of the following factors: the biological sex of the referent (semantic gender assignment) and the morphological structure or phonological shape of the noun (formal gender assignment) (Corbett 1994, Corbett & Fraser 2000, Dahl 2000). These principles operate when gender is assigned to loan words in Ukrainian (Budzhak-Jones & Poplack 1997, Nesset 2003). Formal rules of gender assignment are language-specific and in some cases they conflict with semantic rules of gender assignment. In this study, I will answer the following research question: what motivates formal assignment of a certain gender to Ukrainian loan words borrowed from English, which is a gender-neutral language? My goals in this study are to propose a set of morphological gender assignment rules for Ukrainian, illustrate their application and analyze how the conflicts between morphological and semantic rules are resolved. The data used are extracted from articles published in the Ukrainian weekly QHZVSDSHU³']HUNDOR7\]KQLD´ ³0LUURURIWKH:HHN´ WKHGDLO\QHZVSDSHU³'HQ¶´ ³7KH 'D\´ from January 2007 to the present and Ukrainian youth forums online. I extracted the GDWDIURPDOODUWLFOHVLQHYHU\LVVXHRI³']HUNDOR7\]KQLD´DOODUWLFOHVLQRQHLVVXHSHUZHHN RI³'HQ¶´DQGIURPZHHNO\GLVFXVVLRQVRIWZRRUWKUHHWRSLFVRQ\RXWKIRUXPV In UkrainLDQWKHUHLVDFORVHUHODWLRQVKLSEHWZHHQDQRXQ¶VJHQGHUDQGLWVGHFOHQVLRQ In my analysis of formal gender assignment, I will propose a system of Ukrainian declensions which differs from some traditional proposals %LORGLG+U\ãþHQNR -XãþXN7\KRãDHWDO LQWKDWit divides nouns into 6 declensions based on their inflectional endings, as opposed to 4, and predicts gender from declension (see morphological rules in (1)), as opposed to predicting declension from gender. Foe example, a loan word plazma µSODVPD 79 ¶LV firstly identified as a stem plazm- and a Slot I affix ±a, which corresponds to the form of Ukrainian declension 2 nouns. Secondly, according to the rule (1b), plazma is assigned feminine gender. Based on my analysis, I can conclude that formal gender assignment is straightforward and almost exceptionless in Ukrainian. (1) D'HFOHQVLRQĺ0$6& F'HFOHQVLRQĺ)(0 H'HFOHQVLRQĺ1(87 E'HFOHQVLRQĺ)(0 G'HFOHQVLRQĺ1(87 I'HFOHQVLRQĺ1EUT. A similar attempt to introduce a declension system in which gender is predicted from declension was made by Nesset (2003). However, the system I propose is different from the one proposed by Nesset (2003) with regard to some core notions, underlying the morphological analysis of the relevant loan words: e.g. using identity operations (Pounder 1996, 2000), as opposed to zero affixation (Nesset 2003). In this study, I propose that exceptions which cannot be accounted for by semantic or morphological rules must be dealt with by special morpho-semantic rules. For example, the loan words in (2) are identified with declension 4 and, according to the rule in (1d), should be assigned neuter gender. However, they are masculine. The morpho-semantic rule I propose in (3) accounts for such an exception by requiring declension 4 nouns which denote a currency unit to be masculine. Following the assumptions of Pugh & Press (1999) and Nesset (2003), I can suggest that such gender assignment is related to the fact that the hyperonym KURãRY\M]QDN µFXUUHQF\XQLW¶LVPDVFXOLQHLQ8NUDLQLDQ (2) a. jevro b. peso µ(XUR¶ µSHVR¶ (3) 'HFOHQVLRQFXUUHQF\XQLWĺ0ASC. In this research I propose and discuss sets of morphological and morpho-semantic rules which will account for gender assignment to English loan words in Ukrainian. This will contribute to grammatical gender studies, as well as shedding light on general gender assignment principles which operate in Ukrainian. References

Bilodid, I. 1969. 6XþDVQDXNUDMLQV¶NDOLWHUDWurna mova. Morfolohija. Kyjiv: Naukova dumka. Budzhak-Jones, S. & Sh. Poplack. 1997. Two generations, two strategies: The fate of bare English-origin nouns in Ukrainian. Journal of Sociolinguistics 1 (2). 225-258. Corbett, G.E. 1994. Gender and gender systems. In R.E. Asher & J.M.Y. Simpson (eds.), The Encyclopaedia of Language and Linguistics, vol. 3, 1347-53. Oxford: Pergamon Press. Corbett, G.E., & Fraser, N.M. 2000. Gender assignment: A typology and a model. In G. Senft (ed.), Systems of Nominal Classification, 293-325. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Dahl, Ö. 2000. Animacy and the Notion of Semantic Gender. In B. Unterbeck and M. Rissanen (eds.), Gender in Grammar and Cognition, 99-115. Berlin and New York: Mouton de Gruyter. +U\ãþHQNR, A. 1997. 6XþDVQDXNUDMLQV¶NDOLWHUDWXUQDPRYD.\MLY9\ãþDãNROD -XãþXN, P. 8NUDMLQV¶NDPRYD. Kyjiv: Osvita. Nesset, T. 2003. Gender assignment in Ukrainian: Language specific rules and universal principles. Poljarnyj Vestnik 6. 71-85. Pounder, A. 1996. Inflection and the paradigm in German nouns. American Journal of Germanic Linguistics and Literatures 8: 219-263. Pounder, A. 2000. Processes and paradigms in word formation mor phol ogy. Berlin ± New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Pugh, S. M. & I. Press. 1999. Ukrainian. A Comprehensive Grammar. London and New York: Routledge. 7\KRãD903OMXãþ 6Karaman. 2004. Ri dna mova. Kyjiv: Osvita.

Number in the Gitksan nominal domain: Plural [plural] projections Clarissa Forbes

Number is a prevalent grammatical feature in the syntax and morphology of Gitksan (Tsimshianic); lexical roots are capable of number agreement regardless of category. This paper focuses on number features in the nominal domain, arguing that Gitksan grammatically marks both plurality and, more restrictedly, associativity (a singular referent with accompaniment). I will present both semantic and morphological evidence suggesting that two distinct projections are required to house both of these features inside the DP: one at the predicate level, and one higher, at the argument level. Both features cannot be expressed in the same #P projection. Number agreement on common nouns surfaces most often via CV(C)-reduplication. A second "determinate" noun class lies distinct from common nouns, encompassing names, demonstratives, and some kinship terms. For these, plural agreement occurs with the particle dip.

(1) a. sip~sip b. dip ts'iits' PL~bone DIP.PL grandmother "bones" "grandmothers"

Previous accounts of Interior Tsimshianic morphology have generally considered dip a plural determiner or plural-agreeing marker of determinacy (Tarpent 1987; Hunt 1993). Notably, however, the marking of determinate nouns for plural via the morpheme dip is subject to ambiguity between two different types of number: general "count" plurality and associativity. Root forms marked for number with reduplication do not demonstrate this ambiguity.

(2) a. Jabi=s dip ts'iits' a=hl jam miyup. make=DET DIP.PL grandmother OBL=DET cook rice "The grandmother(s) made rice." Consultant: There could be grandfathers there too, and only one ts'iits'.

b. 'R[࡯ KO si psi p J࡯ RRKO OD[࡯ \LS exist.PL=DET PL~bone PREP=CN earth "There are bones on the ground." Elicitor: Could there be only one bone, with other GRJWR\V«? Consultant: No.

Rigsby (1986) presents this associative use of dip as a distinct construction; my analysis, in contrast, presents it as an ambiguity. I propose that dip is housed in a phrase above ĳ3UDWKHU than in the predicate-level position proposed for general number EHWZHHQĳ3DQGNP (Ritter 1992; Cowper & Hall 2009). The low number position is accessible for all root-level predicates to express plurality, while the high number position serves as a place for determinate nouns to spell out either plurality or associativity. In support of this double-projection hypothesis, I provide further evidence from kinterms, which are crucially the only grammatically determinate lexical roots. This gives them the unique capacity to spell out plurality in both positions. This account presents a more detailed syntactic analysis of the Gitksan noun phrase than any other to date. In addition, it provides a nuanced look at a complex number system marking more than one type of number, and confirms Corbett's (2001) suggestion that associativity is distinct from plurality. This may impact the analysis of number systems crosslinguistically.

1 References

Corbett, Greville G. 2001. Number. Cambridge University Press.

Cowper, Elizabeth and Daniel Currie Hall. 2009. "Argumenthood, pronouns, and nominal feature geometry." In Ghomeshi et al (eds.) Determiners: Universals and variation. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. 97-121.

Hunt, Katharine. 1993. Clause Structure, Agreement and Case in Gitksan. PhD dissertation, UBC.

Ritter, Elizabeth. 1992. "Cross-linguistic evidence for number phrase." Canadian Journal of Linguistics 37. 197-218.

Rigsby, Bruce. 1986. Gitxsan Grammar. Ms, University of Queensland.

Tarpent, Marie-Lucie. 1987. A Grammar of the Nisgha Language. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Victoria.

2 The Marking of Future Uncertainty in Nata Naomi Francis ± Department of Linguistics, University of British Columbia

This investigation examines the modality/mood system in Nata, an underdocumented Bantu language spoken in Tanzania. An interesting pattern of consonant addition or deletion accompanied by tone shift has been observed in the data. This pattern only occurs in future contexts, and appears to mark epistemic modal force. In future contexts, a verb-initial nasal (N-) plus high tone on the third syllable from the left edge of the word yields a strong epistemic modal reading (ie. necessity or certainty), as seen in A below. In these weak modal contexts (corresponding to epistemic possibility or uncertainty), however, there is no verb-initial nasal and the high tone falls on the second syllable from the left edge of the word, as seen in B.

A. [Anna na:NRȕtQDWDȕܧ:rí] B. [hamwe Anna a:NyȕLQDWDȕܧғ:ri] Anna N-aa-ko-ȕín-a WDȕܧܧrí hamwe Anna aa-kó-ȕLQ-a WDȕܧғܧri Anna ?-SM1-FUT-dance-fv tomorrow maybe Anna SM1-FUT-dance-FV tomorrow µAnna ZLOOGDQFHWRPRUURZ¶ µ0D\EHAnna ZLOOGDQFHWRPRUURZ¶ This investigation seeks to answer the following question: what is the nature of this pattern, and what does it mark? Data consist of productions and judgements elicited by translation between Nata and English and by storyboards; a variety of clause types were considered, with representative samples from matrix, complement, and adjunct clauses. Preliminary results suggest that the domain of this pattern is the VP, rather than the verb itself, because examples with objects show that the object noun is also affected, as demonstrated by the data below. (More particularly, the consonant pattern and tone pattern both surface on the noun in these cases, while the verb undergoes only the consonant pattern with no tone shift.) C. [UtȕRKHQGHNXܵwá] D. [hamwe LȕyKHUHNXܵwá] ׎-ríí-ȕRKH N-ree-kuܵw-á hamwe ii-ȕyKHUHH-kuܵw-á PPF-C5-stone ?-SA5-fall-FV maybe C5-stone SM5-fall-FV µ7KH stone will fall.¶ µMaybe the stone will fall.¶

The semantic content of this pattern is more difficult to discern. A verb-initial nasal element has been described in the Bantuist literature as a focus marker (see, for example Higgins 2011, on the closely related language of Ikoma, and Nurse 2008 on Bantu in general). However, no one has examined this nasal in Nata, and the data collected during the current investigation do not fit this account; while the nasal is present in focus constructions, the fact that this alternation is present in future contexts only, and only when there is an overt modal element such as hamwe (as opposed to other non-focus constructions), suggests that the traditional account of the verb-initial nasal requires closer examination. Current results suggest that it may be a marker of strong epistemic modal force, realis mood, or assertion. This work will both provide a sketch of the hitherto unstudied epistemic modality/mood system of Nata and contribute to our understanding of the ways in which modality, mood, and tense can interact in language. The account of the verb-initial nasal will also have important implications for Bantuist linguistics, as it will add to our knowledge of which morphemes can occupy the leftmost position on the verbal complex. References Higgins, Holly. Ikoma Vowel Harmony: Phonetics and Phonology. MA dissertation. Trinity Western University, 2011. Nurse, Derek. Tense and aspect in Bantu. New York: Oxford University Press, 2008.

Anna Frolova Université de Toronto

Acquisition des structures transitives en russe langue maternelle Cette étude YLVHO¶HPSORLGHO¶REMHWGLUHFW(OD) dans un contexte fortement transitif en acquisition du russe langue première (L1). /¶intérêt porte sur la représentation initiale de la transitivité verbale dans la grammaire universelle et sur les étapes de développement syntaxique de la grammaire L1 vers la grammaire adulte. La recherche précédente a établi une période G¶RPLVVLRQVRSWLRQQHOOHVGHO¶2' (objets nuls) dans des contextes fortement transitifs à travers les langues du monde. Gordishevsky et Avrutine 2003, une seule étude qui examine O¶HPSORLGH O¶2' dans des contextes optionnels chez deux enfants russes, rapportent XQWDX[G¶REMHWs nuls (ON) plus élevé chez les enfants de 2 ans que chez les aGXOWHV/HVRPLVVLRQVGHO¶2' dans des FRQWH[WHVREOLJDWRLUHVHQUXVVHQ¶RQWSDVpWpexaminées. Dans la grammaire adulte russe, la transitivité verbale est étroitement liée à O¶H[SUession GH O¶DVSHFW sémantique (la télicité). Les YHUEHV G¶activité imperfectifs sont atéliques et optionnellement transitifs (HVW¶IMP « manger »). Les mêmes verbes portant un des marqueurs perfectifs résultatifs (V¶-HVW¶PF « manger ») sont téliques et exigent la réalisation obligatoire de O¶2' dans un contexte non référentiel. Suivant Borer 2005ODSURMHFWLRQIRQFWLRQQHOOHG¶DVSHFW sémantique HVWXQQ°XGG¶DFFRUGen trait de quantité entre le verbe perfectif et son objet direct. En sommeO¶2' non référentiel du verbe perfectif résultatif doit être obligatoirement réalisé, il est quantifié et ne peut pas avoir une interprétation générique ou cumulative. Ainsi, les enfants russes peuvent omettre O¶2' dans le contexte perfectif. Une possibilité HVW TXH O¶OD peut être omis à cause du développement dans le système aspectuel. Alternativement, le fonctionnement des ON en L1 peut être indépendant GHO¶DVSHFWSelon les études précédentes, les ON en russe L1 peuvent être indépendants du développement dans le système aspectuel parce que les enfants commencent à utiliser HW RSSRVHU OHV IRUPHV G¶DVSHFW vers 2-3 ans (Gagarina 2005, Gvozdev 1961, Vinnitskaya, I. & K. Wexler 2001). Afin de tester O¶HPSORLGHO¶REMHWGLUHFWGDQVOHFRQWH[WHperfectif, une réplication de Pérez-Leroux et coll. 2008 a été utilisée. Cette étude a été menée en Russie avec 47 enfants monolingues de 3-5 ans et un groupe contrôle de 6 adultes. Les enfants devaient répondre aux questions portant sur des histoires illustrées qui contenaient des scénarios transitifs dans le contexte perfectif non référentiel. Les réponses attendues devaient contenir les verbes cibles au perfectif avec un OD indéfini : « 4X¶HVW-ce que cette fille a fait? ± Elle a dessiné une fleur. » Les résultats sont les suivants. 1). LHV HQIDQWV RPHWWHQW O¶REMHW GDQV OH FRQWH[WH fortement transitif (Mann-Whitney: des résultats significatifs entre les adultes et les enfants de 4 ans (U=15, p=.005, r=.57), les adultes et les enfants de 3 ans (U=18, p=.031, r=.5), les enfants de 4 et de 5 ans (U=88.5; p=.04; r=.35)). 2). Les enfants montrent de la VHQVLELOLWpYHUVO¶DVSHFW en utilisant le perfectif dans le contexte approprié dans au moins 80%. 3). Les enfants sont sensibles à la différence en emploi GXW\SHG¶REMHWGDQVOHFRQWH[WHSHUIHFWLf (obligatoire pour le DP) et imperfectif (optionnel pour les ON/DP) Ȥ2=20,69; df=1; p<.005; phi=.37). Ainsi, les ON ne peuvent pas être attribués seulement au développement dH O¶aspect. -¶DGRSWH O¶DSSURFKH GH Pérez-Leroux et coll. 2008 selon laquelle les enfants commencent avec une représentation minimale de la transitivité [VPV N] où le N est un élément nul employé par défaut dans tous les contextes et avec tous les verbes, ce qui se manifeste par les omissions fréTXHQWHV GH O¶2' GDQV OHV / différentes. Ainsi, les enfants rusVHV SHXYHQW XWLOLVHU O¶21 par défaut dans le contexte perfectif. Avec le développementO¶ON dans le contexte perfectif doit être remplacé par le DP. &RPPHO¶2' du

1 verbe perfectif est toujours quantifié (O¶interprétation générique et cumulative Q¶HVWSDVSRVVLEOH les ON erronés en L1 peuvent être liés au développement dans le domaine nominal, et plus particulièrement, à la distinction entre les noms de masse et les noms comptables.

Références : Borer, H. (2005). Some notes on the syntax of quantity. Dans Kempchinsky, P. et Slabakova, R. (Eds.), Aspectual Inquiries. Netherlands: Springer, pp. 41-68.

Gagarina, N. (2000). The acquisition of aspectuality by Russian children : the early stages. ZAS Papers in Linguistics (pp. 232-246). Berlin : Zentrum für Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft.

Gvozdev, A. (1961 9RSURV\ ,]XþHQLMD 'HWVNRM 5HþL 0RVFRX $FDGHPLD 3HGDJRJLþHVNLK Nauk.

Gordishevsky, G. et S. Avrutin (2003). Subject and Object Omission in Child Russian. IATL 19, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev.

Pérez-Leroux, A.T., Pirvulescu M. and Roberge, Y. (2008). Null Objects in Child Language: Syntax and the Lexicon. Dans Lingua 118, pp. 370-398.

Slabakova, R. (2005). What is so difficult about telicity marking in L2 Russian. Dans Bilinguism : Language and Cognition 8 (1), 63-77.

Vinnitskaya, I. et K. Wexler. (2001). The role of pragmatics in the development of Russian aspect. First Language 21, 143-185.

     Agreement as Resumption: The case of Nata Object Marking

Throughout Bantu, patterns of object marking display an amazing amount of variaton. Although formally objects markers (OM) are ubiquitously realized as infixes, their morphosyntactic function is far from universal. From a typological perspective, this might be explained in terms of the evolutionary status of the OM. Agreement systems are widely claimed to evolve via the gradual grammaticalization of pronominal elements, both for Bantu (Givon 1976) and on a wider cross-linguistic basis (Siewierska 1999). Thus, for some Bantu languages, such as Chichewa (Bresnan and Mchombo 1987) and Haya (Tenenbaum 1977, Byarushengo et. al. 1976), the object marker has been claimed to function as an anaphoric argument to the verb, whereas in others, such as Sambaa (Reidel 2009), it is taken to be a marker of grammatical agreement. Two diagnostics in particular have been appealed to in the debate surrounding the morphosyntactic status of object markers in Bantu: (1): Is object marking obligatory in the language? and (2): Is local doubling of a coreferential object with the object-marked verb allowed?. Strictly speaking, object marking is never obligatory in all contexts in any Bantu language (Reidel 2009), and the contexts in which it is required can vary widely according to a diverse semantic, syntactic, and discourse factors. In particular, the distribution of object markers with respect to the information-structural properties of a given language has received a considerable amount of attention in the literature, principally in the form of constructions involving dislocation to either the left or right periphery (Bresnan and Mchombo 1987, Reidel 2009). Generally, in those languages for which the OM is claimed to function as an anaphoric pronominal, the OM appears in complementary distribution with co-referential nominals in canonical argument positions. If the verb bears object marking, a co-referential nominal must appear in a dislocated position at either edge of the phrase. In this context, the research to be presented is an investigation of the patterns of object marking, and more specifically the influence of information structure on such patterning in Nata, an understudied Bantu language spoken in northern Tanzania. Interestingly, Nata object marking appears to be functioning ambiguously in the sense of Siewierska (1999). It exhibits properties associated both with grammatical agreement analyses in Reidel's (2009) sense, and with pronominal analyses such as those claimed for Chichewa (Bresnan and Mchombo 1987) and Haya (Tenenbaum 1977, Byarushengo et. al. 1976). Specifically, Nata exhibits local doubling, as well as obligatory marking in certain contexts, one of which involves dislocated constructions. On the surface, the appearance of an object marker with a dislocated, co-referential nominal argument would seem to signal a pattern in concord with Bresnan and Mchombo's (1987) analysis of Chichewa. But because object markers are not in complementary distribution with nominal arguments overall, the mandatory marking of dislocated arguments cannot be explained in terms of locality constraints, as has been done for many languages, Haya and Chichewa figuring prominently among them (Hyman and Duranti 1982, Bresnan and Mchombo 1987). Instead, it would appear that properties of information structure are driving the patterns of object marking in Nata dislocation, producing a pattern which strongly resembles clitic-left dislocation (CLLD) in Romance (Cinque 1990). Clearly, merely asserting that an object marker may function either as a marker of featural agreement or as an anaphor leaves much to be desired on an explanatory level. In the hopes of shedding further light on this issue, the research to be presented tests the hypothesis that Nata OMs are in fact analyzable as apparent resumptive pronouns (Aoun et. al. 2001, McCloskey 2006), which have also been referred to as syntactically inactive resumptives (Asudeh 2012). Evidence from dislocation effects, as well as behavior with respect to unbounded dependencies more generally, will be considered along with a host of other data. Importantly, in addition to demonstrating the applicability of this analysis to Nata object marking, the viability of such an analysis as a basis for a unified treatment of object markers in Romance and Bantu will be investigated. Situating the discussion of object marking within a cross- linguistic framework could yield important typological insights, specifically with respect to the complex interaction of syntactic structure with properties of information structure (Lopez 2009), with respect to the theoretical notion of ambiguous agreement markers, and with respect to the interaction of these issues at the interfaces of syntax, semantics, and discourse.  

References

Aoun, J., Choueiri, L., & Hornstein, N. (2001). Resumption, movement, and derivational economy. Linguistic Inquiry, 32(3), 371-403.

Asudeh, Ash. (2012). The Logic of Pronominal Resumption. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Bresnan, Joan, and Sam Mchombo. 1987. Topic, pronoun, and agreement in Chichêwa. Language 63:741–782.

Byarushengo, Ernest R., Larry M. Hyman, and Sarah Tenenbaum. (1976). Tone, accent and assertion in Haya. In Studies in Bantu tonology, ed. Larry M. Hyman, 183–205. Los Angeles: Department of Linguistics, University of Southern California.

Cinque, G. (1990). Types of A'-dependencies. MIT Press.

Givón, T., & LI, C. N. (1976). Topic, Pronoun and Grammatical Agreement in Subject and Topic. Symposium on Subject and Topic, Univ. of California

Hyman, Larry M., and Alessandro Duranti. (1982). On the object relation in Bantu. In Studies in transitivity, ed. S. A. Thompson and P. Hopper, 217–239. New York: Academic Press.

López, L. (2009). A derivational syntax for information structure (Vol. 23). Oxford University Press, USA.

McCloskey, James. (2006). Resumption. In Martin Everaert and Henk van Riemsdijk, eds., The Blackwell Companion to Syntax, 94–117. Oxford: Blackwell.

Riedel, Kristina. (2009). The Syntax of Object Marking in Sambaa. PhD Dissertation. Universiteit Leiden.

Siewierska, A. (1999). From anaphoric pronoun to grammatical agreement marker: why objects don’t make it. Folia Linguistica, 33(2), 225-51.

Tenenbaum, Sarah. (1977). Left- and Right-Dislocations. In Haya grammatical structure, ed. Ernest R. Byarushengo, Alessandro Duranti, and Larry M. Hyman. What morphology tells us about effective teaching in Cree. George Fulford, University of Winnipeg

(Special Session: Reclaiming Canada’s Indigenous Languages)

Research question: How might what is known about the derivational morphology of Cree be incorporated in more effective practices for teaching this language to second- language (L2) learners?

Research context: Cree is an Algonquian language spoken by approximately 118,000 people in Canada. It consists of 10 dialects spoken in distinct regions of the boreal forest and prairies from Labrador to the foothills of the Rocky Mountains. A polysynthetic language with free word order, Cree relies on a large number of inflections to convey grammatical information. Verbs and nouns (the former are predominant) are formed through the combination of roots (semantic primes) to form stems which can often only be translated by entire sentences in English. There is a relatively large corpus of Cree texts, the analysis of which has led to publication of a many good lexicons and grammars (e.g., Ahenakew 1987, Wolfart 1996, Ellis 2000, Mackenzie et al. 2004-10). Cree inflectional morphology is well documented (Goddard 1990, Dahlstrom 1991). The same is not true for derivational morphology. For more than a century linguists have understood that word formation processes influence the way speakers of Algonquian languages categorize their world in profound ways (Jones 1911, Sapir 1921, Whorf 1956). But recent work has been extremely limited (e.g., Denny 1979, Junker 2003). The analysis of noun classifiers across a wide number of polysythetic languages (Aikenvald 2003), as well as work in cognitive linguistics about metaphors (Lakoff 2006) and image schemas (Gibbs and Colson 2006) has the potential to shed considerable light on how derivational morphology influences “basic” cognitive categories in Cree. In this presentation I will apply some of these theories to sketch a new kind of pedagogy that can be used to teach Cree vocabulary to L2 learners.

Main arguments: Derivational morphology is highly productive in Cree. Uninflected stems form the semantic core of Cree nouns and verbs. They are comprised of about 475 separate roots that convey information about shape, position, movement and other salient qualities of their denotata. Together, these roots generate a core vocabulary of approximately 9,000 words (Faries and Watkins 1938). In other words, on average each root generates about 20 semantically-related words (in fact the ratio is much higher when one removes particles and other words consisting of just= one root from the lexicon). For example the Swampy Cree root kaska- and its allomorph kaski- appear in the words kaskan ‘a wave’, kaskahikew ‘to rake’, kaskipasow ‘to shave’, kaskikwachikew ‘to sew’, kaskiwepitakan ‘a hand drum’, kaskichiimesiiw ‘a snipe’, akask ‘an arrow’ and 54 other words listed in the Faries and Watkins dictionary. These words, which seem so utterly unrelated from an English-speaker’s perspective, share the essential quality of “back and forth movement” from a fluent Cree-speaker’s one. L2 teachers who introduce Cree vocabulary around these principles of derivational morphology will provide students with useful mnemonics for remembering new words as well as encouraging them to develop a distinctively Cree way of seeing.

Format: This presentation can be delivered either as a poster or a PowerPoint lecture. The presenter is eager to participate in the roundtable discussion “ Reclaiming Canada’s Indigenous Languages”.

References Ahenakew, Freda 1987 Cree Langauge Structures: a Cree Approach. Winnipeg: Pemmican Publications. Aikenvald, Alexandra Y. 2003 Classifiers: a Typology of Noun Categorization Devices. Toronto: Oxford University Press. Faries, R. and E. A. Watkins 1938 A Dictionary of the Cree Language. Toronto: Anglican Book Centre. Jones, William 1911 Algonquin (Fox). Pp. 735-873 in Handbook of American Indian Languages. Part 1. Ed., Franz Boas. Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 40. Washington: Government Printer. Dahlstrom, Amy 1991 Plains Cree Morphosyntax. New York: Garland Press. Denny, J. P. 1979 The “Extendedness” Variable in Classifier Semantics. Pp. 97-119 in Ethnology: Boas, Sapir and Whorf Revisited. The Hague: Mouton. Ellis, C. Douglas 2000 Spoken Cree. Edmonton: University of Alberta Press. Gibbs, Raymond W. and Herbert L. Colson [1995] 2006. The Cognitive Psychological Reality of Image Schemas and their Transformations. Pp. 239-69 in Cognitive Linguistics: Basic Readings. Dirk Geeraerts, editor. New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Goddard, Ives 1990 Primary and Secondary Stem Derivation in Algonquian. International Journal of American Linguistics 56(4): 449-83. Lakoff, George [1993] 2006 The Contemporary Theory of Metaphor. Pp. 185-238 in Cognitive Linguistics: Basic Readings. Dirk Geeraerts, editor. New York: Mouton de Gruyter. MacKenzie, Marguerite, Marie-Odile Junker, Luci Salt, Elsie Duff, Daisy Moar, Ruth Salt, Ella Neeposh, Bill Jancewicz, Alice Duff, Patricia Diamond, Pearl Weistche & Anna Blacksmith (eds) (2004-10) The Eastern James Bay Cree Dictionary on the Web : English-Cree and Cree- English (Northern and Southern dialects). http://dict.eastcree.org/ Junker, Marie-Odile 2003 A Native American view of the “mind” as seen in the lexicon of cognition in East Cree. Cognitive Linguistics 14(2/3): 167-94. Sapir, Edward 1921 Language: an Introduction to the Study of Speech. Orlando FL: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. Whorf, Benjamin Lee 1956 [1939] Stem composition in Shawnee. Pp. 160-72 in Language, Thought, and Reality: Selected Writings of Benjamin Lee Whorf. Ed. John B. Carroll. New York: MIT Press and John Wiley & Sons. Wolfart, H. C. 1996 Sketch of Cree, an Algonquian Language. Pp. 390-439 in Handbook of North American Indians, Volume 17. General Editor, William C. Sturtevant. Volume editor, Ives Goddard. Washington: Smithsonian Institution Tongue Root Restriction and Nominal Morphological Domains in Nata

Joash Johannes Gambarage University of British Columbia

Assimilation and dissimilation processes are treated as opposites and are taken care of by different formal accounts (Pulleyblank 2002; Walker 1998). Vowel harmony is canonically an assimilatory process where a particular feature is distributed throughout some domain; say a word, leading to symmetric constraints like AGREE or SPREAD (Archangeli and Pulleyblank 2002; McCarthy 2011 among others). By contrast, in dissimilation, a segment disagrees in the feature assigned to one of them, (Pulleyblank, 2006, and others), for instance, to avoid OCP violation. Nata (E45, Guthrie: 1967-71), a lacustrine Bantu language spoken in Northwest Tanzania, exhibits root-controlled and dominant-recessive [ATR] vowel harmony (Bacovic, 2000) demonstrated in assimilation and/or dissimilation fashion. I present evidence that morphological domains play a significant role in vowel harmony by limiting the domain of application of harmonic constraints. I investigate these [ATR] harmony cases and report on how they compare with harmony in other Bantu languages. I employ Optimality-Theoretic Account (OT) (Prince and Smolensky, 1993) and argue that Nata harmony cannot be couched under accounts tied to directionality i.e., SPREAD or AGREE. Rather, Nata harmony can be studied under the No-Disagreement Account (Pulleyblank 2002) within which disagreeing sequences of features are prohibited by sequential markedness constraints ranked above (morphological) positional faithfulness. As a 7 vowel system, I specifically test whether or not Nata is consistent with the System-Dependent [ATR] Dominance Hypothesis (Casali, 2003: 356) which claims that ‘the dominant [ATR] value in a language is strongly correlated with underlying inventory structure and that the [-ATR] value is regularly dominant in languages in which [ATR] is contrastive only for non-high vowels’.

References: Archangeli, D and Pulleyblank (2002). “Kinande vowel harmony: domains, grounded conditions and one-sided alignment”. Phonology 19 (2002) 139-188. Bacovi!, E. (2000). “Harmony Dominance and Control”. Ph.D. Dissertation. State University of New Jersey. Casali, R. (2003). “[ATR] value asymmetries and underlying vowel inventory structure in Niger-Congo and Nilo-Saharan”. Linguistic Typology 7: 307-382. !"#$%&'()* +,+* -./001,* 234&567897:&$;* 6<%7$=>:8* >:* ?<&>9$;>&(* @'75%(A,* B>:84>6&>"6** ** C7<$%&97:&*D$"4;&(*E4F;>"$&>5:*G7%>76,*E$<7%*.H, Prince, A. and P. Smolensky (1993). “Optimality Theory: Constraint Interaction in Generative Grammar”. RUCCs Technical Report 2, Rutgers Center for Cognitive Science, Rutgers University. Pulleyblank, D. (1996). “Neutral vowels in Optimality Theory: a comparison of Yoruba and Wolof”. Canadian Journal of Linguistics 41. 295-347. ------(2002). “Harmony Drivers: No Disagreement Allowed”. In the Proceedings of the 28th Annual Meetings at Berkeley Linguistics Society, Berkeley, California. Walker, R. (1998). “Nasalization, Neutral Segments and Opacity Effect”. Ph.D. Dissertation. University of California, Santa Cruz.

Philippe Gauthier Western University [email protected] A GOVERNMENT-PHONOLOGICAL SKETCH OF VOWEL LAXING IN LAURENTIAN FRENCH

The present paper sketches a Government-Phonological analysis of vowel laxing and harmony in Laurentian French (LF). This new analysis challenges previously held views couched in either lexical phonology (e.g. Poliquin, 2006) or various other linear models (e.g. Dumas, 1981; Reighard, 1986) by questioning what I call the traditional view which holds that the feature [± tense] is what distinguishes two separate pairs of vowel series ([i y u] vs. [+;7] ; [G1Q] vs. ['n]) and that furthermore this is the feature involved in high vowel harmony. The discussion also touches on a wider theoretical issue, as of yet unresolved: the relationship and distinction between [± tense] and [±ATR]. LF vowels have been at the centre of much of the literature concerning Quebec linguistics. Indeed, a debate arose in ͳͻͺͲǯ characterise the apparent four degrees of height in the vowel system. What is clear is that a simple binary system of [± high] and [± low] features is inadequate for characterising 4 degrees of height (ruled out by the nonsensical feature pairing *[+high +low]). Some opted for an n-ary system wherein each degree of height is represented by a unique level (e.g. 1high, 2high, 3high, 4high) (e.g. McLaughlin, 1986). Apart from the distaste many researchers have toward n-ary features, this solution fails to account for many newer English borrowings. Others, not wanting to abandon binarity, augmented the height divisions with the help of the [± tense] feature (Dumas, 1981). This, however, raises some questions, among which is explaining why the mid tense vowels behave differently from the high tense vowels with respect to various phonological processes such as vowel harmony. Also, tenseness is phonemic in mid vowels yet is non-contrastive in high vowels. From a conceptual view, the pair of phonological features [± tense] and [± ATR] presents a unique problem in phonological theory in that they appear to be describing the same (or a very similar) event in the vocal tract. Indeed, some authors go so far as to conflate these two features (both in general and with respect to LF), claiming that the former is merely an intuitive descriptive label, while the latter is a more technical term with physiological correlates (Poliquin, 2006). On the other hand, some authors maintain that these represent two distinct articulatory features. For instance, the feature [± tense] describes an activity taking place in the mouth whereby the front of the tongue is moved either closer or further from its central resting place. The feature [± ATR] is relegated to an activity in the pharynx whereby the root of the tongue either retracts or advances, hence the label Advanced Tongue Root. The problem, however, is the apparent lack of naturally occurring languages wherein both features [± tense] and [± ATR] are contrastive with each other. With the desire to shed light on the Tense/ATR distinction, this paper presents an analysis of LF vowels couched in Government Phonology (Kaye, Lowenstamm, & Vergnaud, 1990; henceforth GP). I explore the potential that this framework has in order to deal with the many complexities of the LF vowel system, including the complex distribution of tense and lax vowels. Philippe Gauthier Western University [email protected] BIBLIOGRAPHY Dumas, D. (1981). Structure de la diphtongaison québécoise. Canadian Journal of Linguistics, 26, 1-61. Kaye, J., Lowenstamm, J., & Vergnaud, J.-R. (1990). Constituent structure and government phonology. Phonology, 193-231. McLaughlin, A. (1986). Une (autre) analyse de la distribution des voyelles hautes en français montréalais. Revue québécoise de linguistique théorique et appliquée, 5(4), 21-60. Poliquin, G. (2006). Canadian French Vowel Harmony (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from http://roa.rutgers.edu: 328 pages Reighard, J. (1986). Une analyse concrète du système vocalique du français montréalais. Revue québécoise de linguistique théorique et appliquée, 5(4), 281-308.

Creating Adult Fluency Through One-on-One Immersion Suzanne Gessner, First Peoples’ Cultural Council

(Special Session: Reclaiming Canada’s Indigenous Languages)

In many Indigenous language communities in Canada, there is an increased demand for language programs at all age levels. However, this demand is coupled with a shortage of fluent language teachers. In British Columbia, the situation is particularly acute, where fluent speakers make up only 5.1% of the total First Nations population, with 52% of those fluent speakers over the age of 65 (Amrhein et al., 2010). It is critical that younger adults develop enough fluency in their languages to become the next generation of language teachers. Faced with a similar situation in the early 1990s, the Advocates for Indigenous California Language Survival developed an immersion model with the goal of increasing fluency in the younger adult generation: the Master Apprentice method of language learning (Hinton, 2002). This method pairs a fluent speaker of the language with a motivated learner and creates a one-onone immersion environment for language learning. The method focusses on oral communication, and it has been highly effective at creating conversational fluency. Since 2008, our organization has advocated use of the Master Apprentice model as a key component of community language revitalization efforts. Over the last five years, we have trained and supported 31 teams in 23 different languages. While the method is based on simple principles, teams face many challenges along their path to fluency. We discuss common challenges and identify factors that contribute to successful teams. These best practices are intended to help other communities develop and support their own Master Apprentice teams.

References

Amrhein, H., Gessner, S., Herbert, T., Daniels, D., Lappi, M., Hamilton-Evans, D., & Wadsworth, A. (2010). Report on the Status of B.C. First Nations Languages 2010. Brentwood Bay, BC: First Peoples’ Cultural Council. Retrieved from http://www.fpcc.ca/files/PDF/2010-report-on-the-status-of-bc-first-nationslanguages. pdf Hinton, L. (2002). How to keep your language alive : a commonsense approach to one-onone language learning. Berkeley: Heyday Books Jila Ghomeshi University of Manitoba

The Syntax of Pragmaticalization Grammaticalization is usually associated with the development of morphology and has been characterized as involving semantic bleaching, morphophonological reduction and a high degree of selectivity with respect to the syntactic and pragmatic contexts in which the grammaticalized material tends to occur (Hopper & Traugott, 2003; Narrog & Heine, 2011). This description, however, seems at odds with the type of change gives rise to the creation of modal particles and discourse markers. These elements, such as well, so, I think in English or denn in German, are polyfunctional, typically mark speaker attitude (subjectification, Traugott 1989) and can appear in various syntactic positions in the clause. For this reason, the change involved has been called pragmaticalization (Erman & Kostinas 1993, but see also Traugott 2007:150-2 and Diewald 2011 who argue that it is not a separate process from grammaticalization). This paper explores the mechanism of syntactic change that gives rise to pragmaticalization. We take as our main focus the Persian particle ke which has a core use as a complementizer that introduces an embedded clause as shown in (1): (1) mi-dun-am ke aaftaab daaq-e DUR+know+1SG that sun hot+3SG.SUBJ ‘I know the sun is hot.’ Among the polysemous uses of ke are its function as an interrogative pronoun, a relative pronoun and a connective. In fact, these four functions were instantiated by separate words in Old Persian and appear to have merged into the one form ke (Estaji 2011). The shift from relative pronoun to complementizer is as expected (Hopper & Traugott 2003) but its use as a modal particle is not: (2) (a) jaa-i ke ne-mi-r-in em!ab place-CL PRT NEG-DUR-go-2PL tonight ‘You’re not going anywhere tonight, are you?’ (b) [ævvælæn] mæn ke gust ke ne-mi-xor-æm, … first I PRT meat PRT NEG-eat.1SG First of all, I don’t eat meat, … (c) ne-mi-dun-am maa qaraar na-daa!t-im ke be-mun-im ke NEG-DUR-know-1SG 1PL plan NEG-have-1PL PRT SUBJ-stay-1PL PRT ‘I don’t know, we were not going to stay.’ These discourse uses of ke involve a variety of readings including the marking of a clause-initial constituent as topic or focus, contributing exclamative force, or its use as a tag. The examples in (2) also show that ke can appear anywhere in a clause. If the discourse uses of ke represent a further step in its grammaticalization path, along the lines of the development of modal particles in other languages then what is the syntactic change that ke has undergone? In her work on grammaticalization and the Minimalist Program, van Gelderen (2011) suggests that there are at least two economy principles that give rise to syntactic change: (1) there is a preference for heads over phrases (hence the development of agreement affixes from full emphatic pronouns) and (2) there is a preference for Late Merge (hence the emergence of auxiliaries from main verbs which Merge higher than VP). Neither of these principles shed light on the process of pragmaticalization, however. Based on the type of change we see in ke and discourse markers in other languages, I propose that another principle at play in the syntax of grammaticalization is the loss of complement-taking properties of a head. That is, a head that selects for a complement is reanalyzed as ‘intransitive’. In this way it ceases to select for, or be selected as, a complement. It no longer functions as a constituent-forming element at all and takes on life as a mobile particle outside of the connected syntax. The origins of clause-medial wh-relatives in Middle English. Nikolas Gisborne (University of Edinburgh) and Robert Truswell (University of Ottawa) This paper examines the diachrony of English relative clauses, focusing on the relationships between lexical change and directional “pathways” of syntactic change. Headed relatives with relative pronouns (as opposed to indeclinable relative particles like that) are common in Indo- European (IE), but almost nonexistent elsewhere: they are attested in 27 of 40 IE languages in de Vries (2002), but only 7 of 132 other languages. However, such relatives were not plausibly a feature of Proto-IE, as the oldest attested IE languages all use correlative relative clauses (Haudry 1973, Kiparsky 1995, Bianchi 2000). A correlative is a biclausal paratactic structure like (1), from Hindi. The second clause contains a demonstrative NP (vo in (1)), anaphorically related to a relative element in the first clause (jo laRkii in (1)). 1) [jo laRkii khaRii hai] [vo lambii hai]] Which girl standing is that tall is “The girl who is standing is tall” (Srivastav 1991: 639-40) IE headed relative pronouns must therefore have evolved from PIE correlatives independently several times, an example of a parataxis>hypotaxis “pathway”. The history of English shows this pathways on a smaller scale. OE could form relative clauses with !e (> that), with inflected demonstrative pronouns, as in (2), or with both. 2) Her feng to Dearne rice Osric !one Paulinus ær gefullode Here succeeded to Deira kingdom Osric that.ACC Paulinus earlier baptized “In this year Osric, whom Paulinus had earlier baptized, succeeded to the kingdom of Deira” (Peterborough Chronicle, 12th century, Allen 1977: 83) In Middle English, inflected demonstratives disappeared, and a new series of headed wh-relative pronouns gradually evolved from OE generalizing wh-correlatives in the 12th-16th centuries. Therefore, English has independently developed two independent series of relative pronouns, despite the typological rarity of such pronouns. We show that this is due to lexical reanalysis, rather than constructional properties of English relatives. First, the development of headed wh-relatives was not a case of lexical replacement, because inflected demonstratives disappeared as the OE case system collapsed in the 12th century, before headed wh-relatives emerged (Allen 1977). And secondly, headed wh- relatives in MidE had a different distribution from that-relatives or demonstrative relatives: they were initially restricted to sentence-final position, suggesting that they were paratactic structures. Clause-final headed wh-relatives like (3a) emerge at a time when clause-medial non-wh relatives like (3b) were common, but it was fully 200 years before the emergence of unambiguously hypotactic clause-medial wh-relatives like (3c). 3a) meister we wolden sen sum fortocne of !e. Warbi we mihten cnowen gif it so" were master we would see some sign of you whereby we might know if it true were !at !u seist that you say ‘Master, we would like to see some sign from you, whereby we might know if what you say is true’ (Trinity homilies, c.1200) 3b) #as & feola o!re !a wæron !ær kyninges !eonestmen hit geotton ealle These and many other dem.pl were there king’s attendants it confirmed all “These, and many others who were there of the king’s attendants, all confirmed it.” (Peterborough Chronicle) 3c) And the Lord God bildide [the rib [which he hadde take __ fro Adam]] in to a woman “And the Lord God formed the rib which he had taken from Adam into a woman” (Wycliffe, Old Testament, late 14th century) This demonstrates that wh-relatives in MidE did not assume the properties of other types of headed relative: there is no constructional unity across types of MidE headed relative. Rather, the emergence of headed wh-relatives was a product of gradual changes in the lexical syntax and semantics of wh-pronouns (generalizing > definite, independent > subordinated).

References: Allen, Cynthia (1977) Topics in diachronic English syntax. PhD thesis, University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Bianchi, Valentina (2000) Some issues in the syntax of relative determiners. In Artemis Alexiadou, Paul Law, André Meinunger, and Chris Wilder (eds.) The syntax of relative clauses, pp.53-82. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Haudry, Jean (1973) Parataxe, hypotaxe et corrélation dans la phrase latine. Bulletin de la société linguistique de Paris 68:147-186. Hock, Hans Heinrich (1991) On the origin and development of relative clauses in early Germanic, with special emphasis on Beowulf. In Elmer Antonsen and Hans Heinrich Hock (eds.) Stæfcraft, pp.55-91. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Kiparsky, Paul (1995) Indo-European origins of Germanic syntax. In Adrian Battye and Ian Roberts (eds.) Clause structure and language change, pp.140-169. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Roberts, Ian, and Anna Roussou (2003) Syntactic change. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Romaine, Suzanne (1982) Socio- historical linguistics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Srivastav, Veneeta (1991) The syntax and semantics of correlatives. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 9:637-686. De Vries, Mark (2002) The syntax of relativization. PhD thesis, Universiteit van Amsterdam.

/s/ is a Vocoid in Blackfoot Heather Goad and Akiko Shimada McGill University

It has long been recognized that /s/ displays unusual behaviour. Different proposals have been forwarded to express this: in sC clusters, for example, /s/ has been analysed as an appendix (Goldsmith 1990), as a coda (Kaye 1992) or as part of a complex segment (van de Weijer 1996) (see Goad 2011 for a recent review). None of these proposals contest the position that /s/ is an obstruent. What makes /s/ different from other obstruents is that it has robust internal cues for place and manner which ensures its perceptibility in non-optimal contexts; this, in part, accounts for its unusual distribution (Wright 2004). This paper examines /s/ in Blackfoot (Algonquian; Alberta and Montana), where /s/ shows a range of behaviour that goes well beyond the appendix-like behaviour it shows in other languages. We propose that this is because Blackfoot /s/ patterns as a vocoid: it can be underlyingly non-moraic (like /j/), monomoraic (like /i/) or bimoraic (like /i:/) (cf. Denzer-King 2009). When /s/ is set aside, Blackfoot has a relatively simple syllable structure: (i) branching onsets are banned; (ii) rhymes are maximally bipositional; (iii) word-medial codas are limited to geminates (1a) and placeless consonants: [!] (1b) and [x] (1c); (iv) placeless consonants are confined to codas; and (v) regarding syllable contact, [x] must be followed by stops (1c) while [!] can be followed by any contoid (1b) (all data from Frantz & Russell 1995, Frantz 2009). When [s] is an ordinary coda, its behaviour is consistent with the observation that codas cannot license place features and with constraints on syllable contact: coronal [s] can only be followed by [t, t°s]; see (2a). Coda [s] can also form the first half of a geminate (2b).

(1) a. kakkóówa ‘pigeon’ (2) a. istópiit ‘Sit there!’ b. asóka!simi ‘jacket’ pájoist°si ‘scars’ c. nitáóojixpinnana ‘We are eating.’ b. kissísi ‘your little sister’

Consider, though, ‘unusual’ /s/ in (3) and (4). None of these forms appears to be consistent with the syllable structure constraints above. Contrary to appearance, we show that the moraic representations for /s/ proposed (monomoraic, bimoraic), combined with the syllable structure constraints above, lead to a straightforward analysis of these surprising patterns (cf. Elfner 2006 who instead expands on the syllabification options permitted to accommodate /s/). Similar to other consonants, intervocalic geminate /s/ is underlyingly monomoraic. On our proposal, unusual /s/ can also be monomoraic but it differs from intervocalic geminate [ss] in that it projects its own syllable. This, however, does not have to be stipulated. Rather, the segmental context in which /s/ occurs determines its realization and syllabic status: it can be single [s] as a nucleus (3a), long [ss] as onset-nucleus (3b) or nucleus-onset (3c), or triplet [sss] as onset- nucleus-onset when preceded by a coda (3d). Data requiring underlyingly bimoraic /s/, which surfaces as a branching nucleus, are in (4). Bimoraic /s/ surfaces as long [ss] (branching nucleus) between onsets (4a); and as triplet [sss] when preceded by an onset and followed by a vowel (branching nucleus+onset) (4b), or when preceded by a vowel and followed by an onset (onset+branching nucleus) (4c).

(3) Monomoraic /s/: V.Cs.CV VC.Cs.CV a. Nuc: áa.ko.ks.ta.ki.wa mí!.ks.ka.pa.ji.nis.t°si b. Ons-Nuc: í.ss.ka o.t°sí.ts.so.nao!.ss.ki.po.ka c. Nuc-Ons: a.nis.tá.ps.sí.wa ki.ts.so.ká!.ps.si d. Ons-Nuc-Ons: ááx.ss.sa.pi.wa

(4) Bimoraic /s/: V.Css.CV VC.Css.CV a. Nuc: i.tá.pss.ko.na.ki.wai.k°si ik.kss.píí.sa b. Nuc-Ons: s.tá.mss.sáa.ko.noo.sa c. Ons-Nuc: ó.sss.ka (glosses omitted for space reasons)

In sum, our analysis captures the range of options that Blackfoot displays. Time permitting, we will show how it extends to initial sC ([spát°siko] ‘sand’) and ssC ([sspitááwa] ‘He is tall’). References

Denzer-King, E. Ryan. 2009. The distribution of /s/ in Blackfoot: An Optimality Theory account. Master's Thesis. The University of Montana: Missoula; MT. Elfner, Emily. 2006. Contrastive syllabification in Blackfoot. In Donald Baumer, David Montero, Michael Scanlon (eds.), Proceedings of the 25th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics, 141-149. Somerville; Massachusetts: Cascadill Press. Frantz, G. Donald. 2009. Blackfoot grammar, 2nd edition. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Frantz, G. Donald, and Norman J. Russell. 1995. Blackfoot Dictionary, 2nd edition. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Goad, Heather. 2011. The representation of sC clusters. In Marc van Oostendorp, Colin J. Ewen, Elizabeth Hume & Keren Rice (eds.), The Blackwell companion to phonology, 898-923. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell. Goldsmith, John. 1990. Autosegmental and metrical phonology. Oxford: Blackwell. Kaye, Jonathan. 1992. Do you believe in magic? The story of s+C sequences. SOAS Working Papers in Linguistics and Phonetics 2. 293-313. Weijer, Jeroen van de. 1996. Segmental structure and complex segments. Tübingen: Max Niemeyer. Wright, Richard. 2004. A review of perceptual cues and cue robustness. In Bruce Hayes, Robert Kirchner & Donca Steriade (eds.), Phonetically based phonology, 34-57. Cambridge: CUP.

Inner and Outer Causatives in a Type-Driven Semantics Ross Godfrey, University of Toronto

It has often been noted (e.g., Miyagawa 1984, Travis 2000, Svenonius 2005, Pylkkänen 2008, among many others) that there are (at least) two domains of morphological causatives in language. Some causative morphemes appear to attach closer to the root than others; this can be tested through diagnostics such as whether an external argument can be embedded, whether manner adverbials can take scope below the causative morpheme, what sort of functional morphology can appear between the root and the causative morpheme, and so on. Importantly, these two domains also show systematic differences in meaning. I argue that this difference simply arises due to differing lexical entries, listed in (1) and (2).

(1) D(irect)-Caus = !P!st".!es. (!ss) state(s) & event(e) & P(s) & cause(s)(e) (from Kratzer 2005)

(2) I(ndirect)-Caus = !P!st".!es. (!e"s) event(e") & event(e) & P(e") & cause(e")(e)

The challenge then becomes how to derive the structural regularities from these lexical entries. This can be done by giving an explicit semantics to what has been termed (Travis 1994, 2000, Amberber 1996; see Kratzer 1996 for a related line of research) an “event phrase,” appearing in eventive VPs. The head of this phrase can be given the following denotation, asserting that the predicate it takes as an argument is eventive:

(3) !P.!e. event(e) & P(e)

The distribution of D-Caus and I-Caus is thus regulated by their lexical entries in combination with the semantics of E0. D-Caus cannot attach high to an eventive predicate because it requires a stative argument. I-Caus cannot attach low to an eventive predicate (i.e. below EP) because it requires an eventive argument (and at that point in the derivation, the argument has not yet been made eventive). Some interesting facts about causatives in Amharic follow from this approach. First, this proposal can account for the “underspecifiedness” of indirect causatives, while simultaneously denying that the truth of a direct causative entails the truth of a corresponding indirect causative. Amberber (2000:320) notes that the causer of an “indirect” causative in Amharic can in fact act directly, which follows from the denotation in (2), which says that event 1 must directly cause event 2, leaving unsaid how a state caused by event 2 might arise. However, the presence of idiomatic readings in (4) requiring D-Caus shows that it cannot simply be the case that D-Caus entails I-Caus, again captured by my approach. ((4b–c) from Leslau 1976.)

(4) a. w#t$t$a %exit$ a-w#t$t$a %go out with (romantically)$ b. w#rr#d# %descend$ a-w#rr#d# %recite (verses)$ c. bakk#n# %go to waste (of food)$ a-bakk#n# %divulge (a secret)$

The proposal also explains why the copula näw ‘to be’ or verbs of existence such as allä ‘there is’, etc., cannot appear with the otherwise extremely productive indirect causative prefix. The indirect causative prefix cannot simply attach to any verb, but instead must attach to an EP, absent from these verbs. I conclude with a brief discussion of how this proposal could be reconciled with data presented by Ramchand (2008) regarding Urdu-Hindi causatives, which seem to disobey the typical inner-outer/direct-indirect generalization. In short, I propose that the odd behaviour of Hindi- Urdu causatives derives from the ability of roots to appear in many different structures (unergative or unaccusative) in that language (see Ahmed 2010). References

Ahmed, Tafseer. 2010. The unaccusativity/unergativity distinction in Urdu. Journal of South Asian Linguistics 3:3–22. Amberber, Mengistu. 1996. Transitivity alternations, event types and light verbs. Doctoral dissertation, McGill University, Montreal. Amberber, Mengistu. 2000. Valency-changing and valency-encoding devices in Amharic. In Changing valency: Case studies in transitivity, ed. by R. M. W. Dixon and Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald, 312–332. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Kratzer, Angelika. 1996. Severing the external argument from its verb. In Phrase structure and the lexicon, ed. by Johan Rooryck and Laurie Zaring, 109–137. Dordrecht: Kluwer. Kratzer, Angelika. 2005. Building resultatives. In Event arguments: Foundations and applications, ed. by Claudia Maienborn and Angelika Wöllstein, 177–212. Tübingen: Niemeyer. Leslau, Wolf. 1996. Concise Amharic dictionary. Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz. Miyagawa, Shigeru. 1984. Blocking and Japanese causatives. Lingua 64:177–207. Pylkkänen, Liina. 2008. Introducing arguments. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Ramchand, Gillian C. 2008. Verb meaning and the lexicon: A first-phase syntax. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Svenonius, Peter. 2005. What we think we know about inner and outer causatives. Handout, University of Tromsø. (Retrieved online at www.hum.uit.no/a/svenonius/paper/Inner OuterSummho.pdf.) Travis, Lisa. 1994. Event Phrase and a theory of functional categories. In Proceedings of the Ca- nadian Linguistic Association (CLA 1994), ed. by Päivi Koskinen, 559–570. Toronto: To- ronto Working Papers in Linguistics. Travis, Lisa. 2000. Event structure in syntax. In Events as grammatical objects: The converging perspectives of lexical semantics and syntax, ed. by Carol Tenny and James Pustejovsky, 145–185. Stanford, CA: CSLI Publications. Self-superlatives Julie Goncharov, University of Toronto Self-superlatives is a phenomenon that has gone largely unnoticed in the literature. They express the idea of superlativity using an emphatic reflexive pronoun instead of a specialized degree word, like most in English. In this talk, I describe the properties of self-superlatives contrasting them with most-superlatives and propose an analysis of self-superlatives based on the interaction of the emphatic reflexive pronoun, a definite determiner and a positive degree operator. The data to examine the phenomenon come from Russian, Latvian and Lithuanian. Properties of self-superlatives. Self-superlatives, as in (1a), differ from most- superlatives, as in (1b), in that they are formed with an emphatic reflexive pronoun, rather than a degree morpheme, can appear with synthetic superlatives, have an obligatory adjectival agreement, cannot modify short-form adjectives (in Russian) and are unidirectional, i.e. they do not have a least-counterpart. (1) a. samaja interesnaja kniga self-superlative self-F.SG.NOM interesting-F.SG.NOM book-F.SG ‘the most interesting book’ b. naibolee interesnaja kniga most-superlative PREF-more interesting-F.SG.NOM book-F.NOM ‘the most interesting book’ The properties of self-superlatives suggest that the self-morpheme preceding the adjective does not quantify over degrees and modifies a noun rather than the adjective. Analysis of self-superlatives. I propose to decompose the formation of superlatives into three parts: the establishment of the comparison relation, the exclusiveness of the object compared and the restriction of the comparison set. In most-superlatives, all three tasks are done by the semantics of most and the presuppositions it carries, e.g. Heim 1999. In self-superlatives, each task is assigned to a different morpheme: the positive degree operator pos is responsible for the comparison relation and saturation of the d-argument of the adjective, e.g. von Stechow 2006; self adds the ‘exclusive’ meaning, as it would in its regular uses, e.g. König et al. 2001, Weiss 2006; the adjectival agreement AGR restricts the comparison set to a set of entities familiar from the discourse. For the latter, I argue that although Russian has lost the distinction between definite and indefinite adjectives, in some contrastive cases, the adjectival agreement plays the role of a definite determiner. One of such cases is superlatives. The interaction of pos, self and AGR results in the superlative meaning of a noun phrase, as in (2b) with LF in (2a): (2) a. LF: [pos 1 [self AGR [t1 interesting book]]] b. [[NP]]M ,g = !x.!d " N(S)[book(x) # interesting(x) " d # x " C # ¬$y[y # x # book(y) # interesting(y) " d # y " C ]] I show that the proposed analysis accounts for the properties of self-superlatives and can be extended to explain similar constructions in Latvian and Lithuanian. The study of self-superlatives underlines the connection between superlatives and reflexive pronouns and thus, opens the way for new observations and generalizations that can shed light on both phenomena. In addition, the decompositional analysis of self-superlatives highlights the role of the definite determiner in constructing superlatives, which is usually assumed to be superfluous in the literature. References Heim, Irene. 1999. Notes on superlatives. Available at SemanticsArchive.net. König, Ekkehard, Martin Haspelmath, Wulf Oesterreicher, and Wolfgang Raible. 2001. Intensiﬁers and reﬂexive pronouns. In Language typology and language universals: An international handbook, ed. Martin Haspelmath, 747–760. Berlin: W. de Gruyter. Stechow, Arnim von. 2006. Times as degrees: Früh(er) ‘early(er)’, spät(er) ‘late(r)’, and phase adverbs. Tübingen. Weiss, Daniel. 2006. Conting one’s selves: the emphatic pronoun ‘sam’ in Russian and Polish. In La focalisation dans les langues, ed. Hélène and André Wlodarczyk, 243–264. Paris: L’Harmattan. Features of schwa produced by Chinese EAL speakers: Lexical vs. inserted schwa Xiaoqian Guo In L2 phonology, researchers (e.g., Hansen, 2001; Miao, 2005) have observed that Chinese EAL (English-as-an-additional-language) learners often have vowel/schwa epenthesis as a strategy of producing English consonant clusters. However, few studies to date have compared the schwa produced by native and non-native speakers in these three conditions: non-native inserted schwa, non-native lexical schwa, and native lexical schwa (Davidson, 2005 & 2006). This study is designed to address this issue and to answer the question whether inserted schwa by Chinese speakers is caused by a phonological insertion or by a gestural mistiming. This study has conducted a reading, a repetition and two syllabification tasks with 6 intermediate Chinese speakers and 3 native English speakers. The main findings include: 1) Chinese speakers do insert schwa in complex consonant clusters; 2) The lexical schwa produced by English speakers tend to be targetless in the second formant (F2), but the lexical schwa produced by Chinese speakers are less targetless in F2; 3) Four Chinese speakers tend to insert a phonological/lexical schwa to repair complex consonant sequences, but the other two Chinese speakers produce a transitional schwa due to their failure of reaching the target overlap pattern of consonant clusters. Based on these findings, this study proposes that Chinese EAL learners would benefit from knowing the differences between Chinese and English phonotactics while trying to manage consonant clusters in English. Meanwhile, this study argues that future studies need to compare the nature of the lexical schwa produced by Chinese EAL speakers in their first language and their second language. References Davidson, L. (2005). Addressing phonological questions with ultrasound. Clinical Linguistics and Phonetics, 19(6-7), 619-633. Davidson, L. (2006). Phonology, phonetics, or frequency: Influences on the production of non-native sequences. Journal of Phonetics, 34, 104-137. Hansen, J. G. (2001). Linguistic constraints on the acquisition of English syllable codas by native speakers of Mandarin Chinese. Applied Linguistics, 22, 338-365. Miao, R. (2005). Loanword adaptation in Mandarin Chinese: Perceptual, phonological and sociolinguistic factors (Doctoral Dissertation). Stony Brook University, New York. Documenting Phonological Change: A Comparison of Two Japanese Phonemic Splits

Kathleen Currie Hall – University of British Columbia

It is well-known that pairs of sounds that were at one point allophonic can become contrastive and vice versa (e.g., Hock 1991). There is not, however, a clear means of determining how far such changes have progressed or which factors are affecting them. This paper shows how this problem can be approached by applying a probabilistic metric for measuring phonological relationships (Hall 2009, 2012) to pairs of sounds that are undergoing change in Japanese, showing a differential rate of change and non-uniform effects of phonological context. The specific pairs are [s]~[!] and [t]~[c!], both of which involve an alveolar vs. alveopalatal distinction (Akamatsu 1997). In each case, the traditional description of the pair contends that they are predictably distributed before front vowels (e.g., [!i] ‘poetry,’ [c!i] ‘blood’ but *[si], *[ti]; also [se] ‘height,’ [te] ‘hand’ but *[!e], *[c!e]) but not before back vowels (e.g., [soba] ‘soba noodle,’ [!oba] ‘street market,’ [tob"] ‘to fly,’ and [c!obo] ‘gamble’). Both pairs are currently undergoing a split because of loanwords, however, such that they can contrast even before front vowels, as in [si] ‘letter C,’ [ti] ‘letter T,’ [!ef"] ‘chef,’ and [c!ekk"] ‘check.’ A traditional approach to understanding phonological contrast, then, would simply force an analysis of both of these pairs as being contrastive in all contexts, with no differentiation. This, however, does not accord anecdotally with native speaker intuitions, nor does it allow phonologists or historical linguists to understand how such changes actually progress. Applying the metric for phonological relationships in Hall (2009, 2012) to both the NTT Lexicon (Amano & Kondo 1999, 2000), for type frequency information, and the Corpus of Spontaneous Japanese (Maekawa 2003, 2004), for token frequency, reveals that in fact there are a number of interesting differences in the way these two changes are occurring, as shown in Figure 1, where “more contrastive” is toward the top of the graph and “more allophonic” toward the bottom: • Overall, the phonemic split of [t]~[c!] before front vowels is considerably more advanced than that of [s]~[!], though neither has affected enough lexical items to be on a par with more obviously phonemic contrasts (such as the pair [t]~[d]). • Within [t]~[c!], the split before [i] is more advanced than the split before [e]; hence, the splitting in one environment does not entail splitting in all environments. • The split of [t]~[c!] before [i] is robust both in theory (shown by type frequency counts) and in practice (token frequency), while the split before [e] seems to be limited to lexical items that are not in fact actually being used in spontaneous spoken Japanese.

In addition to these specific results, reasons for variation across phonological environments and implications for theories of sound change will be discussed. In short, this approach provides an objective means of quantifying and tracking sound changes as they unfold in real time.

[s]~[!] [t]~[c!] [t]~[d]

Figure 1: Contrastiveness as calculated for three pairs of segments in Japanese References

Akamatsu, Tsutomu. 1997. Japanese phonetics: Theory and practice, LINCOM Studies in Asian Linguistics. Munich, Newcastle: LINCOM EUROPA. Amano, Shigeaki, and Tadahisa Kondo. 1999, 2000. The properties of the Japanese lexicon. Tokyo: Sanseido Co., Ltd. Hall, Kathleen Currie. 2009. A probabilistic model of phonological relationships from contrast to allophony. Doctoral dissertation, Linguistics, The Ohio State University, Columbus, OH. Hall, Kathleen Currie. 2012. "Phonological relationships: A probabilistic model." McGill Working Papers in Linguistics no. 22 (1). Hock, Hans. 1991. Principles of historical linguistics. 2nd ed. Berlin, New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Maekawa, Kikuo. 2003. "Corpus of Spontaneous Japanese: Its Design and Evaluation." Proceedings of ISCA and IEEE Workshop on Spontaneous Speech Processing and Recognition (SSPR2003):7-12. Maekawa, Kikuo. 2004. "Design, compilation, and some preliminary analyses of the Corpus of Spontaneous Japanese." In Spontaneous speech: Data and analysis, edited by Kikuo Maekawa and Kiyoko Yoneyama, 87-108. Tokyo: The National Institute of Japanese Language.

wh-MOVEMENT IN MI’GMAQ Michael David Hamilton, McGill University In this paper I present a wh-movement analysis of wh-questions in Mi’gmaq, an Eastern Algo- nquian language. Analyses of wh-questions in Algonquian differ as to whether or not they are the result of wh-clefting (for arguments in support of clefting see Truitner and Dunnigan (1972); Johns (1982); Russell and Reinholtz (1995); Blain (1998); for arguments in support of wh-movement see Bruening (2001); Brittain (2001)). The analysis of wh-questions has important implications for the corresponding analysis of base generated positions of NPs. The proponents of wh-clefting analyses argue for a non-configurational representation of the syntactic structure for these languages, where overt NPs are generated as adjuncts, while the proponents of wh-movement argue for a configurational account, where NPs are generated in canonical argument positions. I argue that Mi’gmaq is a wh-movement language and that this is indicative of its underlying configurational nature. I present examples, such as (1a), which show that multiple wh-questions are grammatical in Mi’gmaq. This data is incompatible with a wh-cleft analysis, since only one wh-phrase can undergo clefting, e.g. Blain (1998). Moreover, I show that multiple wh-questions display superiority effects which is expected if subject wh-phrases are base generated in a structurally higher position than object wh-phrases. Only the word order in (1a), where the subject wh-phrase wen precedes the object wh-phrase goqwei is possible for a multiple wh-question interpretation. Crucially the word order in (1b), with the reverse ordering of the wh-phrases is ungrammatical.

(1) a. wen goqwei pegisi-toqos? who what bring-3>0.Q ‘Who brought what?’ b. *goqwei wen pegisi-toqos? what who bring-3>0.Q intended: ‘Who brought what?’ or ‘What did who bring?’

In addition, I show that Mi’gmaq does not display Weak Crossover (WCO) effects, which is typical of Algonquian languages. In (2b) where a wh-movement analysis would predict a WCO effect, the object wh-phrase can co-refer with the possessor of the subject NP, just as the subject wh-phrase can co-refer with the possessor of the object NP in (2a).

(2) a. wen ug-gwij-l gesal-atl who 3-mother-OBV like/love.3>4 ‘Who1 likes/loves her/his1/2 mother?’ b. wen-n ug-gwij-l gesal-atl who-OBV 3-mother-OBV like/love.3>4 ‘Who1 does her/his1/2 mother like/love?’

Bruening (2001) and Brittain (2001) both argue that WCO is present but obscured by particular factors, the inverse system and obviation respectively. I show that the inverse system in Mi’gmaq, although much more limited than most Algonquian languages, does not show evidence for A- movement, which limits the applicability of Bruening’s analysis. I argue instead that obviation is more likely the reason why WCO effects are obscured. Despite the lack of WCO effects, I conclude that a wh-movement analysis of wh-questions, as well as a conﬁgurational analysis in general, can be maintained for Mi’gmaq.

1 References

Blain, E. M. (1998). Wh-constructions in Nehiyawewin(Plains Cree). University of British Columbia. Brittain, J. (2001). The morphosyntax of the Algonquian conjunct verb: A minimalist approach. Routledge. Bruening, B. (2001). Syntax at the edge: Cross-clausal phenomena and the syntax of Pas- samaquoddy. PhD thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Johns, A. (1982). A uniﬁed analysis of relative clauses and questions in Rainy River Ojibway. In Thirteenth Algonquian Conference, pages 161–168. Russell, K. and Reinholtz, C. (1995). Quantiﬁed NPs in pronominal argument languages: Evi- dence from Swampy Cree. In Proceedings of NELS, volume 25, pages 389–404. University of Massachusetts. Truitner, K. and Dunnigan, T. (1972). Wh-questions in Ojibwe. CLS, 8:359–67.

2 A self-paced reading study of resumptive relative clauses in English Chung-hye Han, Mathieu Dovan, Noureddine Elouazizi, Nancy Hedberg, Meghan Jeffrey, Kyeong-min Kim and Keir Moulton (Simon Fraser University) The Issue Although resumptive pronouns (RPs) in English have been viewed as rescuing island violations in theoretical syntax and corpus work (Ross, 1967; Kroch, 1981; Prince, 1990), experimental studies show that they do not improve acceptability (Ferreira and Swets, 2005; Alexopoulou and Keller, 2007; Heestand et al., 2011; Keffala and Goodall, 2011; Han et al., 2012): speakers of English judge relative clauses with an RP just as unacceptable as the ones with an empty gap (1). (1) The director hired an actor who Anna wondered whether the producer recommended e / him. Such ﬁndings suggest that RPs do not ‘ﬁx’ the structure of island-violating relative clauses. What then is the source of the rescuing effect of RPs? We conducted a self-paced reading study to test the hypothesis that the source of the rescuing effect is processing. We found that resumption facilitates reading time for relative clauses formed from islands as well as non-islands.

The Experiment Each sentence was divided 800 Island.Empty into seven regions. Participants read each re- Island.RP NonIsland.Empty

gion (containing a set of words) by a mouse 600 NonIsland.RP click in a moving-window paradigm. After

reading each sentence, they answered a yn- 400 question on the reference of the gap. Test sentences contained object gap relative clauses 200 formed from non-islands (clauses with 0, 1, or

2 embeddings) or islands (wh-complement, ad- 0 junct or noun complement clauses). In the gap position, half the sentences contained an empty gap and the other half an RP. The experiment -200 thus had two factors with two levels each: Gap Type (empty or RP) and Clause Type (non- -400 island or island), resulting in four conditions. R1 R2 R3 R4 R5 R6 R7 20 native speakers of English participated. Each participant received 48 test trials (12 trials per condition) and 24 filler trials, in a uniquely generated random order. Findings We found no significant difference between the accuracy of yn-questions in four conditions, ranging from 70% to 75%. To do statistical analysis, each reading time obtained was converted to Residual Reading Time (RRT) (Ferreira and Clifton, 1986; Trueswell and Tanenhaus, 1994; Phillips, 2006). The mean RRT (on trials where the yn-questions were answered correctly) for each region in four conditions are shown in the figure above. The regions of interest are Region 4 (R4), containing the gap, and Region 5 (R5), the spill-over region. Linear mixed-effects regressions analyzing the RRTs of R3 and R4 as a function of Gap Type, Clause Type and Region, with Participant and Sentence as random effects, revealed a significant interaction between Gap Type and Region (p<.05): regardless of Clause Type, the RRT of RP relatives slows down while empty gap relatives speeds up or remains the same. Moreover, linear mixed-effects regressions analyzing the RRTs of R4 and R5 revealed a significant interaction between Gap Type and Region (p<.001) in the opposite direction: regardless of Clause Type, the RRT of RP relatives speeds up. Discussion and Conclusion According to our findings, speakers run into difficulty when first encountered with an RP for both relative clauses formed from non-islands and islands. But once RPs are processed, reading time is reduced for both island and non-island relative clauses, an indication of ease of processing. These findings, taken together with earlier experimental studies on the acceptability of resumptive relative clauses in English, suggest that the source of the rescuing effect of resumption is processing, and not grammatical.

1 References Alexopoulou, Theodora, and Frank Keller. 2007. Locality, cyclicity, and resumption: At the interface between the grammar and the human sentence processor. Language 83:110–160. Ferreira, Fernanda, and Charles Clifton. 1986. The independence of syntactic processing. Journal of Memory and Language 25:348–368. Ferreira, Fernanda, and Benjamin Swets. 2005. The production and comprehension of resumptive pronouns in relative clause “island” contexts. In Twenty-ﬁrst century psycholinguistics: Four cornerstones, ed. Anne Cutler, 263–278. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Han, Chung-hye, Noureddine Elouazizi, Christina Galeano, Emrah Gorg¨ ul¨ u,¨ Nancy Hedberg, Jen- nifer Hinnell, Meghan Jeffrey, Kyeong-min Kim, and Susannah Kirby. 2012. Processing strategies and resumptive pronouns in English. In Proceedings of the 30th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics, ed. Nathan Arnett and Ryan Bennett, 153–161. Somerville, MA: Cas- cadilla Proceedings Project. Heestand, Dustin, Ming Xiang, and Maria Polinsky. 2011. Resumption still does not rescue islands. Linguistic Inquiry 42:138–152. Keffala, Beffany, and Grant Goodall. 2011. Do resumptive pronouns ever rescue illicit gaps in English? A poster presented at CUNY 2011 Conference on Human Sentence Processing, March 24-26, 2011, Stanford University. Kroch, Anthony. 1981. On the role of resumptive pronouns in amnestying island constraint violations. In Papers from the 17th Regional Meeting, Chicago Linguistic Society, ed. Robert A. Hendrick, Carrie S. Masek, and Mary Frances Miller, 125–135. Chicago: University of Chicago, Chicago Linguistic Society. Phillips, Colin. 2006. The real-time status of island phenomena. Language 82:795–823. Prince, Ellen. 1990. Syntax and discourse: A look at resumptive pronouns. In Proceedings of the Sixteenth Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society: Parasession on the Legacy of Grice, ed. Kira Hall, Jean-Pierre Koenig, Michael Meacham, Sondra Reinman, and Laurel A. Sutton, 482–497. Berkeley: University of California, Berkeley Linguistics Society. Ross, John Robert. 1967. Constraints on variables in syntax. Doctoral Dissertation, MIT, Cam- bridge. Trueswell, John C., and Michael K. Tanenhaus. 1994. Semantic inﬂuence on parsing: Use of thematic role information in syntactic ambiguity resolution. Journal of Memory and Language 33:285–318.

2 Consonant stricture harmony in Yabem: Manner assimilation at a distance Gunnar Ólafur Hansson and Allie Entwistle (University of British Columbia) Recent typological surveys of non-adjacent consonantal phonotactics (Rose & Walker 2004, Hansson 2010, Bennett 2013) show that long-distance assimilations and dissimilations involving a wide range of featural dimensions are attested in the world’s languages. At the same time, different types vary considerably in their degree of attestation. For example, consonant harmony over sibilant-specific contrasts (e.g. alveolar vs. postalveolar and/or retroflex; apical vs. laminal) is by far the most common instance of long-distance assimilation. At the less frequent end of the spectrum, it becomes difficult to distinguish between what is merely exceedingly rare, perhaps to the point of being as yet unattested, and what is to be counted as an absolute typological gap. Yabem, an Oceanic language of Papua New Guinea (Dempwolff 1939, Ross 1995), displays what appears to be the only clear-cut case of a systematic long-distance consonant assimilation revolving around the stop vs. fricative distinction, or the feature [±continuant]. In Yabem, homorganic fricative+vowel+stop sequences are not permitted within the domain of a single (non-compound) word. Morpheme-internally, the sequences […sVt…] or […sVd…] are conspicuously absent. When such sequences would be expected to arise through morpheme concatenation, namely when the inflectional prefix 3PL /se-/ attaches to a verb root that begins in [t] or [d], its fricative becomes a stop, as in (1b-d). (Note that stop voicing is allophonic and dependent on tone: [b d !] and [p t k] occur in low- and high-toned syllables, respectively.)

(1) a. /se-m!á/ [sé-m!á] ‘they stay’ b. /se-Tá!/ [té-tá!] ‘they sound’ c. /se-Tè! / [dè-dè!] ‘they reached, they move toward (REALIS)’ d. /se-TàKù"/ [té-dà!ù"] ‘they follow (REALIS)’

We provide a formal, constraint-based analysis of Yabem stricture harmony couched in terms of agreement by correspondence (Rose & Walker 2004, Hansson 2010). Despite its typologically unique status, this case shares a number of characteristics with other more robustly attested types of consonant harmony, such as a sensitivity to relative trigger-target similarity, which support a correspondence-based agreement analysis. Moreover, the possibility of long-distance agreement in [±continuant] is predicted by Bennett’s (2013) surface-correspondence theory of dissimilation, given how that feature is seen to constrain dissimilation in other features cross-linguistically. In our analysis, we pay particular attention to the patterning of prenasalized stops such as [n! d], which appears to have gone from falling outside of the class of triggering consonants (e.g. [sè-n! dè!] ‘they move toward (IRREALIS)’; Dempwolff 1939) to now being included as a potential trigger (Ross 1995). Of relevance here is the multiple docking of the floating [+nasal] IRREALIS affix (e.g. [sé-n! dà"! !ù"] ‘they follow (IRREALIS), cf. 1d above), which may itself be an instance of agreement through surface correspondence, as well as the recent devoicing of [z], [n! z] (in low- toned syllables) to [s], [n! s]. Finally, we consider the historical sources of this unique sound pattern and the implications these have for current models of sound change and phonologization. Evidence suggests that the agreement pattern seen in (1a) vs. (1b–d) arose not by any assimilatory sound change, but by the inhibition of a spirantization sound change *[t] > [s] in exactly those cases where another coronal stop happened to follow in the next syllable (Bradshaw 1979). It would appear, then, that the sorts of cognitive and psycholinguistic demands that favour agreement between highly similar (non-adjacent) segments can also act as an inhibitory factor on a sound change in progress. References

Bennett, William G. 2013. Dissimilation, consonant harmony, and surface correspondence. Doctoral dissertation, Rutgers University. Bradshaw, Joel. 1979. Obstruent harmony and tonogenesis in Jabêm. Lingua 49: 189–205. Hansson, Gunnar Ólafur. 2010. Consonant harmony: Long-distance interaction in phonology. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Dempwolff, Otto. 1939. Grammatik der Jabêm-Sprache auf Neuguinea. Hamburg: Friedrichsen, de Gruyter & Co. [English translation (2005): Otto Dempwolff ’s grammar of the Jabêm language in New Guinea, translated and edited by Joel Bradshaw and Francise Czobor. (Oceanic Linguistics Special Publications, 32.) Honolulu, HI: University of Hawai’i Press.] Rose, Sharon, and Rachel Walker. 2004. A typology of consonant agreement as correspondence. Language 80: 475–531. Ross, Malcolm. 1995. Yabem. Comparative Austronesian dictionary: An introduction to Austronesian studies, ed. by Darrell T. Tryon, Part 1, Fascicle 2, pp. 699–718. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. ! ! !

French Department, University of Victoria Yan Huang British Columbia, Canada [email protected]

Les restrictions aspectuelles imposées par les verbes finir, cesser, arrêter et achever sur leurs infinitifs La recherche porte sur la compatibilité/l’incompatibilité des différents types d’infinitifs avec les verbes aspectuels qui expriment le sens de terminaison et qui introduisent leurs infinitifs par de, soit finir, cesser, arrêter et achever. L’objectif principal est de déterminer les propriétés différentes de ces quatre verbes aspectuels. Certains auteurs ont noté que les verbes aspectuels imposent des restrictions aspectuelles sur leurs infinitifs, c’est-à-dire que les infinitifs qui dénotent des activités (1a) et des accomplissements (1b), qui impliquent tous un processus, peuvent être introduits par les verbes aspectuels, tandis que les états (1c) et les achèvements (1d) ne le peuvent pas (Bat-Zeev Shyldkrot et Querler, 2005; Damova & Bergler, 2009; Jayez, 2007; Rochette, 1992, 1993, 1999).

(1) a. Jean a fini de danser. (=(7d), dans Rochette, 1993) b. Catherine a fini d’écrire la lettre. (=(6d), dans Rochette, 1993) c. *J’ai fini d’avoir une maison. (=(8c), dans Rochette, 1993) d. *J’ai fini de trouver mon manteau. (=(9c), dans Rochette, 1993)

Par contre, selon d’autres auteurs, certains de ces quatre verbes aspectuels peuvent introduire des états (Carlson, 1978; Chierchia, 1995; Kratzer, 1995; Kreutz, 2006; Lamiroy, 1987;) et des achèvements (Lamiroy, 1987). Un examen approfondi de données tirées de ARTFL (American and French Research on the Treasury of the French Language) de 1950 à 1990 confirme que les quatre verbes aspectuels imposent des contraintes aspectuelles différentes sur leurs infinitifs, tel que démontré dans le tableau 1.

État Activité Accomplissement Achèvement Total finir 5 (5,7 %) 57 (65,5 %) 23 (26,4 %) 2 (2,3 %) 87 cesser 286 (31,4 %) 559 (61,4 %) 51 (5,6 %) 14 (1,5 %) 910 arrêter 0 (0 %) 40 (83,3 %) 8 (16,7 %) 0 (0 %) 48 achever 0 (0 %) 33 (37,5 %) 50 (56,8 %) 5 (5,7 %) 88 Total 291 689 132 21 1133 Tableau 1. Types d’infinitifs introduits par finir, cesser, arrêter et achever (occurrences tirées de ARTFL, 1950–1990)

Le tableau 1 montre des résultats inattendus. Premièrement, les verbes finir et cesser sont apparaissent avec les états, contrairement à arrêter et à achever. En particulier, la construction avec cesser suivi d’états est très fréquente (31,4 %). Je propose, en suivant Kreutz (2006), que cette construction indique un changement catégoriel d’état, c’est-à-dire le passage d’une situation stative considérée comme étant permanente à une autre situation permanente. Le verbe finir apparaît plutôt avec des états qui expriment des propriétés transitoires (Carlson, 1978). Deuxièmement, on retrouve un certain nombre d’achèvements avec les verbes finir, cesser et achever, mais pas avec arrêter. Les stratégies discutées par Lamiroy (1987), comme l’utilisation de syntagmes nominaux pluriels, de syntagmes nominaux génériques, de verbes pronominaux et de syntagmes adverbiaux temporels, permettent la cooccurrence des verbes aspectuels avec des achèvements et avec des états. On peut rendre compte de certains cas de compatibilité entre les verbes aspectuels et les achèvements et les états de cette façon. Finalement, les occurrences d’accomplissements sont plus nombreuses avec achever que les activités, ce qui est l’inverse de ce que l’on observe pour finir, cesser et arrêter. Cette plus grande proportion d’accomplissements avec achever s’explique si on tient compte du fait que achever implique l’atteinte d’une borne finale, qui est justement une des caractéristiques qui définit les accomplissements. ! ! !

French Department, University of Victoria Yan Huang British Columbia, Canada [email protected]

Références ARTFL, American and French Research on the Treasury of the French Language. http://www.lib.uchicago.edu/efts/ARTFL/newhome/texts/ Bat-Zeev Shyldkrot, H. et Querler, N. (2005). Les périphrases verbales. Amsterdam, Pays- Bas : John Benjamins. Carlson, G. N. (1978). Reference to kinds in English. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Linguistics Club. Chierchia, G. (1995). Individual-level predicates as inherent generics. In G. N. Carlson & F. J. Pelletier (Eds.), The generic book (p. 176–223). Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Damova, M., & Bergler, S. (2009). Inferences between aspectual verbs and events. http://users.encs.concordia.ca/~bergler/publications/ESSLLI98.ps Jayez, J. (2007). Référence et aspectualité. Le problème des verbes dits « aspectuels ». Cahiers de linguistique française, 18, 1–23. Kratzer, A. (1995). Stage-level and individual-level predicates. In G. N. Carlson & F. J. Pelletier (Eds.), The generic book (p. 125–175). Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Kreutz, P. (2006). Cesser : aspect, ethos et ellipse. Revue romane, 41(2), 177–215. Lamiroy, B. (1987). The complementation of aspectual verbs in French. Language, 63(2), 278–298. Rochette, A. (1992). Selectional restrictions and event structures. McGill Working Papers in Linguistics, 7(2), 141–153. Rochette, A. (1993). À propos des restrictions de sélection de type aspectuel. Langue française, 100, 67–82. Rochette, A. (1999). The selection properties of aspectual verbs. In K. Johnson & I. Roberts (Eds.), Beyond principles and parameters (p. 145–165). Boston, MA: Kluwer Academic. ! NON-CANONICAL, BUT STILL STRUCTURAL Monica-Alexandrina Irimia In many morphologically rich languages, case marking on internal arguments can ‘alternate’ between the accusative/absolutive (strong Case, following de Hoop 1996) and a non- canonical/weak variant (instrumental, dative, genitive, ablative, etc.). These configurations are supplemented by instances in which certain classes of verbs only allow non-canonical case (also labeled deviant, oblique, inherent, quirky, lexical, etc.). The latter option is seen in example (2a) from Icelandic, with the verb lokuðum requiring the dative on its internal argument (Sigurðsson 2012, Svenonius 2002, Maling 2002, a.o.). Typical examples of ‘alternations’ are the accusative/partitive in Finnish, related to the contrast atelic vs. telic in the verbal and the nominal domain (Kiparsky 1998, 2001, Vainikka 1989, de Hoop 1996, Ramchand 2008, etc.). (1) Finnish: atelic vs. telic a) Anne rakensi taloa. b) Anne rakensi talon. Anne built house. PART. Anne built house. ACC. ‘Anne was building a/the house.’ ‘Anne built a/the house.’ With few notable exceptions (de Hoop 1996, more recently Sigurðsson 2012), weak Case is generally analyzed as an instance of inherent, lexically-derived Case. The main motivation for this assumption is that weak Case licensing is generally insensitive to argument structure altering phenomena (Chomsky 1981). As shown in (2b), the Icelandic dative is preserved under passivization (as opposed to the accusative which becomes a nominative). However, what is almost ignored in the literature is the observation that non-canonical Case can be affected by argument structure altering processes (other than the ‘passive’). This can be seen in examples (2c, d) from Icelandic (as well as from similar patterns in other genetically unrelated languages, Blake 2000, Fox and Hopper 1994, Freidin and Sprouse 1991, etc.). Given that both ‘structural’ and oblique Case can be affected by (distinct) argument altering processes, an account which defines the latter as an inherent/lexical process cannot be correct. The two manifestations rather have to be seen on a par. A correct minimalist generalization (irrespective of the particular syntactic analysis adopted) is rather that all instances of Case licensing on core arguments are a result of structure building operations, which are sensitive to the syntactic context. The absence of distinctions with what is traditionally called passive voice is mainly due to aspectual properties. As noticed several times, the accusative is closely tied to a telic, perfective structure (Hopper and Thompson 1980, Kittilä 2002, Kratzer 2004, etc.). One of the main effects of the ‘passive’ operation is the loss of perfectivity/telicity, due to stativization. Hence the accusative is lost, while non-canonical cases appear unaffected, as their structures are not telic to begin with. (2) Icelandic – quirky Case selecting predicates (Sigurðsson 2012) a) Við lokuðum gluggunum. We.nom. closed.1.pl windows.the. dat. b) Gluggunum var lokað. Regular passive Windows.the.dat. was.dft. closed.dft. ‘The windows were closed.’ c) Gluggarnir lokuðust. Anticausative Windows.the.nom. closed.3pl.st. ‘The windows closed.’ d) Gluggarnir voru lengi lokaðir. Stative passive Windows.the.nom. were.3.pl. long closed.nom.m.pl. ‘The windows were closed for a long time.’ REFERENCES:

Blake, Barry J. 2000. Case. 2nd ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Chomsky, Noam. 1981. Lectures in government and binding. Foris. Dordrecht. Fox, B. and P. J. Hopper. (eds.). 1994. Voice: form and function. Amsterdam/Philadelphia. John Benjamins. Freidin, Robert and Rex A. Sprouse. 1991. Lexical case phenomena. In Freidin, Robert (ed.). Principles and parameters in comparative grammar, pp. 392-416. Cambridge, Massachusetts. MIT Press. de Hoop, Helen. 1996. Case configuration and noun phrase interpretation. Garland. New York. Hopper, P. J. and S. A. Thompson. 1980. Transitivity in grammar and discourse. Language 56: 251-99. Kittilä, S. 2002. Transitivity: towards a comprehensive typology. Turku/Åbo, Åbo Academis Trykeri. Kiparsky, Paul. 1998. Partitive Case and Aspect. In Butt, Miriam and Wilhelm Geuder, eds. The projection of arguments. Lexical and compositional factors, pp. 265-307. CSLI Publications. Stanford, California. Kiparsky, Paul. 2001. Structural case in Finnish. Lingua 111, 315-376. Kratzer, Angelika. 2004. Telicity and the meaning of objective case. In Gueron, Jacqueline and Jacqueline Lecarme (eds.), The syntax of time, pp. 389-423. MIT Press, Cambridge, Ma. Maling, Joan. 2001. The heterogeneity of the mapping among morphological case, grammatical function, and thematic roles. Lingua. 111: 419-464. Ramchand, Gillian. 2008. Verb meaning and the lexicon: a first phase syntax. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Vainikka, Anne. 1989. Deriving syntactic representations in Finnish. Doctoral dissertation. University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Sigurðsson, Halldór Ármann. 2012. Minimalist C/case. Linguistic Inquiry, 43.2, 191-227. Svenonius 2002. Icelandic case and the structure of events. Journal of comparative Germanic syntax 6: 197-225. Alana Johns, U of Toronto

!"#$%&'&%()*&'+,-))!$,%+".)/$.$0&$.)1.23%&%2%)$.0)45*&%&5)0627*&.#) ! "#!$%&!'(()!*'&(+,(-!./*$)&!01123!4%++5(+!01206!#$%#!7%&#(+)!4%)%-5%)!-5%8(9#&!%+(! -5)9#8:!;8(&&&>%88:!(?@+(&&(-!5)!#+%)&8%#5*)! #$+*>=$!#$(!%)#5@%&&5,(!.*+!%99>&%#5,(6A!%&!5)!.2%6A!+%#$(+!#$%)!#$(!#:@59%8!(+=%#5,(! 9*)&#+>9#5*)!&$*B)!5)!.2'6!C+*D!%!E(&#(+)!4%)%-5%)!-5%8(9#F!G*#(!#$(!&5)=8(! %=+((D()#!B5#$!#$(!&>'H(9#!5)!.2%6!,&F!#$(!%=+((D()#!B5#$!'*#$!%+=>D()#&!5)!.2'6F! .26!%F!Piita qimmir-mit uasaq-si-juq South Baffin E Peter.abs.s dog-mod.s wash-antipass.-intr.part.3s ‘Peter is washing the dog’ !!!!!!!!'F!arna-up angut kuni-ga-a Baker Lake W woman-rel.s man.abs.s kiss-tr.part-3s/3s 'The woman kissed the man. I>+#$(+D*+(!#$(!@+*$5'5#5*)!C*>)-!5)!E(&#(+)!-5%8(9#&!%=%5)&#!)%D(&!%&!%)!*'H(9#!5)! #$(!%)#5@%&&5,(!5&!%'&()#!5)!7%&#(+)!-5%8(9#&!.06F! .06!Margarita Kuinatsa-i-juk Ritsati-mik Labrador E Margarita.abs.s tickle-antipass.-intr.part.3s Richard.-mik.s ‘Margarita is tickling Richard’ J%88D%)!.011K6!&$*B&!#$%#!(+=%#5,(!9*)&#+>9#5*)&!%@@(%+!5)!85)L(-!-5&9*>+&(!*)! &(9*)-!D()#5*)F!M$5&!5&!&(()!5)!.N6!C+*D!#$(!4%@(!O*+&(#!.7%&#(+)6!-5%8(9#F! .N6!asuillaak irngusiq siqumim-mat and.then cup.abs.s break-caus.3s

[aaqqitaq-qauk niputi-mut] fix-tr.indic.3s/3s glue-instr.s '…and then when the cup broke, [he fixed it with the glue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ortescue, M. 1995 The historical source and typological position of ergativity in Eskimo languages. Études/Inuit/Studies 19:2, 61-75. Hallman, P. 2007. Definiteness in Inuktitut. Unpublished manuscript ]>-B5=^ U%?5D585%)&^[)5,(+&5#_# http://www.peterhallman.com/index.html Johns, A. 2001. An inclination towards accusative. Linguistica Atlantica, 127-144 W>X(+*,%A!"F!0120F!`+%DD%#59%8!U%+L5)=!*C!`5,()(&&F!4*)#+%&#&!%)-!S*&5#5*)!5)! ")C*+D%#5*)!a#+>9#>+(A!(-&F!"F!W>X(+*,%!%)-!TF!G((8(D%)F!4%D'+5-=(! [)5,(+&5#:!S+(&&F! Merchant, Jason. 2011. Aleut case matters. Pragmatics and Autolexical Grammar: In honor of Jerry Sadock, E. Yuasa, et al. (eds), 1. Amsterdam: Benjamins. On VP ellipsis and the Identity Condition Michiya Kawai, Huron University College/Western University

VP-ellipsis (VPE) is known to respect a sort of identity condition (IC) on the antecedent- and target-VP (cf. Lasnik 1995). However, VPE does not always demand the strict identity of the two VPs involved, as in (1). ³In cases of ellipsis of a VP headed by an auxiliary verb, the auxiliary must have the exact same morphological form as its antecedent´ as in (2) (Warner 1986). WDUQHU¶VJHQHUDOL]DWLRQ :* is too strong, as to be shown below. This paper explores (3) as an alternative to the IC, in addition to some pragmatic considerations (Potsdam 1996). (1) John [ate pizza], and Bill will [eat pizza], too. (2) * John [was happy], and Bill will [be happy], too. (3) VPE is deletion under non-distinctness. Lasnik (1995) proposes a hybrid analysis of English verbal morphology compatible with the IC. In it, English main verbs are bare without any inflectional features, whereas finite be and auxiliary have are lexicalist verbs, fully inflected in lexicon. So, when VPE applies, (1) is actually (4), satisfying the IC. (1) obtains by PF-merging past and eat into ate. On the other hand, the IC is not met in (2) because was is fully inflected in lexicon, as in (5). (4) John past [VP eat pizza], and Bill will [VP eat pizza], too. (5) * John was [VP was happy], and Bill will [VP be happy], too. 1RWHWKDW:*IROORZVIURP/DVQLN¶VDQDO\VLV\et, WG is too strong, as Omaki (2007) shows; (6) is good without satisfying the IC. In order to salvage the IC, Omaki proposes that head movement does not leave a copy, as in (7). This solution is inadequate, however, since it does not address other types of VPE under non-identity (cf. Potsdam 1996, Merchant 2010, Sailor 2012). For example, VPE is successful with non-identical VPs with A´-traces of topicalization, as in (8). Thoms (2010) offers an alternative proposal that VPE is possible only if the verb raises to T; that is, (7) is good because the finite be raises to T whereas the non-finite be does not in (5). This solution suffers, however, because negation and the infinitival to, which are assumed not raise to T, license VPE (9). (6) John was [VP was here] and Mary were [VP were here], too. (7) John was [VP here] and Mary were [VP here], too. (8) ChickenVKH¶OO>VP eat chicken], but ostrichVKHZRQ¶W>VP eat ostrich] (9) a. Children should not [VP eat paint], and adults should not [VP eat paint], either. b. A: You should [VP leave]%,GRQ¶WKDYHWR>VP leave]. In this paper, instead of the IC, I propose (3) as a condition on the recoverability for VPE (cf. Fiengo and Lasnik 1972). Assuming the revised hybrid analysis of English verbal morphology, to be made precise in the paper, (3) allows the antecedent- and target-VP to be non-identical as long as their parallelism is recoverable. For example, distinct ࢥ-feature inflections on ³OH[LFDOLVW be¶V´ in (6) are recoverable from the raised verbs; thus being µQRQ-GLVWLQFW¶IRU93(. In (5) the deletion of [VP be happy] is unrecoverable because the two VPs therein are distinct for VPE, being headed by the verbs of two distinct classes: bare V roots vs. lexicalist Vs. Two distinct DP objects in (8), on the other hand, are seen in this syntactic context as two formal variables; thus, the two VPs are non-distinct ([VP eat x]); hence, VPE is successful. Implications of this study are numerous; among others, (3) supports the syntactic deletion approach to VPE. VPE repairs certain syntactic ill-formedness (Lasnik 2003), so it is not a purely phonetic process; at the same time, (3) is sensitive to the bifurcated verb class invisible at the interface, where such lexical idiosyncrasy is presumably eliminated under Full Interpretation. References

Fiengo, R., and H. Lasnik. 1972. On nonrecoverable deletion in syntax. Linguistic Inquiry 13: 528. Lasnik, H. 1995. Verbal morphology: Syntactic structures meets the minimalist program. In H. Campos and P. Kempchinsky (eds.), Evolution and revolution in linguistic theory, 251± 275. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press. Reprinted in Lasnik 1999, 97±119. Lasnik, H. 2003. Patterns of verb UDLVLQJZLWKDX[LOLDU\³EH´,Q+/DVQLNMinimalist Investigations in Linguistic Theory, 6±21. London: Routlege. Merchant, J. 2010. Voice mismatches and the dark side of ellipsis. Paper presented at the 2010 Syntax Fest, Indian University. Available at http://www.indiana.edu/~lingdept/SyntaxFest/iu.3.voice.pronouns.NPIs.pdf Omaki, A. 2007. Another look at affixal heads. Paper presented at Syntax Lunch Talk, University of Maryland, April 11. Potsdam, E. 1996. English verbal morphology and VP ellipsis. In North East Linguistics Society 27, ed. K. Kusumoto, 353±368. GLSA, University of Massachusetts, Amherst, MA. Sailor, C. 2012. The size of silence: Diagnosing the fine structure of VP ellipsis. Invited talk presented at the Talks in Linguistics series, 16 November 2012, University of Illinois at Chicago. Thoms, G. 2010µ9HUEIORDWLQJ¶DQG93-ellipsis: towards a movement account of ellipsis licensing. Available at www.ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/001092/current.pdf Warner, A. 1986. Ellipsis conditions and the status of the English copula. In York Papers in Linguistics 12, 153±172. University of York, Heslington, England. Parental input patterns and their HIIHFWVRQFKLOGUHQ¶VDFTXLVLWLRQRIYHUEDUJXPHQW structures in Japanese

Yuhko Kayama, University of Manitoba and Yuriko Oshima-Takane, McGill University

In null argument languages, verbal arguments are often omitted (or realized as null) in adult-to-adult conversation when the referent of the argument is understood from the context. Researchers investigating the acquisition of such languages found a massive argument ellipsis in child-directed speech (Mandarin Chinese: Lee & Naigles, 2005; Hindi: Narasimhan et al., 2005; Japanese: Guerriero et al., 2006, 2¶*UDG\HWDO). With the lack of overt arguments, parental input in null argument languages presents problems in children's acquisition of verb argument structures: the difference between transitive and intransitive structures becomes ambiguous due to missing subject and/or object of the sentence. The present study investigates the argument realization patterns in PRWKHUV¶LQSXW and how they affect childreQ¶VDFTXLVLWLRQ of verb argument structures in Japanese. Fernald and Morikawa (1993) analyzed child-directed speech in Japanese-speaking mothers in their cross-sectional study. They reported that mothers adjusted their speech to children of different ages: mothers repeated object labels more frequently in their speech to children (aged 1;07) than to younger infants. Though they did not examine the relationship between lexical items and verb argument structures, Fernald and Morikawa suggested that Japanese mothers use lexical forms more frequently with older children. In the present study, we examined longitudinal data of spontaneous speech from two typically-developing monolingual Japanese children and their mothers. The interaction between mother and the child was video- taped for 60 minutes at four time periods (10, 21, 32 and 37 months of age). The data were transcribed and each argument was coded for grammatical category (intransitive or transitive subject/object), the form of the argument (null, pronoun, or lexical), and given/new distinction of the referent. Preliminary results showed that both mothers initially used null arguments for given referents a majority of the time (Child 1's mother: 84%, Child 2's mother: 73%) at 10 months, when the children did not produce words. However, these mothers began employing lexical forms more often after the children started producing utterances. Child ¶V PRWKHU VWDUWHG producing higher proportions of lexical arguments (33%) for given referents at 21 months. Child ¶V PRWKHU RQ WKH RWKHU KDQG VORZO\ LQFUHDVHG WKH XVH RI OH[LFDO DUJXPHQWV IRU JLYHQ information over time. CKLOGUHQ¶V GDWD VKRZHG WKDW WKHLU patterns of argument realization followed mothers' input: Child 1 started using lexical arguments early on (32 months~), while Child 2 used few lexical arguments at 32 months and slowly increased the use of lexical arguments by 37 months. These results confirmed that Japanese mothers did change their input patterns in the course of children's language development, employing overt arguments more frequently than they normally would. The prominent change in mothers' patterns was seen in the use of lexical arguments, and each child's patterns closely followed the mother's pattern. The analysis on FKLOGUHQ¶V overt argument use suggests that parental input patterns with high proportions of OH[LFDOL]DWLRQGXULQJHDUO\VWDJHVRIFKLOG¶VODQJXDJHdevelopment facilitates their acquisition of verb argument structures. We will analyze longitudinal data of another mother-child pair and examine whether or not the same patterns are observed. References:

Fernald, A. & Morikawa, H. (1993). Common themes and cultural variations in Japanese and $PHULFDQPRWKHUV¶VSHHFKWRLQIDQWVChild Development 64, 637-656. Guerriero, A. M. S., Oshima-Takane, Y., & Kuriyama, Y. (2006). The development of referential choice in English and Japanese: A discourse-pragmatic perspective. Journal of Child Language 33, 1-35. Lee, J. N. & Naigles, L. R. (2005). The input to verb learning in Mandarin Chinese: A role for syntactic bootstrapping. Developmental Psychology 41, 529-540. Narasimhan, B., Budwig, N., & Murty, L. (2005). Argument realization in Hindi caregiver-child discourse. Journal of Pragmatics, 37, 461-495. 2¶*UDG\:

1.=TP M³±r± a-ka-ȕor-i=CP=C kuћ` ne-ke=TP Joh`na a-ܵor-Íre???? ³0DU\DVNHGZKDW-RKQERXJKW´ Mary SM1-PST-ask-FV that COP-WH John SM-buy-PFV In order to account for this, (a) I DGRSW5L]]L¶VSplit-CP Hypothesis whereby the CP splits into different functional projections such as Force Phrase, Topic Phrase and Focus Phrase. (b) I also adopt the Attract principle proposed in Chomsky (2000) whereby a category B moves from its base position because a c-commanding category A has matching features with it. Consequently, A attracts B so that B can check its uninterpretable features. Along the line of the preceding theoretical assumptions, it has been proposed that wh-phrases move to the specifier position of a focus projection cross-linguistically (Rizzi 1997, Aboh 2004). It is argued in this paper that the Force Phrase (by virtue of carrying the illocutionary force of the clause) hosts the Nata complementizer in its head position. As for the wh-phrases, they move to the specifier position of the Focus Phrase, located at the left periphery (below Force phrase and TopP). The analysis reveals that the focus head in Nata is associated with a +WH feature and a +Focus feature. I propose then that the +Focus feature is strong and triggers movement of the wh-phrase to the Spec, FocP, wherein, the focus feature is checked in a spec-head configuration. The resulting outputs provide strong evidence in favor of the need of splitting the complementizer system. This approach is more suitable to provide an elegant account of wh-phrases in Nata. As a o result, the clause structure in this language is presented as follows: =ForceP=Force kuћ` (that)=FocP ne- o ke(WH) =Foc =TP Joh`na a-ܵor-Íre?????. References: Aboh, E.O. (2004). The Morphosyntax of Complement-Head Sequences: Clause Structure and Word Order Patterns in Kwa. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Cheng, L. (2009) Wh-in-situ, from the 1980s to Now. In Language and Linguistics Compass 3/3, pp. 767-791. Chomsky, N. (2000). Minimalist inquiries. The framework. In: Martin, R., et al. (Eds.), Step by Step. Essays on Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik. MIT Press, Cambridge, MA, pp. 89±155. Rizzi, L. (1997). The fine structure of the left periphery. In L. Haegeman (ed.), Elements of Grammar. Handbook in Generative Syntax. Dordrecht: Kluwer, 281-337.

Attitudes, identity, and L2 proficiency: The case of F rancophone and Anglophone youth in Quebec

Siobhán Kiely Université Laval

Focussing on the case of Francophone-Anglophone intergroup relations in the province of Quebec (Canada), this paper reports on a quantitative study that examined the role of social context in VHFRQGODQJXDJH / FODVVURRPOHDUQLQJ*DUGQHU¶V VRFLR-educational model has ORQJFODLPHGWKDW/VWXGHQWV¶VRFLDODWWLWXGHVKDYHWKHSRZHUWRLQIOXHQFHWKHLU/SURILFLHQF\ The present study tested his hypothesis among Francophone English as a second language (ESL) learners and Anglophone French as a second language (FSL) learners in the province of Quebec by concentrating on two social attitudes identified by Gardner²attitudes toward the L2 and attitudes toward the L2 community²and a third that is relevant to the particular social context of 4XHEHF DWWLWXGHV WRZDUG WKH SURYLQFH¶V ODQJXDJH SROLF\ DQG SODQQLQJ 6SHFLILFDOO\ WKH VWXG\ sought to answer the following research question: Is there a relationship between studenWV¶VRFLDO attitudes and their L2 proficiency? As a secondary objective, the study also aimed to discover the UROHWKDWVWXGHQWV¶UHODWLRQVKLSZLWKWKHLUILUVWODQJXDJH / DQG/FRPPXQLW\PLJKWSOD\LQWKH construction of these social attitudes; as such the variable of ethnolinguistic identity (see Giles & Johnson, 1987) was also investigated. A total of 121 students enrolled in core L2 programs in Quebec public high schools participated in this study: 82 Francophone ESL students from the predominantly Francophone region of Saguenay and 39 Anglophone FSL students from the comparatively heavily-Anglophone populated region of Gatineau. 6WXGHQWV¶YDULRXVVRFLDODWWLWXGHVDQGHWKQROLQJXLVWLFLGHQWLW\ZHUH measured by their responses to an anonymous multi-part questionnaire that drew upon the data FROOHFWLRQWRROVRI*DUGQHU¶V $07%2DNHV Bourgeois, Busseri, and Rose-Krasnor (2009), and Deveau, Landry, and Allard (2005). Items were formulated as statements to which students rated their level of agreement/disagreement on a 7-point Likert scale. For proficiency PHDVXUHVVWXGHQWV¶ scores on year-end, provincial-wide L2 tests were used, which included both oral interaction and written production components. Regression analyses determined a statistically significant (p < 0.05) relationship between favourable attitudes toward language policy and planning and L2 proficiency. Though present within both linguistic groups, interestingly, this correlation was positive for Francophones and negative for Anglophones. While attitudes toward the L2 community did not appear to be a significant explanatory variable of L2 proficiency for either group, for Francophones, attitudes toward the L2 itself did. Further analyses determined the extent to which each of these social DWWLWXGHVFRXOGEHSUHGLFWHGE\VWXGHQWV¶VHQVHDQGVWUHQJWKRIHWKQROLQJXLVWLFLGHQWLW\+HUHDJDin, significant relationships were found only among Francophone students whose data demonstrated that strong and positive ethnolinguistic identity positively correlated with favourable attitudes toward language policy and planning and negatively with favourable attitudes toward the Quebec Anglophone community. These relationships therefore appear to be group-specific, varying along linguistic lines. By analyzing and interpreting these different findings with respect to notions of minority- majority dynamics and intergroup relations between linguistic communities in contact, this study reveals how classroom language learning is embedded in a larger social context from which it cannot be divorced.

References

Bourgeois, D.Y., Busseri, M.A., & Rose-Krasnor, L. (2009). Ethnolinguistic identity and youth activity involvement in a sample of minority Canadian Francophone youth. Identity, 9(2), 116-144. Deveau, K., Landry, R., & Allard, R. (2005). Au-GHOjGHO¶DXWRGpILQLWLRQ&RPSRVDQWHV distinctes de O¶LGHQWLWp Hthnolinguistique [Beyond self-definition: Distinct componants of ethnolinguistic identity]. )UDQFRSKRQLHVG¶$PpULTXH, 79±93. Gardner, R. C. (2010). Motivation and second language acquisition: The socio-educational model. New York, NY: Peter Lang. Gardner, R. C. (1985). Social psychology and second language learning: The role of attitudes and motivation. London: Edward Arnold. Giles, H., & Johnson, P. (1987). Ethnolinguistic identity theory: a social psychological approach to language maintenance. International Journal of the Sociology of Language. 68, 69-99. Oakes, L. (2010). Lambs to the slaughter? Young francophones and the role of English in Quebec today. Multilingua, 29, 265-288.

Almost does not evaluate propositional alternatives Oriana Kilbourn-Ceron McGill University

Horn (2002) describes two meaning components that make up the modiﬁer almost:(i) that the proposition it combines with is false (Polar component) (ii) that some proposition that is “nearby” on an ordered scale is true (Proximal component). For example, Gore almost won the election conveys that: (i) Gore didn’t win the election & (ii) Gore “came close to” winning the election. A discussion of cases where the prejacent of almost entails all its possible alternatives will show that the proximal component cannot be derived, as proposed by Penka (2006), by invoking sets of alternative propositions. This result strongly supports the pursuit of intensionally-based approaches to almost (Sadock, 1981; Morzycki, 2001; Aranovich, 1995), which fare much better with this type of example. Context. Penka (2006) proposes (1) as the meaning for almost (without committing to whether either portion should be truth-conditional, entailed or presupposed). The ﬁrst argument is ,acovertrestrictorvariablerangingoverscalesofpropositions,andthesecond is a proposition.≈

(1) almost = λwλp s,t . p(w) & q[q p&q(w)] ≈ ¬ ∃ ≈ She assumes that the alternatives in the argument are given either by focus alternatives (in the sense of Rooth (1992)) or by Horn≈ scales associated with certain lexical items. As Penka (2006), this gives exactly the desired result in a case where almost modifies a DP, as in Almost 100 people died.Thefirstconjunctofthedenotationaccountsforthepolar meaning, i.e. it is not the case that 100 people died, and the second conjunct requires the number of people that actually died is close to 100, though not below 100. However, if the actual number were higher than 100, it would contradict the first conjunct, since at least 101 entails at least 100. These two pieces of meaning account for the proximal component of almost. Problem. Now consider the predicted meaning for a sentence like I almost didn’t eat all of my dinner.Thefirstconjunctof(1)saysthatitisnotthecasethatIdidn’teatallof my dinner, i.e. I did eat all of my dinner, so it has accounted for the polar component. As for the second conjunct, its meaning will depend on the value of the restrictor variable . As Nouwen (2006) points out, a problem arises if the alternatives are simply the proposition≈ and its negation. In that case, the second conjunct will end up meaning the same as the first, namely that I did eat all of my dinner. Let us assume with Penka that the Horn scale invoked by all create alternatives of the form that I didn’t eat all/most/some of my dinner. Now what the second conjunct in (1) requires is that one of{ those propositions} is true. But the truth of any of these alternatives leads to a contradiction with the polar meaning that we have already calculated, since that I ate all of my dinner entails eating most and some of it. This illustration carries over more generally to any case where the propositional argument of almost has a top-of-the-scale element embedded under negation, and thus poses a serious problem for Penka’s semantics for almost. References

Aranovich, Raul.1995.Spanishcasi as a scalar operator. In Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society,12–23.

Horn, Laurence R. 2002. Assertoric inertia and NPI licensing. In Chicago Linguistic Society,volume38,55–82.

Morzycki, Marcin. 2001. “Almost” and its kin, across categories. In Proceedings of SALT ,volume11,306–325.

Nouwen, Rick. 2006. Remarks on the polar orientation of almost. van de Weijer, J. and Los, B. Linguistics in the Netherlands 23–1.

Penka, D. 2006. Almost there: The meaning of almost. In Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung,volume10,275–286.Citeseer.

Rooth, M. 1992. A theory of focus interpretation. Natural Language Semantics 1.75–116.

Sadock, Jerrold. 1981. Almost. Radical pragmatics 257–71. Syntax of such: A Uniform Analysis Kyeong-min Kim Simon Fraser University

Background The English word such has been claimed to be categorized into two types according to its meaning: identifying such, which helps establish the reference of its following noun (1), and intensifying such, which intensifies its following adjective or ‘gradable’ noun (2) (Bolinger 1972, Carlson 1980, among others). (1) You should not say anything of that nature. Only God knows such a thing. (2) a. When I was born, I was such a beautiful baby. b. We’ll take care of you, because you’re such a fool. It has been further argued in the literature that identifying and intensifying such are also syntactically different. Altenberg (1994) and de Monnink¨ (2000) claim that the two such fall into different syntactic categories; while they both treat intensifying such as an adverb, the former analyzes identifying such as a predeterminer and the latter as an adjective. Also, Bresnan (1973) and Wood (2002) maintain that they show different syntactic derivations. Bresnan assumes that they are both derived from so in a pre-article adjective phrase, but in different ways. In contrast, Wood proposes that they are both base-generated in the typical adjective position and then move to a pre-indefinite article position, but their final landing sites are different. Proposal In the present study, I provide a uniform analysis for all such, suggesting that identifying and intensifying such do not differ syntactically at all. In doing so, I firstly pay significant attention to the fact that such can be used without any nominal as in (3). (3) a. A search must be conducted to locate immediate survivors, if such exist. b. They’re “supertasters” and as such they add cream to their coffee and order food mild. c. Such is God’s love that he will not simply abandon us to the consequences of our sins. With a conclusion that such is obviously a pronoun above, I propose that such occurring with a nominal, as in (1) and (2), is also a pronoun, regardless of whether it is identifying or intensifying such. In particular, in line with Postal (1969) and Noguchi’s (1997) claim that English personal pronouns are some kind of definite article, I suggest that under the DP hypothesis (Abney 1987), such heads a DP and may take a NumP (Ritter 1992) as its complement (see Giusti 1997 for QP).

(4) a. [DP [D I/us/you/he/she]] b. [DP [D us] [NP linguists]] (Noguchi 1997)

(5) a. [DP [D such]] b. [DP [D such][NumP [Num a][NP (big) house]]] c. [QP [Q all][DP [D such][NumP [Num ∅][NP (big) houses]]]]

Discussion and Conclusion The present analysis is obviously distinguished from the previous binary approaches in that it uniformly treats as a pronoun such in all cases and does not present either movement of such or transformation of so into such, but assumes that such is based-generated in situ in the head of DP, suggesting that there exist no syntactically different types of such. How then can such a uniform analysis capture the different interpretation of such in (1) and (2)? Here, I further propose that the semantic distinction between identifying and intensifying such is not determined by such per se, but by its following complement; if the complement contains gradable adjectives or nouns, such will have an intensifying meaning and if not, it will get an identifying one. Having investigated the characteristics and positions of such within the DP structure, the present study potentially can provide a contribution to better understanding the nature of the DP.

1 References Abney, Steven. 1987. The English noun phrase in its sentential aspect. Doctoral Dissertation, MIT, Cambridge. Altenberg, Bengt. 1994. On the function of such in spoken and written English. In Corpus-Based Research Into Language, ed. by N. Oostidijk, and P. de Haan, 223-239. Amsterdam: Rodopi. Bolinger, Dwight. 1972. Degree words. The Hague: Mouton. Bresnan, Joan. 1973. Syntax of the comparative clause construction in English. Linguistic Inquiry 4: 275-343. Carlson, Greg. 1980. Reference to kinds in English. New York: Garland. de Monnink,¨ Inge. 2000. A moving phrase : A multi-method approach to the mobility of constituents in the English noun phrase. In Corpora Galore: Analyses and Techniques in De- scribing English, ed. by J. Kirk, 133- 147. Amsterdam and Atlanta: Rodopi. Giusti, Giuliana. 1997. The categorical status of determiners. In The New Comparative Syntax, ed. by L.Haegeman, 95-123. New York: Longman Publishing Group. Noguchi, Tohru. 1997. Two types of pronouns and variable binding. Language 73: 770-797. Postal, Paul. 1969. On so-called ‘pronouns’ in English. In Modern studies in English: Readings in transformational grammar, ed. by D. Reibel and S. Schane, 201-224. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Ritter, Elizabeth. 1992. Cross-linguistic evidence for Number Phrase. Canadian Journal of Lin- guistics 37: 197-218. Wood, Johanna. 2002. Much about such. Studia Linguistica 56: 91-115.

2 PERSON all the way in Blackfoot: evidence from psych-predicates Kyumin Kim, University of Calgary In the grammar of Blackfoot, PERSON has shown to be pervasive, and nominal licensing is predicted to be PERSON based, i.e., sentient (Ritter and Wiltschko 2008). I provide further support to this claim from psych-predicates. I argue that psych-predicates in Blackfoot are actually agentive—only sentient subjects are allowed. An interesting consequence of this claim is that Blackfoot has Class I psych-predicates (as described by Belletti and Rizzi 1988), but not Classes II or III. This is a natural consequence of the language particular property that the grammar of Blackfoot is PERSON-based, and also of the universal properties of Class I psych-predicates. Compelling evidence that psych-predicates are agentive comes from the fact that they are compatible with agent-oriented adverbs such as 'on purpose', as illustrated in (1). More evidence for agentivity is that, just like non-psych predicates, these psych-predicates can be imperative, and are also compatible with 'let's X'. (1) ana John awaat-a'ka-imm-a kohko DEM John willingly-hate-FINAL-3S your son 'John hates your son on purpose.' The experiencers of psych-predicates are arguments, not adjuncts. Like canonical arguments in Blackfoot (Ritter and Rosen 2010), and unlike adjuncts (Frantz 2009), experiencers are marked with final morphemes on the verb, as shown by the final morpheme -imm on the verb in (2a). Furthermore, experiencers need to be expressed as a person prefix on the verb, such as nit- 'I' in (2a), and not as an independent pronoun, such as niisto in (2b). This provides significant evidence for the status of psych-predicate subjects as arguments, as the person prefix in Blackfoot is only allowed with arguments, and not with adjuncts. (2) a. nit-a'poina-imm-a kohko b. *niisto a'poina-imm-a kohko I-be.bothered-FINAL-3S your son I be.bothered-FINAL-3S your son 'I am bothered by your son.' 'I am bothered by your son.' Cross-linguistically, the subject experiencers, i.e., Class I psych-predicates, often pattern with canonical transitives, unlike Class II and III psych-predicates (e.g., Arad 1998, Landau 2010). Given the above semantic and syntactic evidence, I argue that Blackfoot psych-predicates belong to Class I. I further argue that the Class II type, where the object is an experiencer and the subject is a causer, is absent in Blackfoot, as the ungrammaticality of (3a) illustrates. The inanimate gender noun 'soup' cannot appear as the subject. Animate gender, but non-sentient, nouns such as 'knife' also cannot appear as the subject (3b). The Class III type, where subjects are always non-agentive experiencers, is also absent in the language, as (1) shows. (3) a. *ani akoopis a'ka-imm-a ana John b.*ani isttoana a'ka-imm-a ana John DEM soup hate-FINAL-3S DEM John DEM knife hate-FINAL-3S DEM John 'The soup makes John angry.' 'The knife makes John angry.' I argue that the lack of the Class II type is due to the language specific property of Blackfoot where only sentient subjects are allowed. As a consequence, non-sentient subjects in psych- predicates are predicted to appear as adjuncts, which I will show to be true. The whole picture on psych-predicates in Blackfoot is the result of both universal and language particular properties: Blackfoot has the Class I type, as provided by universal grammar, but also chooses to not have Classes II and III due to the language particular property of a PERSON-based grammar. Moreover, the existence of a single type of psych-predicates, i.e. Class I, provides novel empirical support for a PERSON-based grammar in Blackfoot (Ritter and Wiltschko 2008; Ritter and Rosen 2010)

One focus per clause: consequences of a syntactic focus-marking strategy Karsten Koch, University of Calgary

Using original data from N!e"kepmxcín (Thompson River Salish) to illustrate, this paper explores some semantic and syntactic consequences of a purely syntactic focus-marking strategy. The Salishan languages, which are predicate-initial in word order, employ such a syntactic strategy: focused (discourse prominent) information is made (part of) the initial predicate (Kroeber 1997, 1999; Beck 1997, 2009, Davis & Saunders 1978, Jelinek 2000, among others). Backgrounded information, on the other hand, is removed from this initial predicate position: argument positions are background positions. This distinguishes Salishan from many more commonly studied stress languages, where the discourse categories of focus (FOC) and background (BG) (e.g. Rochemont 1986, Rooth 1992, 1996; Krifka 1992, 2006, von Stechow 1990) are typically expressed via prosodic marking (a boost or reduction in prominence). This paper discusses two consequences of a system where focus and the main predicate coincide: (i) focus sensitive expressions (e.g. Beaver & Clark 2008) are purely adverbial, and never adnominal, since in situ nominals are never focus-marked; and (ii) since each clause has only one predicate, there can never be more than one focus per clause. Prediction (i) means that focus sensitive expressions like only can only ever be semantically interpreted with the V(P) in a verb-initial utterance (1-i), and never with an in-situ nominal like a subject (1-ii). (1) V-initial utterance: only can only associate with initial VP A: Why did you cross the river today? B: [c"és=kn=!"u"1 w-"éy míl’t]FOC,1. come=1SG=only to-there visit (i) ‘I just1 [came to VISIT]FOC,1.’ (ii) NOT *‘Just1 [I]FOC,1 came to visit.’ [e.g. not felicitous in context: Who came to visit?] [pm883b]

Prediction (ii), “one focus per clause,” predicts that, in single clauses, Salishan will lack both second occurrence focus (e.g. Only1 [Bill]FOC,1 is wearing only2 [shorts]FOC,2) as well as multiple foci more generally (focus pairs in the sense of Krifka 2006). These predictions are borne out. In the absence of embedded clauses, speakers resort to a range of strategies to deal with multiple foci. These include: (a) strikingly, no grammatical marking of one of the expected foci (Flora in 2); (b) use of a left-hanging contrastive topic position to mark one foci ((3), (4) - Gardiner 1998, Büring 1997); (c) addition of an emphatic pronoun to mark one of the foci (4).

(2) [Context and English form: I didn’t like it, but [FLOra]FOC is [SMILing]FOC.] w k’éme! ["es-q í!"]FOC=xe"=ne" e=Flóra. but STAT-smile=DEM=there DET=Flora ‘But Flora is [smiling]FOC.’

(3) [Context and English form: Sue has two dogs, and [SAM]FOC has [ONE]FOC dog.]

k’éme! [e=Sám]C-TOPIC, [pi"éye"]FOC,1=!"u"1=xe" tk=sqáqx#a" e=w"exstés. but DET=Sam, one =only=DEM LINK=dog C=have ‘But [Sam]C-TOPIC, what he’s got is only1 [one]FOC,1 dog.’

(4) A: My shoes are white. w B: ncé", ["es-céq ]FOC e=n-sí!c’u"BACKGROUND. 1SG.EMPH, STAT-red DET=1SG.POSS-shoe ‘[Me]C-TOPIC, my shoesBG are [red]FOC.’ (c.f. English: [MY]FOC shoesBG are [RED]FOC.)

References for One focus per clause

Beaver, David, and Brady Clark. 2008. Sense and Sensitivity: How Focus Determines Meaning. Blackwell. Beck, David. 1997. Rheme, Theme, and communicative structure in Lushootseed and Bella Coola. In Leo Wanner, ed. Recent Trends in Meaning-Text Theory. Amsterdam: Benjamins. 93–135. ––––––––. 2009. Thematicity in Lushootseed syntax. In David Beck, Kim Gerdes, Jasmina Mili!evi!, and Alain Polguère, eds. Proceedings of the Fourth International Conference on Meaning-Text Theory. Montreal: OLST. 55-64. Büring, Daniel. 1997. The Meaning of Topic and Focus -- The 59th Street Bridge Accent. London: Routledge. Davis, Philip, and Ross Saunders. 1978. Bella Coola syntax. In Eung-Do Cook and Jonathan Kaye, eds. Linguistic Studies of Native Canada. Vancouver: University of British Columbia. 37-66. Gardiner, Dwight. 1998. Topic and focus in Shuswap. In Salish Languages and Linguistics: Theoretical and Descriptive Perspectives, E. Czaykowska-Higgins & M.D. Kinkade (eds.), 275-304. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Jelinek, Eloise. 2000. Predicate raising in Lummi, Straits Salish. In A. Carnie and E. Guilfoyle, eds. The Syntax of Verb Initial Languages. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 213–233. Krifka, Manfred. 1992. A compositional semantics for mutiple focus constructions. In Joachim Jacobs, ed. Informationsstruktur und Grammatik. Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag. 17-53. ––––––––. 2006. Association with focus phrases. Molnar and Winkler, eds. The Architecture of Focus. Berlin: Mouton. 105-136. Kroeber, Paul. 1997. Relativization in Thompson Salish. Anthropological Linguistics 39(3): 376- 422. –––––––. 1999. The Salish Language Family: Reconstructing Syntax. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. Rochemont, Michael. 1986. Focus in Generative Grammar. Amsterdam: Benjamins. Rooth, Mats. 1992. A Theory of Focus Interpretation. Natural Language Semantics 1: 75-116. von Stechow, Arnim. 1990. Focusing and background operators. In Werner Abraham, ed. Discourse Particles. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. 37-84.

2 A Blackfoot children’s book Karsten Koch, Aistanskiaki Sandra Manyfeathers, Issapoikoan Brent Prairie Chicken, and Alice Post, University of Calgary

(Special Session: Reclaiming Canada’s Indigenous Languages)

This project created a digital children’s book with images and sound in Blackfoot, an endangered indigenous language of southern Alberta. The story is about a young Blackfoot girl, Aanatsski (“Pretty-face”), and compares her day when she goes to school with when she goes to dance at a pow-wow, a central aspect of Blackfoot culture. Linguists worked together with fluent speakers of Blackfoot to develop and produce a children’s book. This project aimed to achieve applied linguistic goals by documenting important linguistic structures for young learners of Blackfoot, and to do so by producing a children’s book that respected the cultural heritage and storytelling philosophies of the Blackfoot community. The project is thus grounded in the empowerment model of linguistic fieldwork (Rice 2006, Czaykowska-Higgins 2009), enabling a language community to reclaim their indigenous language.

The poster presentation discusses using an electronic children’s book as a collaborative platform to present important aspects of Blackfoot culture in the Blackfoot language (cf. Gearheard 2005), including pow-wow related imagery (dance regalia, special foods), Blackfoot names, and Blackfoot language structures that differ strikingly from English (Frantz 2009). Incorporating recordings that narrate the story facilitates learning pronunciation, especially where orthography differs from actual pronunciation (e.g. Frantz 1978). Finally, Blackfoot storytellers preface a story or speech by saying who they are, where they come from, and where they learned their language. This aspect of performance philosophy was incorporated into the e-book by including an oral biography for participating speakers of Blackfoot.

References Czaykowska-Higgins, Ewa. 2009. Research models, community engagement, and linguistic fieldwork: reflections on working within Canadian indigenous communities. Language Documentation & Conservation 3(1): 15-50. Frantz, Donald G. 1978. Abstractness of phonology and Blackfoot orthography design. In William C. McCormack, ed. Approaches to Language. The Hague: Mouton de Gruyter. 307-326. Frantz, Donald G. 2009. Blackfoot Grammar: Second Edition. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Gearheard, Shari. 2005. Using interactive multimedia to document and communicate Inuit knowledge. Inuit Studies 29(1-2): 91-114. Rice, Keren. 2006. Ethical issues in linguistic fieldwork: an overview. Journal of Academic Ethics 4: 123-155.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                            

        

                  

     

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            Korean verb/adjective base vowel shortening as multiple exponence Sunghwa Lee University of Victoria This study explores vowel shortening (VS) occurring in verb and adjective bases in Korean, traditionally known as verb stem vowel shortening. VS in verb/adjective bases refers to a process whereby long vowels in the base are shortened when certain suffixes are added. The current study proposes that VS behaves differently in two areas of morphology. In inflectional morphology, VS shows a phonologically conditioned regular pattern: Vowels are shortened only before vowel-initial suffixes. In derivational morphology, a base vowel is shortened when followed by a lexically specified suffix; in this case, a suffix and accompanied VS are exponents of multiple exponence (ME). ME refers to a phenomenon in which two or more exponents are used to express a morphosyntactic or semantic feature value in a word (Matthews, 1972). Although it is agreed that suffixes are the process-triggering factor, no agreement has been made on what suffixes trigger VS. Some scholars describe that long vowels are shortened before a vowel initial suffix (Kim-Renaud, 1974; Kim, 2000), as in (1); others observe that VS has exceptions, when added by passive/causative suffixes (Huh 1965; Martin, 2006), regardless of being vowel-initial (2a) or consonant-initial (2b). Others consider that VS-triggering suffixes are lexically determined (Davis and Cho,1994; Ko, 2002), pointing out that segmentally identical suffixes behave differently (3): The nominalising suffix, -i accompanies VS, whereas the adverbial suffix, -i does not. Accordingly, analyses of VS in the previous literature vary. The current study examines VS-associated suffixes comprehensively. Despite a large number of derivational suffixes in Korean, only a limited number of suffixes can be added to verbs or adjectives. These are verb/adjective deriving suffixes, adverb deriving suffixes, and noun deriving suffixes. As for verb/adjective deriving suffixes, VS-accompanied suffixes include causative/passive suffixes -i, -li, -ki, and -hi (4); the causative suffixes, -wu,and – kwu (5); and the intensifier, -kkali (6). Notice that the causative/passive suffixes start with either a vowel or a consonant. Among three adverb deriving suffixes (i.e., -i, -key, and -o/wu), only -o/wu co-occurs with VS (7). This shows that VS is attributed to a property of individual suffixes, rather than a group of suffixes (e.g., adverb deriving suffixes). As for noun deriving suffixes (i.e., -i ‘act, thing, quality’,- um ’fact, thing’,- ki ‘act, thing, quality’, and -po ‘thing, person’), only i and um accompany VS (8). In verbal and adverbial suffixes, the initial sounds do not affect the presence/absence of VS. In addition, productivity is not a factor to trigger VS (neither productive -ki nor unproductive -po trigger VS). Also, it is verified that a group of suffixes belonging to the same category behaves differently. It appears conclusive that base VS occurs in accordance with individual suffixes, regardless of initial sound, productivity, or category. A set of criteria for ME is created based on Matthews’ (1972) study of Latin: A pattern is defined as ME if (i) no exponents are phonologically conditioned; (ii) an exponent occurs consistently with another exponent that signifies the same expression; (iii) an exponent appears consistently on any lexical base of a morphological category. Among the three, the first criterion must be met. The other two criteria are optional. This study examines VS through the proposed criteria and concludes that VS and an accompanying -suffix in derivational morphology constitutes ME. A formal account of the ME is provided within the Word-and-Paradigm framework. Two derivational classes are classified in accordance with presence/absence of VS: Class 1 affixes that do not accompany VS and Class 2 suffixes that accompany VS. Word Formation Rules are formulated and an analysis of Class 2 is provided. Also, an alternative approach employing Lexical Phonology (Ahn, 1985) is examined and revision of the rule is suggested. This study is

  significant in that VS-associated suffixes are examined thoroughly in both inflectional and derivational morphology and a comprehensive but simple analysis is provided accordingly.

Data (1)1 co:h ‘is good’ coh-una ‘is good but’ kwu:p ‘bake’ kwuw-eto ‘though one bakes’ (Kim-Renaud,1974: 21) (2) a. cwu:l ‘to decrease’ cwul-i (CAUS) ‘reduce’ b. a:l ‘to know’ al-li (CAUS) ‘inform’ ka:m ‘to wind’ kam-ki (CAUS)‘be wound’ (Sohn, 2001: 193) (3) a. Nominalising suffix -i ki:l ‘long’ kil-i ‘length’ te:p ‘hot’ tew-i ‘heat’ b. Adverbial suffix -i ko:p ‘beautiful’ ko:-i ‘beautifully’ ma:nh ‘abundant’ ma:nh-i ‘abundantly’ (Davis and Cho 1994: 3) (4) UR Gloss Causative/Passive a. kkwu: ‘borrow’ kkwu-i ‘loan’ nwu:p ‘lie down’ nwu-i ‘lay down’ b. sa:l ‘live’ sal-li ‘save’ a:l ‘know’ al-li ‘inform’ c. ta:m ‘put in’ tam-ki ‘be put in’ a:n ‘hug’ an-ki ‘make someone hug’ d. pa:lp ‘step on’ palp-hi ‘be stepped on’ te:p ‘hot’ tep-hi ‘heat’ (5) UR Gloss Causative a. kkay: ‘awake’ kkay-wu ‘wake up’ pi: ‘vacant’ pi-wu ‘vacate’ b. i:l il-kwu ‘bring under cultivation’ (6) -kkali ‘intensifier’ noy:-kkali --> noykka.li ‘harp on’ (7) ne:m ‘exceed’ nem-u ‘too much, excessively, so’ to:l ‘turns’ tol-o ‘(over) again’ (8) a. no:l ‘play’ nol-i ‘playing’ ka:l ‘till, cultivate’ kal-i ‘plowing’ b. no:l ‘play’ nol-um ‘gambling’ wu:l ‘cry’ wul-um ‘weeping, crying’

Selected References Ahn, Sang-Cheol. (1985). The interplay of phonology and morphology in Korean. Doctorial dissertation. University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. Huh, Woong. (1965). Kwuke Umwunhak [Korean Phonology]: Jengumsa. Kim, Jong-Kyoo. (2000). Quantity-Sensitivity and Feature-Sensitivity of Vowels: A Constraint-Based Approach to Korean Vowel Phonology, Indiana U. at Bloomington. Ko, Eon-Suk. (2002). The phonology and phonetics of word level prosody and its interaction with phrase level prosody: a study of Korean in comparison to English. Doctoral dissertation, The University of Pennsylvania.  The present study uses Yale Romanization system for data transcription. The symbol, : denotes a long vowel

  Catherine Léger Department of French, University of Victoria [email protected]

Une analyse des trois interprétations de l’adverbe back en chiac

On retrouve en chiac, une variété de français acadien, ainsi que dans d’autres variétés de français parlées en Amérique du Nord (voir entre autres Canale et al. 1977; Hull 1955; Mougeon et al. 1980; Rottet 2005), le terme back dont la forme phonologique provient clairement de l’anglais. Deux interprétations, soit une lecture locative (1a) et une lecture itérative (1b), ont été discutées dans la littérature.

(1) a. Je vais back (LOC) aller chez nous. = Je vais retourner chez moi. b. Elle a back (ITÉR) chanté. = Elle a chanté de nouveau.

Bien que la source de la forme sonore de ce morphème soit incontestable, l’origine de ses propriétés syntaxiques et sémantiques demeure débattue puisque, d’une part, ce morphème connaît une distribution syntaxique différente en chiac et en anglais (2)—en chiac, mais pas en anglais, il peut occuper une position préverbale—et reçoit des interprétations différentes, la lecture itérative n’étant pas disponible en anglais (3).

(2) a. Elle est back allée au magasin. b. *She had back gone to the store. (3) *John opened the door once, then opened it back.

Deux analyses principales ont été proposées pour back : celle de Tremblay (2005), qui propose que back est une particule, au même titre que out and off dans figure out et show off, par exemple, qui forment des verbes complexes; et celle de King (2000, 2008, 2011), qui défend que ce morphème est un adverbe. L’examen d’une troisième interprétation de back en chiac, celle de réciprocité (4), ainsi que la considération d’énoncés comportant plusieurs occurrences de ce morphème (5), qui n’ont pas reçu d’attention dans la littérature, militent clairement en faveur de l’analyse proposée par King (2000, 2008, 2011).

(4) Je l’ai fessée, pis elle m’a fessé back (RÉC). = Je l’ai frappée, et elle m’a frappé à son tour. (5) a. J’ai back (LOC) été au magasin back (ITÉR). = Je suis retournée au magasin une deuxième fois. b. Je l’ai back (ITÉR) fessé back (RÉC). = Je l’ai frappé une deuxième fois à mon tour.

J’argumenterai que, dans tous ces emplois, back se comporte comme un adverbe, ses différents sens pouvant être expliqués si l’on adopte une analyse du type de Cinque (1999), qui propose une hiérarchie des adverbes et des positions adverbiales. Ainsi, back en chiac pourrait occuper trois positions syntaxiques qui correspondent à trois sens (acceptions) distincts, ce qui rendrait compte de la possibilité de plusieurs occurrences de back dans un même énoncé.

Catherine Léger Department of French, University of Victoria [email protected]

Références Canale, Michael, Raymond Mougeon, Monique Bélanger et Christine Main. 1977. Recherches en dialectologie franco-ontarienne. Working Papers on Bilingualism 14, Toronto : Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, p. 1!20. Cinque, Guglielmo. 1999. Adverbs and Functional Heads: A Cross-Linguistic Perspective. New York : Oxford University Press. Hull, Alexander. 1955. The Franco-Canadian Dialect of Windsor, Ontario: A Preliminary Study. Thèse de doctorat, University of Washington. King, R. 2000. The Lexical Basis of Grammatical Borrowing. A Prince Edward Island French Case Study, Amsterdam/Philadelphie : John Benjamins. King, Ruth. 2008. Chiac in context: Overview and evaluation of Acadie’s joual. Dans G. Sankoff, M. Meyerhoff, et N. Nagy (réd.). Social Lives in Language—Sociolinguistics and Multilingual Speech Communities. Celebrating the Work of Gillian Sankoff. Amsterdam/Philadelphie : John Benjamins, p. 137–178. King, Ruth. 2011. Back to back: The trajectory of an old borrowing. Dans F. Martineau et T. Nadasdi (réd.). Le français en contact. Hommages à Raymond Mougeon. Saint- Nicolas (Québec) : les Presses de l’Université Laval, p. 193–216. Mougeon, Raymond, Cora Brent-Palmer, Monique Bélanger et Walter Cichocki. 1980. Le français parlé en situation minoritaire, vol. I : Emploi et maîtrise du français parlé par les élèves des écoles de langue française dans les communautés franco- ontariennes minoritaires. Toronto : Ontario Ministry of Education. Rottet, Kevin J. 2005. Variation et étiolement en français cadien : perspectives comparées. Dans A. Valdman, J. Auger et D. Piston-Hatlen (réd.). Le Français en Amérique du Nord. État présent. Sainte-Foy (Québec) : les Presses de l’Université Laval, p. 243!260. Tremblay, Mireille. 2005. Back en français acadien : archaïsme ou innovation?. Dans P. Brasseur et A. Falkert (réd.). Français d’Amérique : approches morphosyntaxiques. Actes du colloque international Grammaire comparée des variétés de français d’Amérique. Paris : L’Harmattan, p. 263–273. 7KH UHOHYDQFH RI ZRUG FODVV WR LQIRUPDWLRQ VWUXFWXUH LQ .ZDN¶ZDOD

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Jianxun Liu University of Victoria

In Beijing Chinese (BC) the diminutive is created by adding /! / or /ŧ! / to the stem. When the stem ends with the high central vowel /Ŷ/, /Ŷ/ is deleted and /ŧ/ is inserted (1a); when the stem ends with the high front vowel /i/, /i/ becomes [j], and /ŧ/ is inserted (1b). (1). Stem Diminutive suffix Diminutive form Gloss a. /tsŶ/ + /! /[tsŧ! ] ‘character’ b. /phi/ + /! / [phjŧ! ] ‘skin’ Previous studies (Ma, 1997; Tian, 2009) fail to account for the two alternates in a unified way. This study explores an OT analysis of the /Ŷ-! / and /i-! / patterns based on an articulatory phonological (AP) account and demonstrates that the differences between these two patterns can be further reduced and explained in a unified way. I first argue that the schwa insertion in both /Ŷ-! / and /i-! / patterns is due to an intrinsic articulatory conflict between the high [-back] vowel (/Ŷ/ and /i/) and the diminutive suffix /! /. This argument is mainly based on the findings in Gick & Wilson (2006) and Tian (2009). Second, I propose an AP account for the /Ŷ-Ƈ/ and /i-Ƈ/ patterns. I argue that in order to accommodate the inserted schwa, and to generate a grammatical BC syllable at the same time, the coordination pattern of the stem is rearranged, leading to overlap between /Ŷ~ i/ and the preceding consonant. The difference between these two patterns is in degree of overlap: in /Ŷ-Ƈ/ pattern, /Ŷ/ is completely overlapped with the preceding consonant, such that it becomes acoustically imperceptible— this is analyzed as /Ŷ/ deletion in traditional phonology. In /i-Ƈ/ pattern, /i/ is only partially overlapped with the preceding consonant, resulting in the reanalysis of /i/ as [j] in SR. These differing degrees of overlap are the result of the interaction between gestural coordination constraints and faithfulness constraints. My analysis invokes the difference between /Ŷ/ and /i/ in terms of phonotactic restrictions. Specifically, /Ŷ/ can only be preceded by a consonant with the same place of articulation, whereas /i/ can be preceded by any consonant (BC phonotactic restriction). My analysis also crucially refers to the faithfulness constraint IDENT-IO (place), which requires that every input segment has a correspondent with the same place feature in the output. I argue that in the /Ŷ-Ƈ/ pattern, /Ŷ/ can be overlapped away because its preceding consonant shares its place, and can therefore indicate its place feature in SR, satisfying IDENT-IO (place). In contrast in the /i-Ƈ/ pattern, the preceding consonant does not necessarily indicate the place feature of /i/. Therefore, to satisfy IDENT-IO (place), /i/ surfaces as a glide [j], which has the same place feature. This study provides a unified explanation for /Ŷ-! / and /i! / patterns. By looking into the articulatory process of these two patterns, this study also provides new support for the viewpoint that the underlying diminutive suffix in BC is /! / rather than /ŧ! /.

References

Browman, Catherine & Louis Goldstein. (1989). Articulatory gestures as phonological units. Phonology, 6, 201-251.

Davidson, Lisa. (2006). Schwa Elision in Fast Speech: Segmental Deletion or Gestural Overlap? Phonetica, 63. 79-112.

Gafos, Adamantios. (2002). A grammar of gestural coordination. NLLT 20: 269-337.

Gick, Brian & Wilson, Ian. (2006). Excrescent schwa and vowel laxing: Cross-linguistic responses to conflicting articulatory targets. Papers in Laboratory Phonology VIII. http://www.linguistics.ubc.ca/isrl/Gick&Wilson_LP8_RVSD.pdf

Kager, Rene. (1999). Optimality theory. New York: Cambridge university press.

Ma, Lili. (1997). Mandarin diminutive formation: An optimality analysis. WPLC at the University of Victoria. 14, 47-59.

Tian, Jun. (2009). An Optimality Theory Analysis of Diminutive Suffixation of Beijing Chinese. Working Papers in Linguistics Vol. 19, University of Victoria. 217-231. ! "# $% !#& ' ! (## ! )!!!

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Shan Luo University of Victoria

Hyman (2011) proposes that tone is no different from other aspects of phonology despite tone having properties that surpass segmental systems. Following Hyman’s work, I argue that tone is more comparable to segments than previously thought by analyzing disyllabic tone sandhi patterns in the framework of AP (Browman & Goldstein, 1992). The investigation has shown that this approach makes seemingly arbitrary tone sandhi in Chinese dialects more explanatory, i.e., Tone3 Sandhi in Beijing Mandarin, Tianjin Tone dissimilation. First, I argue phonological properties of F0 production are based on physiological properties (Xu, 2009), i.e., laryngeal constriction and vertical movement. A durationally- driven constraint, Tonal-max, is posed due to a finite time between the muscle activities in the larynx and the corresponding F0 changes (Herman, Beckman & Honda, 1999), which is in a reference to a maximum number of tonal targets a disyllabic word can achieve. Second, I propose a TT-COORD constraint in terms of bonding strength between adjacent syllables, and a principle of OCP-Cons (no adjacent constriction gestures). I argue that the three constraints largely determine the Chinese tone sandhi patterns. Moreover, they contribute to settle the fundamental tonal issue in an articulatory fashion, i.e., contour tones are units or sequences (Yip, 2002). This study differs previous studies (e.g., Gao, 2009) in that it does not only examine articulatory model but also analyzes tone sandhi phonologically under AP, which is the significance of this project. This approach as the first attempt, however, calls for more investigation under other tonal languages. ! References Browman, C., & Goldstein, L. (1992). Articulatory Phonology: Anoverview. Phonetica, 49, 155-180. Duanmu, S. (1994). Syllabic weight and syllable durations: a correlation between phonology and phonetics. Phonology 11, 1–24. Gao, Man. (2009). Gestural coordination among vowel, consonant and tone gestures in Mandarin Chinese. Chinese Journal of Phonetics, Beijing; Commercial Press. Herman, R., Beckman, M. & Honda, K. (1999).Linguistic models of F0 use, physiological models of F0 control, and the issue of “mean response time”. Language and Speech, 42 , pp. 373–399. Hyman, L. (2011).”Tone: is it different.” The handbook of Phonology Theory, Second Edition, John Goldsmith, Jason Riggle, and Alan C.L.Yu (eds). 197-239. Blackwell Publishing. Xu, Y. (2009). Timing and coordination in tone and intonation-An articulatory-functional perspective. Lingua, 119, 906-927. Wang, G.W., & Kong, J.P. (2010). The relation between laryngeal height and F0 during the four tones of Mandarin in X-ray movie. Proc. ISCSLP, Taiwan, 335-338. Yip, M. (2002). Tone. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press !"#$%&'"& ()$*%+,$-.&/0&1+$-$,2&3/45#6$"&& The disappearance of the final vowel with the Nata passive

Nata, an East Tanzanian Bantu language, is one of the few Niger-Congo languages that does not share the verb nucleus root - extension - final vowel that is typical of Proto- Bantu verb structure. The passive (and also the causative) derivational verb suffixes, or “extensions”, occur in the final vowel position, so that these extensional suffixes are not allowed to co-exist with the final vowel.

In Swahili: In Nata: (1) a. pig‑a (2) a. t!" m-a beat-FV beat-FV ‘beat’ ‘beat’ b. pig‑w‑a b. t!" m-u beat-PASS-FV beat-PASS ‘beaten’ ‘beaten’

When a verb is both passive and causative, these extensional suffixes surface adjacent to one another, albeit with an alternate passive morpheme, bhu. However, the final vowel is still absent.

(3) a. som!" -a read-FV ‘read’ b. e-ghí-tabho ki-gha-som!" -u ppf-C7-book SM7-PST-read-PASS ‘The book was read.’ c. u-mw-áana a-gha-som!" -i-bhu ppf-C1-child 1SG.SM-PST-read-CAUS-PASS ‘The child was caused to read.’

This paper sets out to find which processes (morpho-syntactic, phonological or otherwise) motivate the disappearance of the final vowel in Nata. The author of this paper elicited data from a native Nata speaker and discovered that whenever such extensions attach to a verb root, the final vowel becomes obsolete. Considering Hyman’s (2003) template for ordering suffixes in Bantu, this paper also examines whether these processes are motivated by templatic morphology such as his Causative, Applicative, Reciprocal, Passive (CARP) paradigm. The author’s research on Nata indicates thus far that phonological rules are unlikely to be responsible for the merging final vowel and extensional suffix vowel sequence as it is in Chaga (Nurse 1979), and that Nata extensional suffixes follow an ARCP template, with some notable exceptions.

!"#$%&'"& ()$*%+,$-.&/0&1+$-$,2&3/45#6$"&& References:

BAKER, M. (1985) "The Mirror Principle and Morphosyntactic Explanation" m s., MIT, Cambridge, Massachusetts.

BOSTOEN, K., NZANG-BIE, Y. (2010). On how “middle plus “associative/reciprocal” became “passive” in the Bantu A70 languages. Linguistics. 48(6), 1255.

HYMAN, L. (2003). Suffix ordering in Bantu: A morphocentric approach. Yearbook of Morphology 2002. 245-281.

NURSE, D. (1979). Classification of the Chaga dialects: language and history on Kilimanjaro, the Taita Hills, and the Pare Mountains. Hamburg: Buske.

NURSE, D. (2007). Did the Proto-Bantu verb have an analytic or a synthetic structure? In Kula, N.C. & L. Marten (eds.). Bantu in Bloomsbury. Special Issue of the SOAS Working Papers in Linguistics. London: Department of Linguistics SOAS. 15, 239- 256.

The historical development of Korean ±tul: a corpus study Danica MacDonald, University of Calgary

This paper investigates the historical development and modern day uses of the Korean morpheme ±tul. In Middle Korean, -tul was an autonomous nominal form signLI\LQJµVLPLODU WKLQJV¶ Ok 2000). In Modern Korean -tul has completely lost its autonomy and is not used on its own; rather, it appears as a bound morpheme. Korean, like other Eastern Asian languages, is considered to be a classifier language. A predominent property of classifier languages is that they lack plural-marking (Allen 1980, Chierchia 1998); however, Korean poses an interesting problem for this claim since Korean appears to have an optional plural-marker: -tul UHIHUUHGWRKHUHDV³LQWULQVLF±tul´ (Kang 1994, Baek 2002, Kim 2005). Others propose that it is not a plural-marker at all, but rather a marker of information structure marking distributivity (Park 2008) or focus (Song 1975). Korean ±tul also has a second use ³H[WULQVLF±tul´ , which differs distributiRQDOO\IURP³LQWULQVLF ±tul´. Previous analyses have analyzed ³H[WULQVLF ±tul´ as an agreement marker (Kuh 1987) and a focus particle (Song 1997). My research examines the development of this morpheme over the past 100 years, and is an attempt to interpret modern day ±tul using historical data sources that are available. The specific research questions that I address in this paper are the following: 1. What does the historical data tell us about the use and development of ±tul? 2. Is ±tul really an optional plural-marker (or does it mark information structure)? 3. Are the two forms of ±tul independent morphemes with two separate functions? Park (2010) proposes that Modern Korean ±tul has grammaticalized from an autonomous noun to an inflectional morpheme. Then, subsequently, the plural-marking ±tul developed into an DJUHHPHQWPDUNHUZKHQLWZDVXVHGDV³H[WULQVLF±tul´ I propose a different developmental path for Korean ±tul. Like Park (2010), I propose that Middle Korean ±tul underwent grammaticalization from an autonomous noun to an inflectional morpheme. However, I also propose that the present-day plural-marking ±tul was originally used to mark focus on nouns that should be interpreted as plural, rather than functioning as a uniquely plural-marking morpheme. Under this approach, -tul would not have been optional, but would have only been used in certain specific contexts. I also propose that if ±tul functions like an optional plural-marker today, it is not due to the development from Middle Korean, rather, it is due to language contact. To test my proposal, I did a corpus-based study on the historical use and development of the Korean morpheme ±tul. My corpus study comprised newspaper articles which covered, approximately, a 100-year period (1924 ± 2011). I specifically looked for data on the distribution of ±tul, the number of instances of ±tul in the article, the type of nouns which ±tul attached to, as well as cases where ±tul could have been used as a plural-marker, but it was not used. What this research found was that in the earlier data, there were very few cases of ±tul. The cases which were found were limited to use with human nouns and the use of ±tul did not extend to animate non-human nouns or inanimate nouns. In the early data, ±tul did not seem to be functioning as a plural marker. Instead, -tul seemed to be functioning as a way to place emphasis or focus on the noun to which it attached. In the later data, -tul is used more frequently and its use is extended to additionally include non-human nouns, and later concept-denoting abstract nouns. If ±tul functioned as a plural-marker since Middle Korean, then we would expect to have found data in the early newspaper articles where ±tul LVXVHGVLPSO\WRH[SUHVVµPRUH WKDQRQH¶7KLVZDVQRWWKHFDVH7KLVSURYLGHVHYLGHQFHWKDW±tul did not simply grammaticalize from a plural-marker in Middle Korean, rather, Modern ±tul seems to have developed instead from an Early Modern Korean focus marker. My presentation will focus on the corpus data I have analyzed as well as the implications for the modern-day uses of ±tul.

References Allan, K. (1980). Nouns and countability. Language 56: 541-67.

Baek, M.-H. (2002). Handkwuke pokswu uymi yenkwa. [A study on Korean plural senses.] Discourse and Recognition. 9(2): 59-78.

Chierchia, G. (1998). Reference to kinds across languages. Natural Language Semantics 6:339- 405.

Kang, B.-M. (1994). Plurality and other semantic aspects of common nouns in Korean. Journal of East Asian Linguistics 3: 1-24.

Kim, C.-H. (2005). The Korean plural marker tul and its implications. PhD Dissertation (University of Delaware).

Kuh, H. (1987). Plural copying in Korean. In S. Kuno et al. (eds.) Harvard Studies in Korean Linguistics II, 239-250.

Ok, J. (2000). Hyentaykwuke pokswuphyoci tul yenkwu [A study on the plurality marker in Modern Korean]. MA Thesis. Ajou University.

Park, S. (2010). Grammaticalization of plurality marker tul. Seoul I nt er national Conference on Linguistics.

Park, S.-Y. (2008). Plural marking in classifier languages: a case study of the so-called plural marking ±tul in Korean. Toronto Working Papers in Linguistics 28, 281-295.

Song, J.-J. (1997). The so-called plural copy in Korean as a marker of distribution and focus. Journal of Pragmatics 27, 203-224.

Song, S.-C. (1975). Rare plural marking and ubiquitous plural marker in Korean. Papers for the Eleventh Regional Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society, 536-546.

Who has more? Second-language processing of mass-count nouns Danica MacDonald and Susanne Carroll, University of Calgary

Several theories of grammar view grammatical knowledge as formal features which combine to form grammatical categories. Languages differ with respect to which formal features are marked on nouns and noun phrases. Consequently, a given language may present a learning problem for adult L2 acquisition if the L1 grammar and lexicon differs from the L2 with respect to these features (Lardiere 2009; Schwartz & Sprouse, 1994, 1996). If this hypothesis is accurate, we should expect significant difficulties wherever the L1 and L2 nouns differ. Our research looks at Koreans acquiring English plural-marking. 7KH ZRUOG¶V ODQJXDJHV DUH JHQHUDOO\ classified into one of two categories with respect to number: mass-count languages and classifier languages. English is a mass-count language in which count nouns are marked for number. Classifier languages, like Korean, lack the obligatory singular/plural morphology that exists in English, these languages, therefore, present an interesting testing ground for the acquisition of plural-marking. We conducted two empirical research studies. Study 1 investigated how native speakers of Korean categorize and process common nouns in their L1. This study provided baseline data for our L2 study as well as empirical data to contribute to the debate whether on all nouns in classifier languages function as mass nouns (Chierchia 1998) or not (Cheng and Sybesma 1999). Study 2 looked at how Koreans process mass-count nouns in their L2 (English). Our methodology replicates Barner and Snedeker (2005), who investigated how native speakers of English process English noun phrases using plural-marking or bare nouns as cues to meaning. Our studies tested 40 Korean participants, who were between a mid-intermediate and a near- native level of English, on their classification of Korean nouns (for the L1 study) English nouns (for the L2 study). Participants were tested on how they classify four categories of nouns: count nouns that denote objects (dog), mass nouns that denote non-solid substances (water), mass nouns that can be individuated (cattle), and mass-count flexible nouns, which are nouns that can appear with both mass and count morpho-syntax (string/strings). Participants were asked to look at 20 SLFWXUHVRIWZRµELJ¶LWHPVDQGVL[µOLWWOH¶LWHPVDQGWKH\ZHUHDVNHGWRPDNHMXGJPHQWVas to µ:KRKDVPRUHBBB"¶ (nwu-gwu te ______ka-ji-go iss-e-yo? in Korean). For the Korean study, all nouns were presented as bare nouns. For the mass-count flexible nouns in the L2 study, half RXUSDUWLFLSDQWVZHUHDVNHGWRPDNHMXGJHPHQWRQFRXQWQRXQV ³:KRKDVPRUHVWULQJV"´ and KDOIZHUHDVNHGWRMXGJHWKHPDVVQRXQ ³:KRKDVPRUHVWULQJ"´ In our presentation, we will show that in the Korean L1 study Koreans do not treat nouns occurring in bare noun contexts in the same way: they quantify by number for items that can be individuated and by volume for substances. The flexible nouns (string/strings) were ambiguous to the Korean participants. For the English L2 data, the Koreans make target-like judgements for count nouns, substance-mass nouns, and object-mass nouns. We cannot, however, conclude that they have acquired knowledge of the English plural as their judgments in their L1 are nearly identical for these three categories of nouns. The Korean participants were not, however, target- like on their judgements of the mass-count flexible nouns, ambiguous in Korean but critically cued by the plural marker in English. Analysis of the data revealed that English L1 and L2 speakers responded quite differently to this class of words, and that the results showed little correlation to the Korean speakers¶ fluency in English. We will discuss our L2 results in terms of second language acquisition theories, in particular the Representational Deficits Hypothesis (Hawkins and Chan 1997).

References

Barner, D. & J. Snedeker. (2005). Quantity judgments and individuation: Evidence that mass nouns count. Cognition, 97, 41-66.

Cheng, L. & R. Sybesma. (1999). Bare and not-so-bare nouns and the structure of NP. Linguistic Inquiry 30(4), 509-542.

Chierchia, G. (1998). PluraOLW\RIPDVVQRXQVDQGWKHQRWLRQRIµVHPDQWLFSDUDPHWHU¶Events and Grammar, 70, 53-103.

Hawkins, R. and C. Chan. (1997). The partial availability of Universal Grammar in second ODQJXDJHDFTXLVLWLRQWKHµIDLOHGIXQFWLRQDOIHDWXUHVK\SRWKHVLV¶Second L anguage Resear ch 9, 189-233.

Lardiere, D. (2009). Some thoughts on the contrastive analysis of features in second language acquisition. Second Language Research 25, 173-227.

Schwartz, B. D., & R. Sprouse. (1994). Word order and nominative case in nonnative language acquisition: A longitudinal study of German interlanguage. In T. Hoekstra and B. D. Schwartz (eds.), Language acquisition studies in generative grammar. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 317-368.

Schwartz, B. D., & R. Sprouse. (1996). L2 cognitive states and the full transfer/full access model. Second Language Research, 12: 40-72

Intonation patterns of yes-no questions in L2 Spanish speak er s Olivia Marasco University of Toronto

English broad focus statements and yes-no (Y/N) questions differ not only in their intonation pattern but also in their word order. In Spanish, however, the only difference between these two types of utterances is the intonation pattern. The word order and number of words is exactly the same: (1) Rompi ó l a mesa del comedor . (2) ¿Rompi ó l a mesa del comedor ? (He broke the dining room table.) (Did he break the dining room table?)

English speakers acquiring Spanish have to learn that in their L2 they rely solely on intonation patterns to distinguish these two types of utterances. While Y/N questions in both languages make use of a final rising tone, other features differ, in some cases, quite significantly. The specific focus of this project is pre-nuclear pitch accents and, in particular, the first rise of the utterance. In Y/N questions, English and Spanish pre-nuclear pitch accents are quite similar (alternating between low or low-high tones) but the two languages differ in height. Spanish pre- nuclear peaks are considerably higher than their respective declarative forms (English: Pierrehumbert, 1980; Bartels, 1999; Spani sh: Sosa, 1999; Hualde, 2005). The current study considers L1 English speakers with a high-intermediate or advanced proficiency in Spanish. The research questions guiding this project are: 1) can L2 Spanish speakers with L1 English achieve target-like Y/N question intonation? and 2) what does the difference between intermediate and advanced L2 speakers, if any, tell us about the acquisition of intonation patterns? Five female participants, 3 advanced and 2 intermediate, were asked to play a game similar to the popular 80s game Guess Who. Each player selected a card from a pile containing five cartoon images. The goal of the game was to guess the other player's card. The rule of the game is that only questions requiring a yes or a no can be asked. Each participant played three games and all the interactions were recorded. The sound files were analyzed in PRAAT and the following measurements were taken: a) pre-nuclear peak: height (in hertz) and alignment with respect to the stressed syllable, and b) final boundary tone: falling or rising. The L2 production of the pre-nuclear peak was expected to be different from native Spanish speaker production but the two proficiency levels were expected to show some difference. Furthermore, the final boundary tone in all participants' target-language production was expected to be a clear rising pattern. As expected, both intermediate and advanced speakers continued to use a rising final boundary tone in their target language productions. The pre-nuclear peak production in both Y/N questions and statements of each L2 speaker, however, was not targetlike as there was no difference between the two types of utterances (i.e. pre-nuclear peaks in Y/N questions and statements were almost identical). Furthermore, no difference was observed between the two proficiency levels. The results here suggest that intonation patterns, even at an advanced proficiency level, prove to be difficult to implement in the target language. The data suggests that in cases where multiple cues carry the same information (i.e. higher peak and final rise), L2 speakers will implement one (final rise) in order to get the message across. While production data shows a clear difference between native and L2 Spanish production, further research is needed in order to understand how much of a role perception plays in the production and, consequently, the acquisition of L2 intonation. References

Bartels, C. (1999). The Intonation of English Statements and Questions. New York: Garland Publishing Inc. Hualde, J. I. (2005). The sounds of Spanish. Cambridge, M.A., Cambridge University Press. Pierrehumbert, J. (1980). The Phonology and Phonetics of English intonation (Doctoral dissertation). MIT, Cambridge, MA. Sosa, J. M. (1999). La entonación del español: su estructura fónica, variabilidad y dialectología. Madrid: Cátedra.

The effects of /s/-aspiration on adjacent vowels in Cuban Spanish Irina Marinescu McMaster University

The /s/-aspiration and deletion in Spanish varieties is a well-documented phenomenon and has been studied from various theoretical and experimental stances, e.g. phonological (Lipski, 1986), sociolinguistic (Terrell, 1979), language variation and change (Moreno Fernández, 2004) and phonetic (Widdison, 1997). The present study contributes to this research corpus a phonetic analysis focusing on the effects of /s/-aspiration on the quality of adjacent vowel in Cuban Spanish. Based on acoustic comparisons of vowels in contexts with and without /s/-aspiration in two speech styles, the present study tests the hypothesis that the /s/-aspiration in coda word-internally causes a more open phonetic realization of the previous vowel as compared to vowels in contexts with no /s/-aspiration. Empirical observations on the Andalusian Spanish (Penny, 2000) suggest that /s/- aspiration and deletion in coda and word final position causes stressed and final vowels to be realized as more open than in the standard Peninsular dialect. Moreover, cross-dialectal differences between vowels reported by Chládková et al. (2011) for Peruvian versus Peninsular Spanish are more pronounced and affecting more vowels in /s/-context as compared to other contexts (/p, t, k, f/), further supporting the idea that the presence versus absence of /s/- aspiration and deletion plays an active role in the phonetic realization of adjacent sounds. Ten speakers (5 men, 5 women) from Santa Clara, Cuba performed three tasks tapping into different speech styles, namely a word list reading task and a picture description task. The 90-word list consisted of triads like pipa Ȯ chispa Ȯ chispazo, reto Ȯ resto Ȯ restar, boca Ȯ mosca Ȯ moscón, in which each of the Spanish /i, e, a, o, u/ appeared next to /p, t, k/ or /sp, st, sk/ and, for the latter, in two stress conditions (stressed, unstressed). Each word was embedded in a carrier phrase and was produced in two rounds. For the picture description task, participants were shown ten illustrations from The Red Riding Hood, which they had to describe in detail. The stimuli were extracted and formants, vowel durations and vowel+/s/ durations were measured. The analysis consisted of comparisons of vowel distributions obtained in three conditions: (1) vowels in open (CV) versus close syllables (CVs), (2) stressed versus unstressed (pretonic) vowels in CVs syllables, and (3) vowels in the presence of aspirated [CVh] versus unaspirated /s/ [CVs] obtained from two different speech styles (citation versus semi- spontaneous). The preliminary analysis of the male speakersȂ vowels in collapsed consonant contexts shows a more expanded vowel space for vowels produced in open syllables than in CVs syllables, except for /a/, and for stressed CVs syllables as compared to unstressed CVs syllables. The presence versus the absence of /s/-aspiration affects the vowel quality not by a more open but rather by a more centralized realization of vowels. Interestingly, /e, o/ appear to be the most resistant to aspiration effects, contrary to previous reports on other dialects with aspiration. We conclude that /s/-aspiration does influence adjacent vowels and that, in order to quantify their phonetic realization, factors like the speech style, dialect, phonotactics, and speaker variables need to be taken into account.

References Chládková, K., Escudero, P., & Boersma, P. (2011). Context-specific acoustic differences between Peruvian and Iberian Spanish vowels. Journal of the Acoustical Society of America, 130 (1), 416-428. Lipski, J. M. (1986). Reduction of Spanish Word-final /s/ and /n/. Canadian Journal of Linguistics, 31 (2), 138-155 Moreno Fernández, F. (2004). Cambios vivos en el plano fónico del español: variación dialectal y sociolingüística. In R. Cano Aguilar (Ed) Historia de la lengua española. (pp. 973-1004) Barcelona: Ariel Penny, R. (2000). Grámatica histórica del español. Barcelona: Ariel. Terrell, T. D. (1979). Final /s/ in Cuban Spanish. Hispania, 62, 599-612. Widdison, K.A. (1997). Phonetic explanations for sibilant patterns in Spanish. Lingua, 102, 253-264. Child Heritage Language Acquisition of the Spanish Present Perfect in Quebec Joanne Markle LaMontagne University of Toronto

Though Spanish and French share a similar historical evolution, Spanish maintains a structural and interpretational distinction between the Present Perfect (Perfect) and Simple Past tenses (Rojo 1990; Rojo & Veiga 1999), whereas modern spoken French does not. The Spanish Perfect, which expresses anteriority and introduces a time span whose right boundary extends to the time of speech (Iatridou 2003; Iatridou et al. 2003), and Preterit, which expresses anteriority to the moment of speech, encode all of the semantic features found in the single French Passé Composé tense, as in (1). The Spanish Perfect is infelicitous with many past-oriented adverbs, as in (2), whereas the Preterit is not, as in (3). (1) La fille a mangé des frites hier. (“The girl ate fries yesterday.”) (2) *La niña ha comido papas fritas ayer. (“The girl has ate fries yesterday.”) (3) La niña comió papas fritas ayer. (“The girl ate fries yesterday.”) Given that these tenses emerge early in monolingual children and that Spanish and French Perfects share the same form (i.e., auxiliary haber/avoir (‘to have’) + past participle), is there morpho-semantic transfer from the semantically-broad French Passé Composé to the semantically-specific Spanish Perfect in Spanish-French bilingual children? Evidence from a Quechua-Spanish child bilingual population suggests that transfer causes a reinterpretation of semantic features in a functional node (Tense) (Sánchez 2004). Due to form similarity between the Spanish Present Perfect and French Passé Composé, I hypothesize that Spanish heritage children immersed in a Francophone community will overextend the use of the Present Perfect to contexts where the Preterit is obligatory. Thus, Spanish heritage children will exhibit a loss of sensitivity to the Present Perfect/Preterit contrast due to influence from French. Ten heritage Spanish children between the ages of 4;0 and 5;08 (mean age 4;11, S.D. 9.29) were tested in Gatineau, Quebec. In order to investigate the emergence and use of the Spanish Present Perfect vs. Simple Past distinction, children completed two experimental tasks. The first task included a contextualized sentence repair task (Cournane 2011) in which Kermit the Frog described a situation under noisy conditions and the children were then asked to clarify what Kermit said. The second task consisted of a contextualized sentence preference task (adapted from Pirvulescu & Belzil 2008) in which the children were invited to say which parrot said the utterance best given the context and then answer a follow-up question. A control group of 17 Spanish- monolingual children aged 3;08 to 6;06 (mean age 5;07, S.D. 10.87) were recruited from and tested in Mexico City. Preliminary results from the sentence repair task suggest that bilingual children’s use of the Perfect is scarce in both the Perfect and Preterit conditions. The Present tense appears in both conditions, but is more prominent in the Perfect. Differences in distribution across response types is very significant (chisquare test: chi=88.5372, df=2, p<.000). In the elicited production portion of the sentence preference task, preliminary results suggest that bilingual children produce slightly more Perfects in the Preterit condition than in the Perfect condition, but more Preterits in the Preterit condition than in the Perfect. Again, the default Present tense appears in both conditions and is slightly more prominent in the Perfect. Differences in distribution across response types is significant (chisquare test: chi=9.1453, df=2, p<.05). Though the data does not support the overgeneralization hypothesis, it indicates that bilingual children discriminate between tenses and are sensitive to the fact that Perfect scenarios involve reference to the time of speech. This may also suggest that bilingual children have not yet developed the structure or knowledge of the Perfect. It is also possible that the bilingual children I tested were too fluent in Spanish and that dialectal variation is a factor. Older children will be tested in the future in order to determine whether age is also a factor.

References Cournane, A. (2011). Experimenting with innovation in the domain of modality. Ms. University of Toronto. Iatridou, S. (2003). A little bit more on the English perfect. In A. Alexiadou, M. Rathert & A. von Stechow (Eds.), Perfect Explorations, (pp. 133-152). Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Iatridou, S., Anagnostopoulou, E. & Pancheva, R. (2003). Observations about the form and meaning of the perfect. In A. Alexiadou, M. Rathert & A. von Stechow (Eds.), Perfect Explorations, (pp. 153-204). Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Pirvulescu, M., & Belzil, I. (2008). The acquisition of the past participle agreement in Québec French L1. Language Acquisition, 15(2): 75-88. Rojo, G. (1990). Relaciones entre temporalidad y aspecto en el verbo español. In I. Bosque (Ed.), Tiempo y aspecto en español (pp. 17-41). Madrid: Cátedra. Rojo, G., & Veiga, A. (1999). El tiempo verbal: Los tiempos simples. In I. Bosque & V. Demonte (Eds.), Gramática descriptiva de la lengua española (Vol. 2, pp. 2867-2934). Madrid: Espasa Calpe. Sánchez, L. (2004). Functional Convergence in the Tense, Evidentiality and Aspectual Systems of Quechua-Spanish Bilinguals. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition 7(2), 147-162.

Double and Single ‘be’ Constructions in Spoken English Diane Massam, University of Toronto It has been observed that there are uses of the verb ‘be’ in speech that do not form part of the standard or prescriptive language, indeed, they are considered by some as performance errors. Examples include constructions that have been termed ‘double be’ or ‘free be’ (McConvell 2004) (or ‘extris’ and ‘singlis’ Zwicky, 2006), as exemplified in (1) and (2). (1) The thing is, is he’s a really nice guy. (2) My kids are great on vacation but when they come home is, they really need to play. There has been a fair amount of discussion of these constructions, notably on websites about language (e.g. Language Log, Linguist List) but few formal treatments have been proposed. In this paper I present a descriptive catalogue of five non-canonical uses of ‘be’ found in spoken English, and based on their varying characteristics I develop three different structural analyses for them. I argue that these constructions stem from a range of more familiar cleft constructions (Zwicky 2006), but they follow familiar cross-linguistic processes of grammaticalization and cleft reduction (Roberts and Roussou 2003, Tailleur 2012, Coppock and Staum 2004). In closing I address why the structures arise in speech rather than in writing (Calude 2008), and relate them to other left-peripheral register or style dependent constructions such as determiner-drop (e.g. Haegeman 1987, Stowell 1996, Weir 2012). Using collected data, published examples, and data from corpora, I categorize four types of free be (in addition to double be as in (1)). The first type (3) appears to consist of mixed clauses or amalgams (Brenier and Michaelis 2005, Ross-Hagebaum 2004, Tuggy 1996,), which can be classed as unintegrated demonstrative clefts (Calude 2008) where the value of the demonstrative that is filled by the final clause. I posit a relative clause structure here, with a null operator- bound trace as subject of ‘be’ (cf. presentational constructions (Lambrecht 1988)). (3) That’s the other thing I wanted to say about this, is that we never have agreed to the conditions. The second type (4), related to (3), includes cases where there is copular verb and a value, but no demonstrative cleft set-up, but there is nonetheless a potential th-type of set-up word (underlined) for the null subject of ‘be’, which can be either the subject (4a) or the object (4b) of a preceding clause (McConvell 1988). Here too, a null operator bound subject can be posited. (4) a. I think we have to do this, at least logically, is we have to go back to the way it was. b. A couple of things are interesting, is they say that people aren’t going to buy generators even though they all claim they’re going to.... The third type (5), are formed from reduced wh-clefts, and can be analyzed as constructions in (1), i.e. as reduced clefts, as in Massam (1999). but where the first verb is not ‘be’. (5) She was telling me, is they have to eat with the kids. Finally, for the fourth type, shown above in (2), I argue that ‘be’ here is serving as the head of a functional Focus phrase, no longer projecting its usual argument structure (“XP is YP”). In this case, English, as many other languages (e.g. Yoruba, Chinese), is seen to have developed a copular focus marker, possibly restricted to indicating focused clauses, rather than DPs. There are thus three structures posited for the five constructions discussed here: relative clauses, reduced wh-clefts, and reanalysis of ‘be’ as a focus marker. All three involve cleft constructions, which have been noted by Calude (2008) to be extremely common in spoken language, and all three involve erosion of left peripheral items, which has been noted to be a factor in other cases of register-based variation (Weir 2012), language change (Tailleur 2012), and grammaticalization (Coppock and Staum 2004).

References

Brenier, Jason and Laura Michaelis. 2005. Optimization via Syntactic Amalgam: Syntax- Prosody Mismatch and Copula Doubling. Corpus Linguistics and Linguistic Theory 1: 45-88.

Calude, Andreea, 2008. Demonstrative Clefts and Double Cleft Constructions in Spontaneous Spoken English. Studia Linguistica 62.1 78-118.

Coppock, Elizabeth, and Laura Staum. 2004. Origin of the English Double-is Construction. Ms. Stanford University.

Haegeman, Liliane. 1987. Register Variation in English: Some Theoretical Observations. JEngl 20.2 230-248.

Lambrecht, Knud. 1988. There was a farmer had a dog: syntactic amalgams revisited. In S. Axmaker et al. (eds.) Proceedings of the Fourteenth Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society, 319-339.

Massam, Diane. 1999. Thing-is Constructions: the thing is, is what’s the right analysis? English Language and Linguistics 3.2.335-52.

McConvell, Patrick. 1988. To be or double be? Current changes in the English copula. Australian Journal of Linguistics 8:287-305.

McConvell, Patrick. 2004. Catastrophic change in current English: Emergent Couble be’s and Free-be’s. Presented at Australian National University. http://ldc.upenn/myl/anubbppt3.pdf.

Roberts, Ian and Anna Roussou. 2003. Syntactic Change: A Minimalist Approach to Grammaticalization. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Ross-Hagebaum, Sebastien. 2005. The That’s X is Y Construction as an Information-structure Amalgam. Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society 403-414.

Stowell, Tim. 1996. Empty Heads in Abbreviated English. Ms. UCLA.

Tailleur, Sandrine. 2012. The French Wh Interrogative System: Est-ce que, clefting? Doctoral dissertation, University of Toronto.

Tuggy, David. 1996. The thing is is that people talk that way. In Eugene Casad (ed.) Cognitive linguistics in the redwoods: The expansion of a new paradigm in linguistics Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. pp. 713-52.

Weir, Andrew. 2012. Article Drop in Headlinese. Ms. University of Massachusetts, Amherst.

Zwicky, Arnold. 2006. Extris Extris. Ms. Stanford University. July 2006 Plurals versus pluratives ! Éric Mathieu

The aim of this paper is to argue that, whereas plurals are potentially weakly referential, i.e. semantically unmarked (Sauerland, 2003, Sauerland et al., 2005, Spector, 2007, Zweig, 2009, Bale et al., 2011), pluratives are not. Instead, pluratives are strongly referential: i.e. they only refer to sums. Pluratives are the plurals of singulatives and appear to function very differently from plurals in languages such as English or French. I make the following claims: i) collectives in singulative systems are weakly referential and, following many researchers before me (Fleisch, 1990, Ojeda, 1992, Zabbal, 2002, Acquaviva, 2008)), I propose that they denote kinds (in the sense of Carlson, 1977); ii) the singulative is in complementary distribution with the classifying plural: it is a dividing head (see also Zabbal, 2002, Fassi Fehri, 2003, Borer and Ouwayda, 2010, Mathieu, 2012); iii) the plural of a singulative, i.e. the plurative, is not weakly referential, but strongly referential in that it refers only to a sum of individuals (it cannot refer to singulars); iv) the singulative is semantically and morphologically marked and so is its plural, which means competition models might not easily account for the singulative and its plural in terms of semantic markedness. I argue that in Arabic there are three distinct positions for the plural: n (lexical plurals, Acquaviva, 2008, Lowenstamm, 2008, Kramer, 2012), Div0 (classifying plural, Borer 2005) in which case plural nominal are weakly referential and #0 (counting plural) in which case plural nominals are strongly referential. The category #0 is of course Borer’s #0 but what I argue is, while cardinals are in the specifier of that head (Borer 2005, Borer and Ouweyda 2010), the counting plural is generated under the head #0. This is in spirit of Borer and Ouweyda’s (2010) analysis of the plural of singulatives in Arabic, but my proposal is different not only in its technical details, but also in the overall thesis. While Borer and Ouwayda (2010) want to show/argue that the plural of singulatives is not a real plural (on their view, it is a simple agreement marker) and that there is only one plural, namely the classifying plural under Div0, I argue/show explicitly that there are two distinct plurals, with different functions: one classifying, the other counting. I will show that the plurative is not an agreement marker. Acquaviva, Paolo. 2008. Lexical Plurals: A Morphosemantic Approach. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Bale, Alan , Gagnon, Michael , and Khanjian, Hrayr. 2011. On the relationship between morphological and semantic markedness: The case of plural morphology. Morphology 21:197-221. Borer, Hagit, and Ouwayda, Sarah. 2010. Men and their apples: Dividing plural and agreement plural. In GLOW in Asia VIII. Beijing Language and Culture University. Carlson, Gregory N. 1977. Reference to Kinds in English, Department of Linguistics, University of Massachussetts, Amherst: Ph.D. Dissertation. Fassi Fehri, Abdelkader. 2003. Nominal Classes and Parameters across Interfaces and Levels, with a particular reference to Arabic. In Linguistic Research. Rabat: IERA Publications. Fleisch, Henri. 1990. Traité de philologie arabe: Two volumes. Second edition. Beirut: dar le-Machreq. Kramer, Ruth. 2012. A split analysis of plurality: Evidence from Amharic. In WCCFL Santa Cruz. Lowenstamm, Jean. 2008. On n, nP and Ҁ. In The Sounds of Silence: Empty Elements in Syntax and Phonology, eds. Jutta Hartmann, Veronika Hegedus and Henk van Riemsdijk, 105-144. Amsterdam: Elsevier. Mathieu, Eric. 2012. Flavors of division. Linguistic Inquiry 43:650-679. Ojeda, Almerindo. 1992. The semantics of number in Arabic. In SALT II: Proceedings of the Second Conference on Semantics and Linguistic Theory, eds. Chris Barker and David Dowty, 303-325. Ohio State University. Sauerland, Uli. 2003. A new semantics for number. In Proceedings of semantics and linguistic theory SALT 13, eds. Rob Young and Yuping Zhou, 258-275. Cornell, Ithaca: CLC publications. Sauerland, Uli, Andersen, Jan, and Yatsushiro, Kazuko. 2005. The plural is semantically unmarked. In Linguistic envidence, eds. Stephan Kepser and Marga Reis, 413-434. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Spector, Benjamin. 2007. Aspects of the pragmatics of plural morphology: On higher-order implicatures. In Presuppositions and implicatures in compositional semantics, eds. Uli Sauerland and Penka Stateva, 243-281. Houndmills: Palgrave- Macmillan. Zabbal, Youri. 2002. The semantics of number in the Arabic noun phrase, University of Calgary. Zweig, Eytan. 2009. Number-neutral bare plurals and the multiplicity implicature. Linguistics and Philosophy 32:353-407. Plurals versus pluratives !

Using Technology to Bridge Gaps between Speakers, Learners, and Linguists Elise McClay1, Erin Olson1, Carol Little1, Hisako Noguchi2, Alan Bale2, Jessica Coon1, and Gina Cook3, 1 McGill University, 2Concordia University,3 iLanguage Lab

(Special Session: Reclaiming Canada’s Indigenous Languages)

LingSync is a free and opensource database application developed by Montreal linguists and programmers in collaboration with the Mi'gmaw community of Listuguj, Québec. This application allows researchers and community members to collectively build a secure online/offline searchable database with semiautomated segmentation and glossing. A sister application, Learn [Mi’gmaq], enables language learners to build their own lessons from the database. These tools embrace new technologies to help researchers, speakers, and learners document and promote indigenous languages. One key challenge in learning an indigenous language is a lack of publiclyavailable learning materials (noted in Sarkar & Metallic 2009). Linguists have long been studying indigenous languages, collecting data from speakers and storing it for analysis. Such datasets, however, often remain within the academic community despite containing ample information relevant for learners (McIvor 2005). Montreal-based linguists and programmers developed a Mi’gmaq database in conjunction with teachers from the Listuguj Education Directorate. The goal is to share linguists' data with those most directly involved in revitalization: teachers and learners (Rice 2009). The new database application (LingSync) enables language teachers and learners to access and build linguistic data, singling out information fitting particular learning goals (e.g. negation, thematic vocabulary sets, conjugation). This collaboration is also creating a mobile application (Learn [Mi’gmaq]) equipping users to access data from LingSync organized as lessons. They would have the additional options of tailormaking and recording language lessons with the native speakers in their lives (as in Hinton 2002), and sharing progress via social media.

References:

Hinton, Leanne, Matt Vera, and Nancy Steele. 2002. How to keep your language alive: A commonsense approach to oneonone language learning. Berkeley, CA: Heyday Books. McIvor, Ofelia. 2005. Building the Nests: Indigenous Language Revitalization in Canada Through Early Childhood Immersion Programs. Master’s thesis, University of Victoria. Rice, Karen. 2009. Must there be two solitudes? Language activists and linguists working together. Indigenous Language Revitalization: Encouragement, Guidance & Lessons Learned, ed. J.A. Reyhner and L. Lockard, 3759. Flagstaff, AZ: Northern Arizona University. Sarkar, Mela and Mary Ann Metallic. 2009. Indigenizing the Structural Syllabus: The Challenge of Revitalizing Mi’gmaq in Listuguj. The Canadian Modern Language Review/La Revue canadienne des langues vivantes 66(1):49 –71 Finals in Mi’gmaq Gretchen McCulloch, McGill University

Finals are a type of morpheme found in Mi’gmaq1 and other Algonquian languages that occur at the right edge of a verb stem, before agreement and other inflectional suffixes. Minimally, finals indicate the transitivity of a verb and the animacy of its absolutive argument, but they may also have a variety of other light-verb-like and valence-changing meanings.

Animate Inanimate gaqam-i-t gaqam-i-g Intransitive stand-AI-3 stand-II-0 (1) ‘s/he stands’ ‘it stands’ qam-al-at-l qam-at-oq Transitive stand-TA-3-OBV stand-TI-3 ‘s/he stands him/her (up)’ ‘s/he stands it (up)’

Finals can influence the valency, or number of arguments that a verb can take. For example, the Mi’gmaq animate/inanimate intransitive (AI/II) final -asi2 is traditionally analyzed as a reflexive (Inglis 1986) on the basis of data such as (2).

(2) ep-a’si-t sit-REFL-3 ‘s/he sits down, seats him/herself’ (Inglis 1989:102)

However, when attached to other verbs such as ewi’g- ‘write’ in (3), -asi looks more like a passive: the agent is not speciﬁed and does not have to be the subject.

(3) a. ewi’g-asi-t b. ew’ig-as-’g write-REFL?-3 write-REFL?-0 ‘s/he is written (about)’ ‘it is written’ Context: someone wrote a biography, Not: ‘it writes itself’ doesn’t have to be an autobiography

In other cases, adding -asi to a verb causes it to have a meaning involving movement or becoming, rather than making it reﬂexive or even passive.

(4) a. mal-ie-t b. mal-a’si-t poorly-AI-3 poorly-REFL?-3 ‘s/he is lazy, slacking off’ ‘s/he’s moving lazily, not doing well’

In this paper, I present new data on -asi and other ﬁnals in Mi’gmaq and a preliminary attempt at a uniﬁed account of their meanings. References Inglis, Stephanie. 1986. The Fundamentals of Micmac Word Formation. MA Thesis. Memorial University of Newfoundland

1Mi’gmaq data are from the dialect spoken in Listuguj, QC, and are written in the Listuguj orthography. Many thanks to Janine Metallic for her time and patience. 2This morpheme also appears as -a’si, -as, -a’s, probably for phonological reasons. Reconciliation through Graduate and Undergraduate Programming in Indigenous Language Revitalization Onowa McIvor, Carmen Rodrigez de France, Aliki Marinakis, and Nick Claxton, UVic Sara Child, Kwakiutl Nation; Kendra Underwood, WSÁNEĆ School Board

(Special Session: Reclaiming Canada’s Indigenous Languages)

In partnership with several Vancouver Island First nations communities, Indigenous Education, as well as several other academic units within the University of Victoria, attempts to address programming needs and wants of Indigenous communities in a variety of ways with the goal of contributing towards language revitalization. In seeking to support community initiatives and goals, the university is also seeking to continue and support a process of reconciliation between Indigenous communities and educational institutions. This poster presentation will provide an overview of language revitalization, community partnerships and land-based, experiential Indigenous Education programming offered jointly between departments within the institution, and with local communities. Models include on-campus programs and courses, summer-intensive land-based institutes, to innovative Indigenous graduate programs, to off-campus, community-based undergraduate degree programs. The presenting group will discuss goals, challenges and processes of the programs, and examine contributions to the goals of reconciliation. The poster will also address factors that have contributed to successes as well as challenges in particular programs and community partnerships, highlighting specific individual language and cultural needs and situations, and areas of growth.

1 Learning consonant harmony in artificial languages Kevin McMullin University of British Columbia – Department of Linguistics

A great deal of research in linguistics concentrates on identifying phonological patterns, but we still do not know how humans learn them. This paper focuses on the learning of one such pattern, consonant harmony, in which two consonants in a word are required to agree in some way. For example, Yaka, a language from central Africa, has a perfective suffix -ili, which attaches to a verb. However, if the verb contains a nasal consonant, then the [l] in the suffix must become a nasal [n]. The verb stem jan-a ‘cry out in pain’ becomes jan-ini rather than *jan-ili (Hansson 2010; Hyman 1995). More than 130 languages are known to have some form of consonant harmony system, each with its own set of properties. Some of these properties are more common than others, but we do not know why. One possible explanation is that it is an issue of learnability; the rare patterns are simply harder to learn, so they are less likely to ever arise in a language, let alone persist over time. Current research in linguistics and cognitive psychology has lent support to this idea by showing that some patterns involving the interaction of non-adjacent sounds are indeed more difficult to learn than others (Creel et al. 2004; Newport and Aslin 2004), particularly with respect to the relative similarity between the sounds (Gebhart et al. 2009; Moreton 2012). This generalization is mirrored in the typology of consonant harmony, as two similar consonants like [s] and [!], or [l] and [r] are much more likely to interact than two dissimilar consonants such as [m] and [k], or [s] and [b].

More specifically, this paper investigates the relationship between the typology of consonant harmony patterns with respect to locality (i.e. the distance between two dependent consonants) and how humans learn these patterns. It seems plausible that languages would be more likely to apply consonant harmony to two consonants that are relatively close together in a word, because the pattern should be easier for the learner to detect. Interestingly, however, this is only partially true. Languages appear to apply harmony either to local consonant pairs only (separated by at most one vowel) or to all cases within a word, both local and non-local, no matter the distance between them (Hansson 2010; Rose & Walker 2004). This paper reports on experimental evidence indicating that this distinction, as hypothesized, is also present in learning behaviour.

Three groups of 10 participants were exposed to an artificial language and were given the task of learning to conjugate verbs by adding one of two suffixes -su or -!i. The language contained a suffix-triggered harmony pattern such that any sibilant in the verb root was required to match the sibilant in the suffix (e.g. bugaso is conjugated as bugaso-su and buga!o-!i). The first group was exposed to roots that had sibilants only in the last syllable of the root (local harmony). Training for the second group included roots that had sibilants only in the second syllable (non-local harmony). A control group was exposed to roots that contained no sibilants at all. All subjects were then tested on the same items to determine whether they learned the alternation that they were exposed to and whether they generalized to sibilants in other positions. A statistical analysis of the results reveals that the local group learned the local pattern, but did not generalize to non-local contexts. The non-local group learned the pattern and generalized both to local contexts, and to even longer distances (i.e. root-initial sibilants).

The above results demonstrate a connection between how consonant harmony patterns look in natural languages and how humans learn them. This paper takes the results as evidence that humans have learning biases that can restrict learnability outside of purely computational limitations, and argues that these biases should be constraining both our models of learning (e.g. Hayes & Wilson 2006; Heinz 2010) and our theoretical models of phonology more generally. References

Creel, Sarah C., Elissa L. Newport, and Richard N. Aslin. (2004). Distant melodies: statistical learning of nonadjacent dependencies in tone sequences. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition 30 (5): 1119–1130. Finley, Sara. (2011). The privileged status of locality in consonant harmony. Journal of Memory and Language 65: 74–83. Finley, Sara. (2012). Testing the limits of long-distance learning: Learning beyond the three- segment window. Cognitive Science 36: 740–756. Gebhart, Andrea L., Elissa L. Newport, and Richard N. Aslin. (2009). Statistical learning of adjacent and non-adjacent dependencies among non-linguistic sounds. Psychonomic Bulletin & Review 16: 486–490. Hansson, Gunnar Ólafur. (2010). Consonant harmony: long-distance interaction in phonology. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Hayes, Bruce, and Colin Wilson. 2008. A maximum entropy model of phonotactics and phonotactic learning. Linguistic Inquiry 39: 379–440. Heinz, Jeffrey. 2010. Learning long-distance phonotactics. Linguistic Inquiry 41 (4): 623–661. Hyman, Larry M. (1995). Nasal consonant harmony at a distance: the case of Yaka. Phonology 15: 41–75. Moreton, Elliott. (2012). Inter- and intra-dimensional dependencies in implicit phonotactic learning. Journal of Memory and Language 67: 165–183. Newport, Elissa L., and Richard N. Aslin. (2004). Learning at a distance I: statistical learning of non-adjacent dependencies. Cognitive Psychology 48: 127–162. Rose, Sharon and Rachel Walker. (2004). A typology of consonant agreement as correspondence. Language 80: 475–531.

On Split Ergativity - evidence from Davani Safieh Moghaddam University of Toronto

This abstract addresses the properties of the ergative agreement system in Davani; this is a south western Iranian minority endangered language with a decreasing population (almost 120 speakers) spoken in the village of Davan, Fars, Iran. More specifically, the aim of the discussion is twofold: i) to describe and provide a structural analysis of Davani split ergativity within the Probe-Goal theory of AGREE (Chomsky 2000, 2001); ii) to explain the unexpected sources of agreement patterns in this language, and how the analysis proposed can be extended to more canonical instances of split ergativity. The ergativity of Davani is in its agreement system, showing a split along the dimension of tense. That is, the ergative alignment is reflected in the agreement system in finite clauses in the past tense, in verbal paradigms only. This is best shown by a contrast of (unaccusative) intransitive and transitive sentences in the past tense (1) vs. the present tense (2). In the past, O is cross-referenced by the same morpheme series as S in the same position (attached to the verb, 1a 1b, 1c), while A is cross-referenced by a different series in a different position (attached to the first constituent in the sentence, 1c). In the present tense, A and S are cross-referenced by the same agreement morphology, as opposed to O (2a vs 2b)

(1) Past tense (2) Present tense

a) XQDãHį-en a) una me xand-en 3pl went-3pl they prog. laugh-3pl. 'They went.' µ7KH\DUHODXJKLQJ¶ b) Hasan-R+RVH\QįRYHV-en b) una Ali me ven-en Hasan-and Hoseyn run-3pl 3pl Ali prog see-3pl 'Hasan and Hoseyn ran.' 'They see/are seeing Ali c) Hasan-o Hoseyn-e-ã a ro gel ro: NHãHN NHUGHį-en Hasan-and Hoseyn-e-3sg on on ground pull did-3pl 'He pulled Hasan and Hoseyn on the ground.' d) sev-a-ku-ãX xa. apple-a-def-3pl.cl. ate. µ7KH\DWHWKHDSSOH¶

Although Davani displays a typologically less common agreement pattern, some connections can nevertheless be established with other split ergative languages. In Davani Os FDUU\LQJIHDWXUHVUHODWHGWRµVSHFLILFLW\¶ and unaccusative subjects are collapsed into a class as they are the only arguments that agree with the verb. In order for an object in the past tense to trigger agreement, it must be [+specific], [+human] and [+ highly affected]. This is illustrated by the contrast in 1c vs. 1d µWKHDSSOH¶ODFNVWKHIHDWXUH>KXPDQ@ This talk argues that the verbal agreement in the past tense is the structural counterpart of a structural nominative case assigned by finite T WR WKH REMHFW $V WKH $ LV XQDYDLODEOH WR FKHFN WKH >Xĳ@ LQ 7 LW FDUULHV DQ LQKHUHQW HUJDWLYH FDVH an agreement relationship is established between finite T and the nominative object. However, the agreement relation iVRQO\HVWDEOLVKHGZKHQWKHREMHFWPRYHVRXWVLGHWKH937KLVH[SODLQVWKHµVSHFLILFLW\¶LQWHUSUHWDWLRQ on the object (Diesing 1992, de Hoop 1996, etc.), which is seen in other split ergative languages (Hindi, Mahajan 1989, 1992). Following Mahajan (1989), the object is assumed to move outside the VP in order to get Case. As in many other split ergative languages, structural accusative cannot be licensed inside the VP due to the absence/structural underspecification of the v head. The data from Davani also shows that there is a non- trivial correspondence between the position of a DP and the interpretation it can take. Inversion and Case assignment in the Language of Spanish Heritage Speakers Itziri Moreno-Villamar and Silvia Perpiñán

The language of heritage speakers, those that speak the family (heritage) language at home but are mostly exposed to the societal language otherwise, has been a recent area of investigation in linguistic studies (Polinsky, 1997; Montrul, 2009; Silva-Corvalán, 1991), showing divergent grammars compared to that of monolingually raised native speakers. The present study combines two related linguistic phenomena which have been proved to be selectively vulnerable to this type of population: relative clause interpretation (Polinsky, 2011) and direct object marking (Montrul & Bowles, 2009), but that have never been tested together. In most Romance languages, subject-verb inversion in relative clauses is optional, a phenomenon that was termed as ‘Stylistic Inversion’ (Styl-Inv) for French by Kayne & Pollock (1978). In this study, we wonder whether heritage speakers of Spanish, mostly exposed to English outside the home, are able to comprehend correctly sentences with inversion (1a vs. 1b), a phenomenon unavailable in English. (1) a. El hombre que observa la mujer es el jefe. (O)VS b. El hombre que la mujer observa es el jefe. (O) SV ‘The man that the woman observes is the boss’

The difficulty resides in the thematic role assignment of the arguments, a question tightly related to direct object marking (DOM) or a personal, which is regulated by a complex combination of semantic aspects such as [animacy] and [specificity]. DOM has been found to be problematic for heritage speakers (Montrul & Bowles, 2009, and in bilinguals (Zapata, Sánchez & Toribio, 2005). We hypothesized that if these speakers are not able to fully process the DOM, and are not aware of the availability in Spanish of inversion, they will interpret sentences such as (1a) as (2), since in Spanish the word order is not a reliable clue for thematic role assignment. (2) a. El hombre que observa a la mujer es el jefe. (S)VO b. El hombre que a la mujer observa es el jefe. (S)OV ‘The man that observes DOM-the woman is the boss’

20 heritage speakers with different levels of Spanish (10 intermediate and 10 advanced), and a control group of 10 monolingually raised native speakers took a background questionnaire, a standardized Spanish proficiency test, and a picture matching task (PMT). The PMT depicted reversible actions through two pictures, and participants needed to match the target sentence they listened to, with the picture that best described the action. An example of a direct object relative clause context, and a subject relative clause context are provided in (3). The target sentences (k = 24) (+ 12 distractors) consisted of subject, direct object and oblique relative clauses, with and without inversion, 4 tokens of each type (3 * 2 * 4 = 24). Results indicated that heritage speakers had problems interpreting object relative clauses with inversion as in (1a), misinterpreting the inverted subject as the object of the action around 65% of the times. Moreover, they also had problems interpreting the fronted object (2b), interpreting this direct object marked with DOM as the subject of the sentence around 50% of the times. However, they did not show problems in inverted oblique relative clauses, displaying an interaction between inversion and DOM. These results will be discussed within the debate regarding cues for sentence processing, as well as selected vulnerability in certain heritage case systems. Examples: (3)

References:

Montrul, S. (2008) Incomplete Acquisition in Bilingualism. Re-examining the Age Factor. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Montrul, S., & Bowles, M. (2009). Back to basics: Incomplete knowledge of Differential Object Marking in Spanish heritage speakers. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition, 12(3), 363–383. Polinsky, M. (1997). American Russian: Language Loss Meets Language Acquisition. In W. Browne, E. Dornisch, N. Kondrashova, & D. Zec (Eds.), Annual workshop on formal approaches to Slavic linguistics (pp. 370-406). Polinsky, M. (2011). Reanalysis in adult heritage language. Studies in Second Language Acquisition, 33(02), 305-328. Silva-Corvalán, C. (1991). Spanish language attrition in a contact situation with English. In H. W. Seliger & R. M. Vago (Eds.), First Language Attrition (pp. 151-171). New York, NY: Cambridge U Press. Zapata, G. C., Sánchez, L., & Toribio, A. J. (2005). Contact and Contracting Spanish. International Journal of Bilingualism, 9(3-4), 377–395.

ACL/CLA 2013, University of Victoria Alexandra Motut, University of Toronto

A Semantics for Object-Oriented Depictives and their Connection to Partitives This paper presents a formal semantic analysis of English depictive secondary predicates (DSPs) that accounts for the restricted combinations of primary- and secondary-predicates for object- oriented depictives (OODs; (1-a)), as opposed to subject-oriented depictives (SODs; (1-b)), whose distribution is less restricted, while also explaining a previously unnoted connection between the constraints on direct objects in DSPs, and the constraints on NP-complements in partitives. (1) a. Sarah ate [the ﬁsh]i rawi. b. Johni drove the car home drunki. Background: Pylkkanen¨ (2008) gives a complex predicate analysis of DSPs employing Geuder’s (2000) temporal overlap function, “o”, but her analysis does not account for asymmetries in the availability of OODs versus SODs, and the overlap function stipulates, rather than derives, temporal overlap. Rapoport (1999) notes the asymmetry that activity predicates, like ‘hit’, allow for SODs but not OODs (see (2-a)), but her analysis has empirical drawbacks: she predicts (2-b) to be ungrammatical, and cannot explain the contrast in (3). (2) a. Jonesi hit Smithj drunki/ j. b. John pushed [the cart]i loadedi. ∗ (3) a. John shot [the bear]i sadi. (With a b. #John shot [the bear]i sadi.(With a camera.) gun.) Analysis: I argue that OODs are introduced by a Dep head (4) which takes the secondary predicate adjective, P , the direct object (DO), x, and the primary predicate, Q, as arguments, and imposes a presupposition on Q such that for all subsituations, there is a (sub)part of the object which stands in the Q relation with that subsituation. Dep also introduces an open situation variable, s, existentially bound by a higher aspectual operator (Kratzer 1998). Situations are assumed to contain both states and events (in (4), s denotes a situation, and l is the type of situations).

(4) Dep: λP e, l,t .λx.λQe, l,t : s [s s1 x [x x Q(x )(s )]]. [P (x)(s1) Q(x)(s1)] ∀ ≤ →∃ ≤ ∧ ∧ I explain data like (2)-(3) by arguing that in the grammatical examples, the object or one of its subparts is in the Q relation for every subsituation of the situation denoted by the primary predicate; thus, Dep’s presupposition is satisfied. E.g. I argue the bear is being shot in every subsituation of (3-a), but in (3-b), it is being shot only in the final subsituation(s) since it is only part of the final subsituation(s). The analysis derives the temporal overlap stipulated in previous literature. Connection to Partitives: Since Dep employs the part-of relation, , like the part-of relation used ≤ in the semantics of partitives (5), we expect the restrictions on depictive objects to parallel the restrictions of the Partitive Constraint on partitive NPs, that ‘the NP in a partitive phrase always [denote] an individual’ (Ladusaw 1982:238), thus excluding mass nouns and bare plurals (see (6)). This is borne out: definite descriptions (including plural ones), pronouns, and proper names all host DSPs ((7)a,b,e), but mass and bare plural objects do not form grammatical depictives ((7)c-d). (Note past tense is used to exclude habitual readings, which I take to have a different semantics.) (5) [[of ]] : λxλPλy[P (y) y

Barker, Chris. 1998. Partitives, Double Genitives and Anti-Uniqueness. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, Vol. 16(4), pp. 679-717. Geuder, Wilhelm. 2000. Oriented Adverbs. Issues in the Lexical Semantics of Event Adverbs. Doctoral dissertation, Universitat Tubingen. Kratzer, Angelika. 1998. More Structural Analogies Between Pronouns and Tenses. Proceedings of SALT VIII, Devon Strolovitch and Aaron Lawson (eds.), MIT, May 1998. Ladusaw, William A. 1982. Semantic Constraints on the English Partitive Construction. In Daniel P. Flickinger, Marlys Macken, and Nancy Wiegand (eds.), Proceedings of WCCFL 1, Stand- ford Linguistics Association, Standford, pp. 231-242. Pylkkanen, Liina. 2008. Introducing Arguments. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. Rapoport, Tova R. 1999. Structure, Aspect and the Predicate. Language 75(4): 653–677. Why are Weak crossover effects so Weak? An Experimental Investigation Keir Moulton, Mathieu Dovan and Meghan Jeffrey (SFU)

Weak crossover (WCO) violations arise when a quantiﬁer undergoes A!-movement over a pronoun it binds (1a). Covert A!-movement (2a) also exhibits WCO effects (Chomsky 1976).

(1) a. ?Whoi does hisi mother love ti? (2) a. ?Hisi mother loves every boyi. b. Whoi ti loves hisi mother. b. Every boyi loves hisi mother. WCO is notoriously weak and variable (Wasow 1972), leading some to question if WCO is really ungrammatical (Pica & Snyder 1995). In fact, Hornstein (1994) and Johnson & Tomioka (1998) propose, for reasons unrelated to WCO, a syntax that predictsnoWCOviolationin(2a).They claim that objects gain scope over subjects by A-movement above its base-position. (3) [TP [vP every boyi [vP hisi mother loves ti ]]] If the subject reconstructs to its merge position, the pronoun can be bound from an A-position. We devised a technique to test the prediction experimentally. Results of a pilot rating study suggest that WCO can be ameliorated with a context that promotes the reconstruction of the subject. Design The technique capitalizes on the temporal interpretation onNPs(Enç1987)topromote subject reconstruction as in (3). Scenario #1: At lunch, a group of women were Scenario #2: At lunch, a group of women were talking about what they did for lunch. Since I talking about where they first met the men that think couples should see each other during the they later married. Since these women are all day, I was happy to learn that they went out to very reserved, I was surprised to learn that they lunch with their husband. first met their husband at a bar. (A) Every woman went out with her husband. (C) Every woman first met her husband at a bar. (B) Her husband took every woman out at lunch. (D) Her husband first met every woman at a bar. Given Scenario #1, the NP her husband can be evaluated with respect to the time at which the VP event holds, since the husband-relation holds then. We take this to indicate that the noun phrase (pronoun included) reconstructs into the VP in the WCO case, condition (B). In Scenario #2, her husband cannot be interpreted at the same time as the VP event: the husband-relation does not yet hold. As such, the subject NP is less likely to reconstruct into the VP, and it is less likely that a WCO violation in (D) is avoided. Non-WCO conditions (A, C) arenotexpectedtobesensitiveto the temporal interpretation of the NP in the same way. Pilot Rating Study Participants (N=34) read each scenario followed by one of thetwotarget sentences (A or B, and C or D). They rated the appropriateness of the target on a 7-point scale. Mean ratings are given. Results were analyzed by fitting a linear mixed-effects model with random intercepts for Participant and Item and fixed effects of WCO/non-WCO and Scenario. Non-WCO conditions were rated higher than WCO conditions (p < .03) (SE 1.21); Crucially, there was an interaction, such that ratings were higher for Scenario #1 than Scenario #2 for just WCO. (p < .05) (SE 1.74). (SD subjects 0.627; SD items 1.81). (The difference between the two non-WCO conditions was unexpected; it may be due to a typo to be corrected in a full-scale experiment.) Discussion The findings suggest that when readers are given a context thatforcesthemtointerpret the pronoun within the VP, a WCO violation is avoided, as (3) predicts. WCO effects are weak because the sentences are structurally ambiguous: it takes context to ensure that the subject is interpreted low, so as to avoid WCO.

1 References

Chomsky, Noam (1976) Conditions on rules of grammar. Linguistic Analysis 2(4): 303–351. Enç, Mürvet (1987) Anchoring Conditions for Tense. Linguistic Inquiry 18(4): 633–657. Hornstein, Norbert (1994) An Argument for Minimalism: The Case of Antecedent-Contained Deletion. Linguistic Inquiry 25(3): 455–480. Johnson, Kyle & Satoshi Tomioka (1998) Lowering and mid-sizeclauses.InProceedings of the 1997 Tubingen¨ workshop on reconstruction,GrahamKatz,Shin-SookKim,&WinhartHaike, eds., Tübingen, Germany: Sprachteoretische Grundlagen fürdieComputerLinguistik,185–206. Pica, Pierre & William Snyder (1995) Weak Crossover, Scope, and Agreement in a Minimalist Framework. In 13th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics,RaulAranovich,William Bryne, Susanne Preuss, & Martha Senturia, eds., CSLI, Cambridge University Press, 334–349. Wasow, Thomas (1972) Anaphoric Relations in English.Ph.D.thesis,MIT,Cambridge,Mas- sachusetts.

2 Brittney O’Neill University of Victoria ASCII affect: A comparison of emoticons and facial expressions in affective priming

The effects of emoticons in textual computer-mediated communication (CMC) are, as of yet, still relatively unexplored. CMC researchers (e.g. Danet, Ruedenberg-Wright & Rosenbaum-Tamari, 1997; Rezabek & Cochenour, 1998; Thompson & Foulger, 1996) have suggested that emoticons behave, in CMC, much as do facial expressions in face-to- face interaction (F2F). Some fMRI research suggests however, that there is not a direct neural correspondence between emoticons and facial expressions, but that emoticons play an important role in determining the positive or negative valence of an utterance (Yuasa, Saito, & Mukawa, 2011). Following the affective priming paradigm developed by Fazio, Sanbonmatsu, Powell, and Kardes (1986), this study explores the priming effects of emoticons vis-à-vis photographs of facial expression and emotional words on valence judgements of emotionally charged words. The participants are Canadian women between the ages of 18 and 65 (n=20). Preliminary results show that photographs of facial expressions perform in ways similar to those predicted by the work of researchers such as Aguado Garcia-Gutierrez, Castaneda, and Saugar (2007), with negative primes facilitating negative targets and positive primes facilitating positive targets. Emoticons and emotion words, however, prime positive targets more effectively than negative targets regardless the valence of the prime. This suggests that, unlike actual facial expression, emoticons (and emotional words) do not directly trigger both ends of the emotional spectrum in priming and so are not entirely analogous CMC stand-ins for nonverbal cues in F2F. Thus, the question remains: how do users convey emotion, sarcasm, and other paralinguistic material in textual CMC, and just how much are users losing in social content when they choose texting over talking?

References

Aguado, L., Garcia-Gutierrez, A., Castaneda, E. & Saugar, C. (2007). Effects of prime task on affective priming by facial expressions of emotion. The Spanish Journal of Psychology, 10(2), 209-217. Danet, B., Ruedenberg-Wright, L., & Rosenbaum-Tamari, Y. (1997). “HMMM . . . WHERE’S THAT SMOKE COMING FROM?” Writing, play and performance on Internet Relay Chat. Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication, 2 (4). Fazio, R.H., Sanbonmatsu, D.M., Powell, M.C. & Kardes, F.R. (1986). On the automatic activation of attitudes. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 50, 229– 238. Rezabek, L. L., Cochenour, J. J. (1998). Visual cues in computer-mediated communication: Supplementing text with emoticons. Journal of Visual Literacy, 18(2), 201-215. Thompson, P. A., & Foulger, D. A. (1996). Effects of pictographs and quoting on flaming in electronic mail. Computers in Human Behavior, 12, 225-243. Yuasa, M., Saito, K. & Mukawa, N. (2011). Brain activity when reading sentences and emoticons: An fMRI study of verbal and nonverbal communication. Electronics and Communications in Japan, 94(5), 17-24. O '< P ( 5 !!!"# $%& '( )( ) '( %* + ( , %)% - ." / - .% 0 1$% )( ) ' 02 2 #3 ' 43 + 2 2 43 ( 53 5! 2 2 ( 43 6 7%5 + 8 %8 9*3 :;% ;% <3 <3 2= %2 2= *> %2 7 953943943 : :94)3 943943 : :::

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% 1 % 22 * 3( ! . " 4 3( (+ # % 0' . $ !%8.# !!9$*+:*0" . # ' . %& ; 4<<4 #.!! ' !!.. ! ! % & "#. % ! #.. ' !%!! " 4<<, . " . . ! %&.' #! % 4<** # % " % 3 $ ! ; ! % & ! % & . % !# ! ! ' # $ ! !% #& % & ! . $"# !' =! %7 . ! !! #! ! ! "%6 . ! % .# #!! "#! %

!! % %5%) %#(& % " !## > 0 ?' 7! !($ # 9 @ %A 5) %# # $% $ #%&#% 5 . %&9%%B%)%3 ?%#3 ! % # C0 5 % ' !!( %'0' 5 % ") !#! 3 7?' % !"! # $ %! #(4+ (D*#4<*<% Projections étendues mixtes et nominalisation dans quelques langues océaniennes Ileana Paul, University of Western Ontario

The literature on nominalizations has long recognized the existence of different types of nominalization – for example gerunds versus derived nominals in English (Chomsky 1970 inter alia). One of the key issues in understanding nominalizations is accounting for how they can be both nominal and verbal at the same time. Borsley and Kornfilt (2000) propose that nominalizations involve “Mixed Extended Projections”: a projection that starts as verbal, but becomes nominal when a nominal functional category is introduced. This approach makes strong predictions about the internal structure of nominalizations and this paper illustrates certain problematic cases, drawing on data from a sample of Oceanic languages. As described by Moyse-Faurie (2007, 2012), Lichtenberk (2011), Foley (2012), and many others, Oceanic languages show a wide range of nominalization possibilities. In some cases, tense or aspect markers appear within the nominalization. In some cases, other verbal markers, such as negation, are possible. These languages therefore provide a rich testing- ground for the Mixed Extended Projections hypothesis. One of the predictions made by Borsley and Kornfilt is that the presence of verbal functional projections should correlate with the licensing of arguments. In particular, if the external argument is licensed by a high verbal functional projection (e.g. T), then we expect the presence of tense in a nominalization to license external arguments, much as in a sentence. Moreover, the internal argument should also be licensed, as the existence of T guarantees the existence of vP (the locus for accusative case). In Xârâcùù, however, tense and aspect markers are present in nominalizations, but external arguments are realized as possessors. An internal argument is realized as a possessor if it is the sole argument (Moyse- Faurie 2012: (32c,d)):

(1) a. kèè-xwèrii [rè nâ]A [mwâ]O PRÉF-vouloir POSS 1SG maison ‘my desire for a house’

b. kèè-xwèrii [rè mwâ]O PRÉF-vouloir POSS maison ‘the desire for a house’

Similarly in Samoan and Tongan, both ergative languages, the internal argument can be realized as a possessor, despite the presence of ergative case for the external argument (Chung 1973:664). The following example is from Samoan.

(2) e lelei le kukaina [e Sali]A [o le i’a]O ART cook ERG Sali POSS ART fish ‘Sally’s cooking of the fish is good.’

The lack of tense inside nominalizations in Samoan (and Tongan) might lead one to propose an analysis where there is no T projection. Nevertheless the fact that the external argument is realized with verbal case (ergative), while the internal argument is realized with nominal case (possessive) is unexpected under the Mixed Extended Projections approach. Note that this type of nominalization is not rare, and is discussed in detail by Koptjevskaja-Tamm (1993). In sum, data from Oceanic indicate that the Mixed Extended Projections hypothesis must be modified to explain the full range of argument realization inside nominalizations.

References Borsley, Robert, and Jaklin Kornfilt. 2000. Mixed extended projections. Syntax and semantics 32: The nature and function of syntactic categories, 101-131. New York: Academic Press. Chomsky, Noam. 1970. Remarks on nominalization. In Readings in English Transformational Grammar, eds. R Jacobs and P. Rosenbaum, 184-221. Waltham, MA: Ginn. Chung, Sandy. 1973. The syntax of nominalization in Polynesian languages. Oceanic linguistics 12:641-686. Foley, William. 2012. A comparative look at nominalizations in Austronesian. Paper presented at ICAL 12, Udayana University, Indonesia. Koptjevskaja-Tamm, Masha. 1993. Nominalizations. London: Routledge. Lichtenberk, Frantisek. 2011. Nominalizations in Toqabaqita and closely related languages. In Nominalization in Asian languages, ed. Fong Ha Yap, Karen Grunow-Hårsta, Janick Wrona, 685-719. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Moyse-Faurie, Claire. 2007. Les formes nominalisées du verbe dans quelques langues océaniennes. Faits de langue 30 : 97-116. Moyse-Faurie, Claire. 2012. Aspect-tense markers in Oceanic nominalized constructions. Paper presented at ICAL 12, Udayana University, Indonesia. Représentation onomasiologique des actes illocutoires conversationnels par la métalangue sémantique naturelle

par Geneviève Pinard-Prévost Université de Sherbrooke

1. Sujet de la recherche La conversation familière, où les participants « développent volontiers des discours sur eux- mêmes (...) [dans] des échanges à bâtons rompus » (Traverso 2007 : 85) « marque l'apogée de l'attention spontanée que les hommes se prêtent réciproquement et par laquelle ils s'entre- pénètrent avec infiniment plus de profondeur qu'en aucun rapport social » (Tarde 1901 : 49). Nous nous intéressons donc à la conversation familière en tant qu'outil privilégié des relations interpersonnelles, pour l'enseignement aux néo-Québécois de la compétence co-culturelle (Puren 2009) en langue seconde (L2), puisque « tout le poids de l'incompréhension reposerait sur elle » (Berrier 2003 : 30). Or « l'unité minimale de la communication humaine est (...) l'acte illocutoire » (Searle et Vanderveken 2005 : 109). Ainsi, notre objet de recherche concerne plus précisément les actes illocutoires (Austin 1962, Searle 1969) de la conversation familière (Kerbrat-Orecchioni 2001; Béal 2010) dans leur séquentialité et leur multimodalité (Mondada 2004). L'objectif de notre recherche est d'en proposer une description intelligible pour des apprenants de L2, par des « activités métalinguistiques et métacognitives » (Chini 2008 : 16). 2. Contexte de la recherche Pour y parvenir, nous avons recensé les actes illocutoires dans le Corpus de français parlé au Québec (CFPQ), puis analysé la force illocutoire de certains d'entre eux (Searle et Vanderveken 2005 : 120-125). Ensuite, à l'aide de la métalangue sémantique naturelle (MSN) développée depuis 1965 par Wierzbicka (1993, 2006) et quelque 50 collaborateurs, nous en proposons une organisation paradigmatique et une représentation onomasiologique (Galisson 1991, Dirven et Verspoor 2004 : 26). Ainsi, les 63 universaux du lexiques de la MSN (Goddard 2011 : 66), attestés empiriquement dans plus de 30 langues (Goddard et Wierzbicka 1994, 2002), permettent d'en faire une description inter-traduisible et non ethnocentrée, accessible en L2. 3. Premiers résultats Nous présentons un extrait du paradigme primitif dire couplé au but illocutoire pour faire savoir, où la mise en rapport des concepts universaux de vérité, de volition et de ressenti permettent l'exploration de sept actes illocutoires distincts (faire un lapsus, informer, mentir, se tromper, avouer, annoncer une bonne / mauvaise nouvelle). Nous raffinons davantage la description de l'acte illocutoire avouer, pour en cerner les réalisations concrètes dans le CFPQ. Enfin, nous ouvrons une parenthèse à propos de la polysémie des verbes d'actes illocutoires (Wierzbicka 1987) : par exemple, en conversation familière, le verbe avouer peut servir à produire non seulement un acte illocutoire d'aveu (J'avoue que j'ai pensé / dit / fait X) mais également celui d'une approbation (Ouais ben, j'avoue que [tu as raison] ... - CFPQ s-c 14). 4. Conclusion En écho à la proposition de Chini, notre modèle paradigmatique et onomasiologique des actes illocutoires conversationnels cherche à « appréhender l'activité cognitive de construction des représentations [en articulant] l'universalité du langage et la singularité des langues » (Chini 2008 : 16). Ainsi, à partir d'une représentation métalinguistique d'un acte illocutoire en L1, un apprenant peut découvrir un acte correspondant en L2 ou, s'il n'existe pas, choisir parmi d'autres, au sens proche, en prenant conscience des différences sémantiques entre sa L1 et la L2 acquise. Références bibliographiques

AUSTIN, J.L. (1962). How to do things with Words, Cambridge : Harvard University Press. BÉAL, C. (2010). Les interactions quotidiennes en français et en anglais : De l'approche comparative à l'analyse des situations interculturelles, Berne : Peter Lang. BERRIER, A. (2003). Conversations francophones : À la recherche d'une communication interculturelle, Paris : L'Harmattan. CFPQ (2006-). Corpus de français parlé au Québec, sous la direction de Gaétane DOSTIE, [En ligne] http://recherche.flsh.usherbrooke.ca/ cfpq/index.php/site/index CHINI, D. (2008). « Approche actionnelle, plurilinguisme et conceptualisation linguistique », dans CHINI, D. et P. GOUTÉRAUX (dir.), Psycholinguistique et didactique des langues étrangères, Travaux du GEPED en hommage à Danielle Bailly, Paris : Ophrys. DIRVEN, R. et M. VERSPOOR (dir.) (2004). Cognitive exploration of language and linguistics, Amsterdam / Philadelphie : John Benjamins. GALISSON, R. (1991). De la langue à la culture par les mots, Collection Didactique des langues étrangères, Paris : CLE International. GODDARD, C. (2011). Semantic Analysis : A Practical Introduction, New York : Oxford University Press. GODDARD, C. et A. WIEZBICKA (dir.) (1994). Semantic and Lexical Universals, Amsterdam / Philadelphie : John Benjamins. GODDARD, C. et A. WIERZBICKA (dir.) (2002). Meaning and Universal Grammar : Theory and Empirical Findings, Amsterdam : Benjamins. KERBRAT-ORECCHIONI, C. (2001). Les actes de langage dans le discours : Théorie et fonctionnement, Paris : Nathan. MONDADA, L. (2004). « Temporalité, séquentialité et multimodalité au fondement de l'organisation de l'interaction », dans Les modèles du discours face au concept d'action, Cahiers de Linguistique Française, n°26, Genève. PUREN, C. (2009). « Variations sur le thème social en didactique des langues-cultures étrangères », version longue d'un article paru dans ROSEN, É. (dir.) (2009). La perspective actionnelle et l'approche par les tâches en classe de langue, Paris : CLE international-FIPF, pp. 154-167, [En ligne] http://www.christianpuren.com/mes- travaux-liste-et-liens/2009b/ SEARLE, J.R. (1969). Speech Acts : An Essay in the Philosophy of Language, Cambridge : Cambridge University Press. SEARLE, J.R. et D. VANDERVEKEN (2005). « Speech acts and illocutionary logic », dans VANDERVEKEN et al., Logic, thought and action, Dordrecht : Springer. TARDE, G. (1901). L'opinion et la foule, Paris : PUF, [En ligne] http://classiques.uqac.ca/ classiques/tarde_gabriel/opinion_et_la_foule/opinion_et_foule.html TRAVERSO, V. ( 2007). L'analyse des conversation, Paris : Armand Colin. WIERZBICKA, A. (1987). English speech act verbs : a semantic dictionary, Londres : Academic Press. WIERZBICKA, A. (1993). « La quête des primitifs sémantiques : 1965-1992 », Langue française, n°98. WIERZBICKA, A. (2006). English : Meaning and Culture, New York : Oxford University Press. Adaptation à l’accent français européen par une comédienne québécoise : changements acoustiques des voyelles et perception des accents québécois et hexagonal

François Poiré, Jeff Tennant & Antony Cloutier, The University of Western Ontario

Depuis au moins deux décennies, un certain nombre d’acteurs québécois poursuivent aussi une carrière en France, en particulier au cinéma. Dans la vaste majorité des cas, et ce contrairement à ce qui se passait antérieurement, ils ne jouent pas le Québécois de passage en sol européen mais bien un personnage français parmi d’autres. Dans cette étude de nature sociophonétique et perceptuelle, nous comparons les deux ‘accents’ de l’actrice québécoise Marie-Josée Croze selon la variété de français utilisée d’un côté ou de l’autre de l’Atlantique pour les besoins d’une production cinématographique donnée. Nous avons choisi quatre films (deux productions canadiennes et deux européennes) et avons extrait et retranscrit les trames sonores de ses personnages. Le travail d’analyse se fait ensuite en deux étapes. Dans un premier temps, nous comparons la réalisation des voyelles (structure formantique, durée et désonorisation) dans les deux variétés à l’aide du logiciel Praat. Cette étude acoustique permet d’établir la dispersion formantique des voyelles orales dans les deux variétés utilisées et de porter une attention particulière à certains phénomènes phonétiques tels le relâchement des voyelles fermées en syllabes fermées ([vIt] au lieu de [vit], vite, la réduction et la syncope totale de la même classe de voyelles (dans les mêmes contextes qui favorisent la syncope du schwa) et le maintien de certaines oppositions comme [a] et [ɑ] et [ɛ] et [ɛ:] (mettre et maître), typiques de l’accent québécois et pratiquement disparues en France (Tranel, 1987, Walker 2001). Dans un second temps, une tâche de perception construite à partir d’extraits de ces mêmes bandes sonores est menée auprès de sujets tant québécois que français. Ces courts extraits, variant du mot simple à la courte phrase, couvrent la totalité des systèmes vocaliques des deux variétés et contiennent aussi les contextes demandant le plus d’attention lorsqu’il s’agit de masquer un accent québécois (ou si l’on préfère, de produire un accent français). L’analyse acoustique montre des valeurs de F1 réalisées dans une bande de fréquence plus étroite dans les rôles européens, corrélat d’une aperture moins variable tandis que F2 présente un systéme vocalique fortement antériorisées dans les mêmes films, à l’exception de certaines voyelles postérieures encore plus postériorisées. La durée de ses voyelles européennes montre aussi beaucoup moins de variation. Les résultats du test de perception indiquent que les sujets tant européens que québécois identifient clairmentr les deux accents de cette actrice. Nous discutons ces résultats en tentant de répondre à la question suivante : Passe-t-on d’un ‘accent’ à l’autre en éliminant des traits dialectaux, en réalisant des cibles articulatoires étrangères à notre accent initial ou encore par un mélange des deux stratégies?

TRANEL, B., The sounds of French, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1987.

WALKER, D. C., French sound structure, Calgary, University of Calgary Press, 2001.

1DVDOKDUPRQ\IDGLQJLQ*XDUDQt

Shannon Price and Jesse Stewart University of Manitoba

Guaraní is a Tupí-Guaraní language centered around Paraguay. It is well known for its nasal harmony *UHJRUHVDQG6XiUH]/XQW:DONHU7RQKDXVHU+DUW 1DVDOKDUPRQ\LQ *XDUDQtLVDQWLFLSDWRU\ an upcoming nasal sound triggers a nasal span to its left. TraditionalDFFRXQWV GHVFULEHWKHSDWWHUQRIQDVDOKDUPRQ\LQ*XDUDQtDVDIODWOHIWWRULJKWVSUHDGWKDWGRHVQ WVWRSXQWLOWKH front edge of the word (Lunt 1973, Hart 1981). Example (1) shows how the final nasalized [Ӂ] vowel creates the phonological pattern shown in example (2).

(1) kurapepӁ Æ >NǊɀ˅ãpӁpӁ@µSXPSNLQJRXUG¶

It has been noted, however, that nasality is not at its full strength at the start of the nasal span but rather builds up, or fades in, as the nasal sound approaches (*UHJRUHVDQG6XiUH]/XQW :HRIIHUDV\VWHPDWLFGHVFULSWLRQRIWKLVQDVDOLW\IDGHLQ:HPHDVXUHGWKHGHJUHHRIQDVDOLW\RQIRXU VHJPHQWW\SHV WKURXJKRXW *XDUDQt ZRUGV YRZHOV YRLFHOHVV VWRSV SUHQDVDOL]HG VWRSV DQG IULFDWLYHs. We used the A1-P0 method established in Feng and Castilli (1996), Chen (1996), and Styler (2011) to measure the degree of nasality on vowels. This method subtracts the difference between two harmonics; A1 being the highest harmonic near the first formant and P0 being a low frequency harmonic, typically H1 or H2 (depending on the speaker), which corresponds to a lower resonance in the nasal passage. For voiceless stops we used the durational measures found by Walker (1999) to correspond to nasality in GuaUDQtQDPHO\DORQJHUYRLFLQJWLPHGXULQJWKHVWRSFORVXUHDQGDORQJHU VOT. For prenasalized stops we used the percentage of the consonant that was nasal as a degree of nasality measure. For fricatives we used a combination of duration, intensity and voicing as no one measure correlated by itself. Regressions done on degree of nasality with segments from the nasal sound as the predictor came out significant for each of vowels, voiceless stops and prenasalized stops. By the third syllable from the nasal VRXQGWKHGHJUHHRIQDVDOLW\LVQRWVLJQLILFDQWO\GLIIHUHQWWKDQLQDQRUDOVSDQ7KHVH ILQGLQJVGHPRQVWUDWHQDVDOKDUPRQ\IDGLQJLQ*XDUDQt

References Chen, M (1996). Acoustic Correlates of Nasality in Speech. Ph.D. Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Feng, G., & Castelli, E. (1996). Some acoustic features of nasal and nasalized vowels: A target for vowel nasalization. Acoustical Society of America., 99(6), 3694-3707. *UHJRUHV(PPDDQG-RUJH$6XiUH] $GHVFULSWLRQRIFROORTXLDO*XDUDQt7KH+DJXHDQG3DULV0RXWRQ Hart, George W. (1981). Nasality and the organization of autosegmental phonology. Indiana University Linguistics Club. Bloomington, Indaina. Lunt, H. (1973). Remarks on Nasality: the case of Guaraní. A Festschrift for Morris Halle (pp. 131-138). New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. 6W\OHU: 8VLQJ3UDDWIRU/LQJXLVWLF5HVHDUFK'RFXPHQW9HUVLRQ IRUWKH/6$,QVWLWXWH¶V3UDDWZRUNVKRS Lasted accessed on: 4.Jan.2012. Retrieved from: http://savethevowels.org/praat. Tonhauser, J. (2006). The temporal interpretation of noun phrases: Evidence from Guaraní, Ph.D. Thesis, Stanford University. Walker, R. (1999). Guaraní Voiceless Stops in Oral versus Nasal Contexts: An Acoustical Study. Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 29, 63±94. Second language orthography: Are orthographic effects language-specific? Carolyn Pytlyk University of Victoria

Given that previous research suggests first language (L1) orthographic knowledge is co-activated with L1 phonology (e.g., Castles et al., 2003; Perreman et al., 2009; Ziegler & Ferrand, 1998) and the L1 affects second language (L2) learning in a general sense (e.g., Archibald, 1998; Brown, 2000; Major, 2002), this research investigated whether L1 orthographic knowledge influences L2 phoneme perception, particularly as it relates to native English speakers. Via a phoneme counting task (e.g., Bassetti, 2006; Ehri & Wilce, 1980; Treiman & Cassar, 1997), 25 L2 learners—13 Russian-as-a-second- language (RFL) learners and 12 Mandarin-as-a-second- language (MFL) learners—counted phonemes in L2 words (either Russian or Mandarin). The stimuli were organized along two binary parameters: 1) consistency [match/mismatch]: consistent letter-phoneme correspondences (e.g., !"# /fs!O/ “everything” – 3 letters and 3 phonemes) vs. inconsistent correspondences (e.g., $!%&' /zvat!/ “to call” – 5 letters but only 4 phonemes), and 2) homophony [homophone/nonhomophone]: words with a homophonous English counterpart (e.g., maì /maj/ “to sell” – homophonous with my /maj/) vs. words without a homophonous English counterpart (e.g., hu( /xwa/ “flower”). Three comparisons for both the accuracy rates (ACC) and the response times (RT) were conducted to 1) determine the effect of L2 orthography on L2 phoneme perception (prediction: match-nonhomophones >> mismatch-nonhomophones), 2) determine the effect of L1 orthography on L2 phoneme perception (prediction: match-homophones >> mismatch- homophones), and 3) tease apart the effects of the L1 orthography and the L2 orthography on L2 phoneme perception (prediction: match-nonhomophones >> mismatch-homophones). Three-way repeated measures ANOVAs analysed the data along three independent factors: group, homophone, and match. The results showed that for both the RFL and MFL groups, L2 match- nonhomophones were counted more accurately and faster than mismatched-nonhomophones, suggesting that L2 orthographic knowledge facilitates L2 phoneme perception with consistent words but hinders L2 perception with inconsistent words. Also, the results showed no significant difference in ACC and RT between the match-homophones and mismatch-homophones or between the match-nonhomophones and mismatch-homophones for either experimental group, suggesting that L1 orthographic knowledge does not influence L2 phoneme perception. Findings from this research support previous claims that orthographic and phonological information are co-activated in speech processing even in the absence of visual stimuli (e.g., Blau et al., 2008; Hallé et al., 2000; Taft et al., 2008; Ziegler & Ferrand, 1998), and that listeners are sensitive to orthographic information such that it may trigger unwanted interference when the orthographic and phonological systems provide conflicting information (e.g., Burnham, 2003; Treiman & Cassar, 1997). More importantly, the findings show that orthographic effects are not limited to L1. Phoneme perception in L2 is influenced by L2 orthographic interference. In fact, L2 orthographic effects appear to override any potential L1 orthographic effects, suggesting orthographic effects are language-specific. The current research supports previous findings and claims regarding orthographic knowledge and speech processing. This research also expands the scope of orthographic effects and provides insight into the relatively sparse—but growing— understanding of the relationship between L1 and L2 orthography and nonnative speech perception.

1 References Archibald, J. (1998). Second Language Phonology. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Bassetti, B. (2006). Orthographic input and phonological representations in learners of Chinese as a foreign language. Written Language and Literacy, 9(1), 95–114. Print Blau, V., van Atteveldt, N., Formisamo, E., Goebel, R., & Blomert, L. (2008). Task-irrelevant visual letters interact with the processing of speech sounds in heteromodal and unimodal cortex. European Journal of Neuroscience, 28, 500–509. doi: 10.1111/j.14609568.2008. 06350.x Brown, C. (2000). The interrelation between speech perception and phonological acquisition from infant to adult. In J. Archibald (Ed.), Second Language Acquisition and Linguistic Theory (pp. 4–63). Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishers Ltd. Burnham, D. K. (2003). Language specific speech perception and the onset of reading. Reading and Writing, 16(6), 573–609. doi: 10.1023/A:1025593911070 Castles, A., Holmes, V. M., Neath, J., & Kinoshita, S. (2003) How does orthographic knowledge influence performance on phonological awareness tasks? The Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology: Section A, 56(3), 445–467. doi: 10.1080/02724980244000486 Ehri, L. C., & Wilce, L. S. (1980). The influence of orthography on readers’ conceptualization of the phonemic structure of words. Applied Psycholinguistics, 1(4), 371–385. doi: 10.1017/ S0142716400009802 Hallé, P. A., Chéreau, C., & Segui, J. (2000). Where is the /b/ in “absurde” [apsyrd]? It is in French listeners’ minds. Journal of Memory and Language, 43(4), 618–639. doi: 10.1006 /jmla.2000.2718 Major, R. (2002). The phonology of the L2 user. In V. Cook (Ed.), Portraits of the L2 User (pp. 7–92). Clevedon, UK: Multilingual Matters Ltd. Peereman, R., Dufour, S., & Burt, J. S. (2009). Orthographic influences in spoken word recognition: The consistency effect in semantic and gender categorization tasks. Psychonomic Bulletin & Review, 16(2), 363–368. doi: 10.3758/PBR.16.2.363 Taft, M., Castles, A., Davis, C., Lazendic, G., & Nguyen-Hoan, M. (2008). Automatic activation of orthography in spoken word recognition: Pseudohomograph priming. Journal of Memory and Language, 58, 366–379. doi: 10.1016/j.jml. 2007.11.002 Treiman, R., & Cassar, M. (1997). Can children and adults focus on sound as opposed to spelling in a phoneme counting task? Developmental Psychology, 33(5), 771–780. doi: 10.1037/ 0012-1649.33.5.771 Ziegler, J. C., & Ferrand, L. (1998). Orthography shapes the perception of speech: The consistency effect in auditory word recognition. Psychonomic Bulletin & Review, 5(4), 683–689. doi: 10.3758/BF03208845

2 G-marking and Second Occurrence Focus (SOF) Michael Rochemont Association with Focus operators such as only must usually associate with a prosodically prominent (i.e. pitch accented) focus in English (SFC, Stress Focus Correspondence) In second occurrence uses, this focus may not bear full prosodic prominence yet must bear phrasal stress prominence (Beaver et al 2007, Féry & Ishihara 2009), as with the italicized focus in (1). (1) Everybody knows that Mary only eats vegetables. If even Paul knew that Mary only eats vegetables, he should have suggested a different restaurant. Since a focus usually carries maximal local prominence, the issue raised by SOF is what conditions the lesser prominence in such cases. There are three accounts in the literature: SOF arises when (i) one focus and its domain are contained within the domain of a higher focus ± the SOF is maximally prominent only within the smaller domain and the higher focus is maximally prominent overall (Büring 2008); (ii) a SOF is discourse Given as a focus so it and its domain are deaccented, but the SOF is still maximally prominent within its (deaccented) domain (Selkirk 2008); (iii) a focus that is Given yields the ability to bear primary accent to a focus that is New and thereby acquires a secondary accent (Beaver & Velleman 2011). S and B&V both argue against (i). B&V also argue against (ii). (2D SUHVHQWV6¶V analysis using G-PDUNLQJDQG E SUHVHQWV% 9¶VDQDO\VLVXVLQJ1-marking. (2) People who GROW rice only EAT rice.

a. people who growF rice only [eatF riceF,G] b. people who growF rice only eatF,N riceF While (2a) gives the correct prosody for the main predicate, it yet remains unclear how the level of prominence on rice complies with the requirement that a focus bear maximal prominence within its domain (SFC) as bracketed in (2a). In B&V`s (2b), eat is both F- and N-marked, but rice only F-marked, so eat wins out over rice in the competition for primary accent, and rice acquires a secondary accent. But B&V`s account faces problems whenever a solely N-marked and solely F-marked phrase compete for accent, as in (3-4).

(3) Anscombe has been feuding with her colleagues. LudwigN brought a glass of wineN over to AnscombeF. But not to the othersF. (4) People who growF rice only feedF,N riceF to their petsN. I offer a fourth account, based again on G-marking rather than N-marking. I propose that a SOF is Given and that the ordinary semantic value of its domain is also Given. This is achieved through a modification of Schwarzschild`s Givenness calculation in which (i) the

Existential G-closure of U =df the result of replacing non-G-marked phrases in U with variables and existentially closing the result, modulo existential type shifting, (ii) A counts as a Givenness antecedent for U iff A entails the G-closure of U, and (iii) 6¶VG-marking Condition is revised to require that ĮPD\EH*-marked only if Given and F-maUNHGĮPD\EH*-PDUNHGRQO\LIĮLV

Given and [focus domain Į@is also Given. In (2), rice is Given, and the G-closure of [eat riceG] is Given (x, R [ x R rice] ), so rice can be both F- and G-marked, as also with (1, 4). That prosody through SFC appears sensitive to a Givenness calculation is unsurprising if prosody sees only the F- and G-markings which mediate between prosodic and semantic interpretations. References

Beaver, D., et al. 2007. When semantics meets phonetics: accoustical studies of second occurrence focus. Language 83, 245-76.

Beaver, D., Velleman, D. 2011. The communicative significance of primary and secondary accents. Lingua 121, 1671-1692.

Büring, D. 2008. Been there, marked that: a theory of Second Occurrence Focus. ms, UCLA. http://semanticsarchive.net/Archive/jJlMThlZ/buring.2008.2nd.occurrence.pdf

Féry, C., Ishihara, S. 2009. The phonology of second occurrence focus. Journal of Linguistics 45, 285-313.

Selkirk, E. O. 2008. Contrastive IRFXVJLYHQQHVVDQGWKHXQPDUNHGVWDWXVRI³GLVFRXUVH-QHZ´ Acta Linguistica Hungarica 55.3-4, 331-46.

The Nata double-object construction: Implications for applicative and (as-) symmetrical typologies

Emily Sadlier-Brown

The present paper examines double-object constructions (DOCs) in Nata (Bantu). I argue that all Nata goal-theme DOCs are high, associating individuals and events (Pylkkänen 2002). Nata DOCs are mainly "symmetric" in their treatment of goal and theme but do not allow theme passivization. Such "asymmetric" passives are, instead, sometimes claimed to be characteristic of low applicative constructions (Pylkkänen 2002, McGinnis 2001). These facts have important typological implications, suggesting that 1) not every Bantu language can be strictly categorized as either "symmetrical" or "assymetrical" and 2) the high/low applicative typology does not map 1:1 to the "symmetrical/assymetrical" typology.

Nata forms DOCs in one of two ways: by adding the applicative morpheme "-er-" to a transitive verb such as '-ghor'- buy (e.g. 'Masáto akaghórera umwaarimá asawáatchi! ' Masato bought the teacher a gift) or by using an inherently ditransitive verb (e.g. '-h-' give or '-im-' withhold), which does not require the applicative morpheme. In Bantu research, goal-theme DOCs are often used to classify a language as "symmetrical" or "assymetrical". In Nata, both types of DOCs conform to Pylkkänen's (2002) three main diagnostics for "high" applicatives, which associate an individual and an event and have been associated with "symmetrical" object languages (Pylkkänen 2002). Symmetrical object languages bestow "direct object" properties on both goal and theme, while assymetrical object languages favour the goal (Bresnan and Moshi 1990). These direct object properties include, among others: the ability to pronominalize the theme object without also pronominalizing the goal; the ability of either object to passivize; and freer word order of goal and theme (Bresnan and Moshi 1990, Baker, Saffir and Sikuku 2012). Nata, however, demonstrates features of both symmetry and assymetry: for example, Nata freely pronominalizes goal, theme, or both; yet the theme cannot be passivized. Furthermore, in Nata, unlike certain other Bantu languages (e.g. Haya and Sambaa (Riedel 2009)), the two types of DOCs behave differently: the applied DOC typically receives its interpretation from word order (first object = goal) whereas the inherent ditransitive DOC receives its interpretation at least partly from animacy (the animate object receives the goal interpretation regardless of its sentential position). As noted above, the stricter word order shown by the Nata applied DOC has been associated with assymetric object languages, while the freer word order shown by the inherent ditransitive DOC has been associated with symmetrical object languages. Thus, Nata DOCs present a puzzle for current typological divisions: they are high applicative constructions but are not fully symmetric, and they combine features of both symmetry and asymmetry.

A second goal of this paper will be to explain the two patterns found in Nata which are not expected of a language with high applicatives: the restriction on applied DOC word order and the absence of theme passivization. In the case of the former, it is expected that the answer will come from the presence of overt applicative morphology in the applied DOC. In the case of the latter, McGinnis (2001:7) suggests a phase-level EPP feature is available to high applicative heads which allows the theme to "leapfrog" over the goal and thus facilitate passivization. This paper will undertake an explanation as to why this claim does not apply to Nata.

References

Baker, Mark, Ken Safir, and Justine Sikuku. 2012. Sources of (a)symmatery in Bantu double object constructions. To appear in the Proceedings of WCCFL 30 (Santa Cruz).

Bresnan, Joan and Lioba Moshi. 1990. Object assymetries in comparative Bantu syntax. Linguistic Inquiry 21: 147-86.

McGinnis, Martha. 2011. Phases and the syntax of applicatives. Proceedings of NELS 31 (Washington D.C.).

Pylkkänen, Liina. 2002. Introducing Arguments. PhD Thesis. Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

Riedel, Kristina. 2009. The Syntax of Object Marking in Sambaa: A comparative Bantu perspective. (Ph.D. Thesis). Universiteit Leiden.

Linguistic Variation and Language Revitalization: Perspectives from Michif Olivia N. Sammons, University of Alberta

(Special Session: Reclaiming Canada’s Indigenous Languages)

This poster considers the treatment of linguistic variation in language documentation and revitalization from the perspective of Michif, an Aboriginal language of the Métis people spoken in western Canada and the northern United States. As with many other Canadian Aboriginal languages, geographical dispersion is commonly accompanied by linguistic differences within and between Michif-speaking communities (Rosen and Souter 2009). In some cases, this variation may be relatively minor for mutual comprehension (e.g., occasional differences in lexical choice or pronunciation), while in others, variation between varieties subsumed under the term ‘Michif’ may be more significant. Intentional representation of such variation in documentation arguably provides not only a more realistic record of contemporary language use, but also enables subsequent language revitalization efforts that draw on documentary resources to make their own decisions on what role (if any) such linguistic variation will play in language revitalization and identity. By focusing on the role of variation in documentation, we may gain a sense of how to more effectively support language revitalization through language resource development.

References

Rosen, Nicole and Heather Souter (2009). Language Revitalization in a Multilingual Community: The Case of Michif. Paper presented at the International Conference on Language Documentation and Conservation, Hawaii, March 12-14. SȾÁ,SEN TŦE SENĆOŦEN: Building Language Capacity for Language Sustainability Renee Sampson, David Underwood, Pena Elliott, Tye Swallow, WSÁNEĆ School Board

(Special Session: Reclaiming Canada’s Indigenous Languages)

There are examples of Nations who have reclaimed true language sustainability. Hawaii’s success is evident in their schools’ immersion K-12 programming, and it reflects a fundamental shift away from educational systems that drive colonialism. This monumental work is 25 years in the making, and it provides a roadmap for communities to follow. However, this work has required massive amounts of language capacity development. Language capacity is the ability to do language work. The W̱SÁNEĆ School Board (W̱SB), a First Nations Band Operated school, is located in W̱SÁNEĆ, near Victoria BC, Canada. In September 2009, the W̱SB initiated a language apprenticeship program, the SȾÁ,SEN TŦE SENĆOŦEN, in order to bolster efforts toward revitalizing and sustaining the SENĆOŦEN language. Our SȾÁ,SEN team currently employs eight language apprentices and supports a weekly Elders advisory group. Hiring a team of workers has allowed us to move toward language sustainability. This capacity, coupled with meaningful purpose and motivation, also bolsters our ability to capture funding grants as we have significantly enhanced our ability to collaboratively determine objectives and to produce outcomes and deliverables. This poster is a collaboration of our SȾÁ,SEN TŦE SENĆOŦEN team. It is the culmination of our efforts to date, and the vision for our future. We wanted to capture and share what is emerging with our SĆȺ ȽTE, our work, while highlighting our six primary initiatives. Individually, each initiative grows a language development opportunity; collectively, they demonstrate our overarching mandate of language revitalization through language capacity development.

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                                                    

         Only Cool People Tweet Theirselves: Variation in the EnglishReﬂexiveParadigm Dennis Ryan Storoshenko - Yale University

Issues Genitive third person reflexives in English (1) are a feature of non-standard dialects. (1) a. He presented hisself to me in a very unprofessional manner b. ...theAmerican peopleneed towean theirselves off student loans. (COCA) In this paper, we address three issues surrounding the variant reflexives: i) What is the social- geographic distribution of the variants? ii) Do the variantshaveanyconditionsontheirusage? iii) What are the theoretical implications of the observed usage? We address these questions with data from three major sources: the Corpus of Contemporary American English (COCA), a new corpus of all instances of the variants over a 24 hour period ontwitter(aworld-widesearch),and consultation with speakers identified through the twitter research. Distribution Hisself and theirselves have roots in the Southern United States going back at least to the 19th Century (Cassidy and Houston Hall, 1991; Montgomery and Hall, 2004). Green (2002) makes no explicit claims about the variants, but their appearance in some constructions suggests that they have diffused into African American English (AAE).Thesegeneralisationsareborneout in the twitter corpus: the majority of variant-users are African American (spread nation-wide), and caucasian users tend to be based in rural areas of SouthernorMidweststates.OutsideNorth America, Cheshire et al. (1993) observe this variance acrosstheUnitedKingdom,andUK-based users have surfaced in the twitter corpus, though they represent a small proportion of the data. Conditions To examine usage, we first inspected all variant tokens in COCAfrom1990to2011. For both, the most striking observation is that there are no instances of variable binding as in (2): (2) a. Every boyi sees hisselfi.b.Allboysi see theirselvesi As the same time period contains parallel examples for himself and themselves,thisisanoteworthy finding. To confirm the pattern in (2), we contacted variant users in the US to collect grammaticality judgements. Sentences such as (2a) were universally rejected, and acceptance of parallel (2b) examples was limited mainly to speakers from the west coast. The twitter corpus as a whole shows no instances of semantically-bound hisself,thoughasmallnumberoftheirselves do emerge. How- ever, a disproportionate number of these examples are from the UK. Post-hoc searches show that in the UK, theirselves is used more frequently than hisself,runningcontrarytothetwittercorpusas awhole,wherehisself outnumbers theirselves.Ofthefewsemantically-boundtheirselves tokens in the US, almost all were from AAE, including East and West Coast urban centres. Implications The unacceptability of the (2) examples for some speakers, along with their absence from the corpus, suggests that the interpretive mechanism responsible for reflexivity in these variants is not semantic binding. This conforms to the analysis in Déchaine and Wiltschko (2002), where English genitive reflexives are of a different syntactic category than their accusative counterparts, with different semantic interpretations. Our findings partially support their prediction that English genitive reflexives should not function as bound variables. However, the patterns we have uncovered, with ethnic and geographic splits, suggest that there are two distinct phenomena at work. The historical sources cited for the Southern US demonstrate the same pattern as the COCA data. We thus conclude that in this community, a structural contrast exists between the genitive and accusative reflexives. As this feature spreads through the US (and marginally into Canada) via AAE, this contrast may be being lost. The relative lack of contrast among UK speakers suggests that in their case, morphological levelling may be underway,withnoconsiderationofstructure. Ongoing Work We are currently exploring the use of geographic tags in our searches. Our location-based findings so far rely mainly on the profiles of individual users caught up in the unfiltered corpus, rather than metadata encoded with the tweets themselves. In concert with this, we will collect judgements from regional samples (identifiedbygeotaggingdata)inbothcountries, to test whether there is as marked a distinction in the acceptance as there is in the usage. References

Cassidy, Frederic G, and Joan Houston Hall, ed. 1991. Dictionary of American regional English. Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. Cheshire, Jenny, Viv Edwards, and Pamela Whittle. 1993. Non-standard English and dialect levelling. In Real English: The grammar of English dialects in the British Isles,53–96.London: Longman. Davies, Mark. 2008-. The corpus of contemporary American English (COCA): 425 million words, 1990-present. Available online at http://www.americancorpus.org. D´echaine, Rose-Marie, and Martina Wiltschko. 2002. Deriving reﬂexives. In Proceedings of the 21st West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics,71–84. Green, Lisa. 2002. African American English.Cambridge,UK:CambridgeUniversityPress. Montgomery, Michael B., and Joseph S. Hall. 2004. Dictionary of Smoky Mountain English. Knoxville, TN: The University of Tennessee Press. The acquisition of Long Distance wh-questions in L2 French Nelleke Strik The production of Long Distance (LD) wh-questions in L1 acquisition has been studied in a number of languages, such as English (Crain & Thornton 1998), French (Jakubowicz & Strik 2008, Strik 2008, Jakubowicz 2011, Oiry 2011), Dutch (Van Kampen 1997, Jakubowicz & Strik 2008, Strik 2008), and Spanish and Basque (Gutierrez 2006). LD wh-questions have also been studied in L2 acquisition, almost exclusively in English (see Yamane 2003, Gutierrez 2005, Schulz 2006, Slavkov 2009, see also Liceras, Alba de la Fuente & Walsh 2011 for a comprehension study of Spanish and German). A common characteristic is that some learners go through a stage in which they produce questions with a wh-word in medial position, which are ungrammatical in the target language, but possible in other languages (see Fanselow 2006 for an overview). For instance Où Lala a dit où le poisson nage? (“Where did Lala say where the fish is swimming?”, wh-copying) and Qu’est-ce que Lala a dit où le poisson nage? (“What did Lala say where the fish is swimming?”, partial wh-movement) instead of Où (est-ce que) Lala a dit que le poisson nage? (“Where did Lala say the fish is swimming?”). The non-target structures are syntactically less complex and/or involve other types of syntactic operations than the standard structure. I am adopting the hypothesis that syntactically less complex structures are acquired before more complex structures (cf. Jakubowicz & Strik 2008, Jakubowicz 2011). In the case of LD wh-questions, which involve a high number of syntactic operations, i.e. extraction of a wh-word from an embedded clause, and which are taxing with respect to processing capacities, less complex non target-consistent structures are likely to be produced. The goal of the present study is to test this hypothesis in L2 French. To this aim a task inspired by Crain & Thornton (1998) and Jakubowicz & Strik (2008) was used. Ten Anglophone learners of French (mean age 21, low intermediate level, about 18 months of exposure to French in a university setting) participated in the task. Ten adult native speakers of Canadian French served as controls. The task included 18 LD items (6 wh/object que/quoi, 6 wh/subject qui et 6 wh/place où) as well as 6 root question items and 3 training items. All participants were able to produce LD wh-questions, but other (appropriate) structures were also produced. The preliminary results of 5 L2 participants (data transcription and analysis is still ongoing) and all monolingual participants are presented in the following table: Table 1: Mean % of response types, all categories collapsed

Wh fronted Wh medial Wh in situ Root questions and other L1 FR 41 6 7 46 L2 FR 34 19 15 32 The L2 learners produced less standard wh fronted questions, but also less root and other questions. Most root questions were appropriate in the context and contained the expression “according to” (only in the L1 FR group) or an adjoined clause (taking the example presented above: “According to Lala, where is the fish swimming?” and “What did Lala say about where/what place the fish is swimming?” respectively). The L2 learners produced more medial wh-questions (almost exclusively partial movement) and also wh in situ questions. Note also that a number of the questions in the L2 group contained various errors (69% of all responses), such as the lack of a complementizer, an incorrect word order or gender errors. In conclusion, low intermediate L2 learners of French are able to produce questions with LD wh-movement. However, 1) a majority of those questions contain errors, and 2) in order to avoid syntactic complexity, L2 learners use not only medial wh and wh in situ, but also adjoined structures. This is reminiscent of results from L1 French, in particular in children with Specific Language Impairment (Jakubowicz 2011, and others), and L2 English (Slavkov 2009 etc.). References Crain, S. & Thornton, R. (1998). Investigations in Universal Grammar, A Guide to Experiments on the Acquisition of Syntax and Semantics. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Fanselow, G., (2006). Partial Movement. In: Everaert, M., Van Riemsdijk, H. (eds.), The Blackwell Companion to Syntax, vol. V, 437-492. Oxford: Blackwell. Gutierrez, J. (2005). The acquisition of English Long Distance wh-questions by Basque/Spanish bilingual participants in a school context, PhD dissertation, University of the Basque Country. Gutierrez, J. (2006). Acquiring Long Distance Questions in L1 Spanish: A Longitudinal Investigation. In: Torrens, V., Escobar, L. (eds), The acquisition of syntax in romance languages, 251-287. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Jakubowicz, C. (2011). Measuring derivational complexity: New evidence from typically developing and SLI learners of L1-French. Lingua 121(3), 339-351. Jakubowicz, C. & Strik, N. (2008). Scope-marking Strategies in the Acquisition of Long Distance Wh-questions in French and Dutch. Language and Speech 51 (1 & 2), 101-132. Liceras, J., Alba de la Fuente, A. & Walsh, L. (2011). Complex Wh-questions in Non-native Spanish and Non-native German: Does Input Matter? In L. Ortiz-Lopez (ed.), Selected Proceedings of the 13th Hispanic Linguistics Symposium, 139-149. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Proceedings Project. Oiry, M. (2011). L’acquisition des questions à Longue Distance par des enfants de langue maternelle francaise. Stratégies à dépendance directe versus indirecte et questions alternatives. Editions Universitaires Européennes. Schulz, B. (2006). Wh-scope marking in English interlanguage grammars: Transfer and processing effects on the second language acquisition of complex wh-questions. PhD dissertation, University of Hawaii. Slavkov, N. (2009). The acquisition of complex wh- questions in the L2 English of Canadian French and Bulgarian speakers: Medial wh-constructions, inversion phenomena, and avoidance strategies. PhD dissertation, University of Ottawa. Strik, N. (2008). Syntaxe et acquisition des phrases interrogatives en français et en néerlandais: une étude contrastive. PhD dissertation, Université Paris 8. Van Kampen, J. (1997). First Steps in Wh-movement. Delft: Eburon Yamane. M. (2003). On the Interaction of First-language Transfer and Universal Grammar in Adult Second Language Acquisition: WH-movement in L1-Japanese and L2-English Interlanguage. PhD dissertation, University of Connecticut.

Miwako Tateishi and Stephen Winters University of Calgary

Does ultrasound training lead to improved perception of a non-native sound contrast?: Evidence from Japanese learners of English

Speech sound contrasts in second or foreign languages can be difficult for a language learner to perceive. Numerous studies have been conducted to examine which training methods can improve perception of non-native sound contrasts. The present study investigates whether production training using ultrasound as visual feedback leads to improved perception of non- native contrasts by adult language learners. This study further examines whether this training improves comprehensibility of production of these same non-native contrasts as judged by native speakers of the language. In the experiment, Japanese learners of English who were beginning ESL students were trained to accurately produce English /r/ and /l/. The contrast between English /r/ and /l/ is difficult for native Japanese speakers to perceive (Goto, 1971; Miyawaki et al., 1975). These consonants are also difficult for Japanese speakers to produce due to their unfamiliarity with the articulatory gestures used for the consonants (e.g., Flege, Takagi, & Mann, 1995). Laboratory perceptual training has been shown to improve the perception of the contrast by Japanese learners (e.g., Logan, Lively, & Pisoni, 1991), and some indirect improvement in production of these consonants was also observed (Bradlow, Pisoni, Akahane-Yamada, & Tohkura, 1997). Nevertheless, the Japanese learners¶ improvement in their perception in these previous studies did not reach native English speaker levels. Recently, production training has made use of visual feedback to determine its effects on accurate learning of non-native segments. Production training using acoustic spectrogram technology as visual feedback improved production of /r/ and /l/ by Japanese learners; however, it showed no facilitative effects on their perception of the contrast (Hattori, 2009). Ultrasound, unlike other forms of visual feedback technology, allows people to see what the appropriate articulation for a speech sound should be. The efficacy of ultrasound for speech production training was demonstrated in a study in which Japanese learners of English successfully learned to produce /r/ and /l/ (Gick, Bernhardt, Bacsfalvi, & Wilson, 2008). This VWXG\GLGQRWH[DPLQHWKHOHDUQHUV¶ perception of the consonants, however. Thus, the aim of the present study is to determine whether ultrasound has an impact on -DSDQHVHOHDUQHUV¶perception of /r/ and /l/. Ten native Japanese speakers between the ages of 18 and 30 participated in production training. They saw ultrasound images of their own productions DQGRIDQDWLYH(QJOLVKVSHDNHU¶V productions. They were trained to produce /r/ and /l/ in isolation, in consonant-vowel syllables, and in monosyllabic words. Before and after the training, the participants underwent perceptual tests in which they heard words contrasting /r/ and /l/ word-initially and were asked to identify the target consonants. Additionally, their productions of words containing /r/ or /l/ were recorded. Changes in perception were gauged in terms of correct identification of the target consonants in the perceptual tests. Accuracy of production was gauged in terms of 1) acoustic measurements of the target consonants, 2) native speaker comprehensibility judgments of the target consonants, and 3) native speaker preferences for productions before and after the training. Preliminary results show that in general, both perception and production of /l/, not /r/, were improved; however, the participants¶LPSURYHPHQWV varied in degree and modality (perception vs. production). Thus, the results indicate that perception and production undergo a different developmental course with considerable individual variation. The preliminary results support the view that processes underlying perceptual learning and production learning are quite distinct (Iverson, Pinet, & Evans, 2012). Miwako Tateishi and Stephen Winters University of Calgary

References

Bradlow, A.R., Pisoni, D.B., Akahane-Yamada, R., & Tohkura, Y. (1997). Training Japanese listeners to identify English /r/ and /l/ IV: Some effects of perceptual learning on speech production. Journal of the Acoustical Society of America, 101(4), 2299-2310. Flege, J.E., Takagi, T., & Mann,V. (1995). Japanese adults can learn to produce English /݋/ and /l/ accurately. Language and Speech, 38(1), 25-55. Gick, B., Bernhardt, B.M., Bacsfalvi, P., & Wilson, I. (2008). Ultrasound imaging applications in second language acquisition. In J.G.H. Edwards & M.L. Zampini (Eds.), Phonology and second language acquisition (Vol. 36, pp. 315-328). Amsterdam, Netherland: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Goto, H. (1971). Auditory perception by normal Japanese adults of WKHVRXQGV³O´DQG ³U´Neuropsychologia, 9, 317-323. Hattori, K. (2009). Perception and production of English /r/-/l/ by adult Japanese speakers (Doctoral thesis, University College London, London, England). Retrieved from http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/19204/ Iverson, P., Pinet, M., & Evans, B.G. (2012). Auditory training for experienced and inexperienced second-language learners: Native French speakers learning English vowels. Applied Psycholinguistics, 33, 145-160. Logan, J.S., Lively, S.E., & Pisoni, D.B. (1991). Training Japanese listeners to identify English /r/ and /l/: A first report. Journal of Acoustical Society of America, 89, 874-886. Miyawaki, K., Strange, W., Verbrugge, R., Liberman, A.M., Jenkins, J.J., & Fujimura, O. (1975). An effect of linguistic experience: The discrimination of [r] and [l] by native Japanese speakers and English. Perception and Psychophysics, 18, 331- 340.

!"#"$%"&'(%)*+,$)-'."$/%*0-)1"/'/2-')3&/"41.$"56"/%*)'%&/-$7"*-' !"#$%&'(")%*&+,-& .(")%/%01)#2314535%& & .$+!0-6!"" #$%&'(" )*+,-.%+$" /'%0*,1$+" 23456+7" '%$" .+$)" 8-%" 9:;;:<" #5:=<3" ;><>#?;?<6" 2@%*8A'" BCCD7E" 6F$G" '%$" ,-(+*)$%$)" &-)*8*,'0*-('1H" -/0*-('1" $1$&$(0+H" IF*,F" )-" (-0" '))" 0-" 0F$" 0%.0F" 8.(,0*-('1" ,-(0$(0" -8" '" /%-/-+*0*-(" 4" 26F.%&'*%" JKDKH" L*&&$%&'((" BCCM7H" N.0" %$1'0$" 0F$" .00$%'(,$" 0-" '" ,-(0$O0" 2L*&&$%&'(("BCJJ7E"6F$"-/0*-('1*0G"-8"3456+"*+"P.$+0*-($)"NG")'0'"*("2J'QN7H"8%-&" 0F$" R'S'%*'(" #$%&'(" )*'1$,0" +/-A$(" +-.0F" -8" ;.(*,FE" 6F$" +$(0$(,$+" 62.("1.& 0F$" 3456+"'%$"*(8$1*,*0-.+"*("0F$"+,$($+H"N.0"62.(&0F$"3456"0F$")*'1-T.$"*+"I$11"8-%&$)E" " J7"'E"U,$($!">"'()"R"N-0F"A(-I"'N-.0"0F$"/'%0G"'()"I$%$"/1'((*(T"0-"T-E" >!""V%*)'GW+"/'%0G"T-0",'(,$11$)E""""" " """"""""""""R!""X"&.'++"Y2$F7"A-%%*T*$%$("" """"""""""""""X"F'S$E0-""3456""T%')$"" ZX"F'S$"0-"T%')$"%#76%789&2'//%-O*&'0$"3456",-(0%*N.0*-("*("2.%0258:&& " """"NE"U,$($!">"*(S*0$+"R"0-"'"/'%0G" >!""3-(W0"G-."I'(('",-&$"0-"0F$"/'%0G["""R!""XW)"1-S$"0-",-&$H"X"&.'++"Y2N1-\7"'%N'(E""" """"" " " " "" """"""X""F'S$E0-"""3456"I-%A"" Z;.98&$18.&.(%.&X"F'S$"0-"I-%AEW"" " .$+.+)"0!"" X" /%-/-+$" 0F'0" 0F$" R'S'%*'(" 3456+" <(& '()" 40"=& '%$" +G(0',0*," F$')+" 2,8E" R'G$%" ]" :N'('.$%7E" 6F$G" '(,F-%" 4" 0-" 0F$" )*+,-.%+$" -%*$(0$)H" 1$80&-+0" 1'G$%" -8" '" +/1*0" 94" 25*^^*"JKK_7H"IF*,F"%$/%$+$(0+"U/$'A$%"2U7"'()"`$'%$%"2`7"2,8E"!><<5(?5.@&U/$'+"]" 6$((G"BCCa7E"2B7"+F-I+"0F$"1-I$%"U4"-(1GH"+*(,$"40"=A<(&$O/%$++"U"'00*0.)$E" 2B7"" " " " " " """""""""""""""""$FbN1-\" 6F$"*()*S*).'1"+.N+0'(0*S$",-(0$(0"-8"$',F"3456"%$+.10+"*("0F$".(*P.$"+F')*(T"$',F" 3456",-(0%*N.0$+"0-"4E"<("F'+"'"0$&/-%'1",-%$H"'()"$O/%$++$+"0F'0"4"I'+"*("speaker ground 2*E$E"0F$"+/$'A$%W+"+$0"-8"N$1*$8+7"N$8-%$E",0"=&$O,1.)$+"-0F$%"4+"8%-& speaker ground"E"6F$"'(,F-%*(T"8.(,0*-("-8"Uc",'("N$".()$%+0--)"S*'"'("*(0%*(+*,".(S'1.$)" ,-*(,*)$(,$" 8$'0.%$" 2d1& ,-*(e7" 25*00$%" ]" f*10+,FA-" BCJCH" ,8E" `'1$" JKDg7H" IF*,F" *+" S'1.$)"NG"40"=A<(H"'()"$+0'N1*+F$+"'"%$1'0*-(+F*/"N$0I$$("speaker ground"'()"4E"" ),..+$/%&5'-#%(-&*-!"" U.//-%0" 8-%" 0F$" hc" +0'0.+" -8" 40"=& '()" <(& ,-&$+" 8%-&" ,Q+$1$,0*-(i" <(" +$1$,0+" 8-%" )$,1'%'0*S$+H26F.%&'*%" JKDKH" 9-(*T1*-" BCCK7H" IF$%$'+" 40"=" +$1$,0+" 8-%" *(0$%%-T'0*S$+"'()"*&/$%'0*S$+H"*E$E"(-(Q)$,1'%'0*S$+E" 5?V?5?<9?U!"" R'G$%H" jE" ]" `Q#E" :N$('.$%E" BCJJE" B285"1C8<&>%C.250<8*&50%18<&8.C15.1C<&%#D&E1<8.2"#& .7><8E"6F$"k*(T.*+0*,"5$S*$I"BDH"MMKlMKJE" " 9-(*T1*-H";E"BCCKE"B2<&!7#.%F&D%C.2H<0#I&2(C<&B28.C241.2"#&1#D" J2K<#K2.N& 1#D& O<4<#8P.K<#H" 4FE3E" )*++$%0'0*-(H" =(*S$%+*0m" 9'W" V-+,'%*"n$($^*'"b"`.&N-1)0Q=(*S$%+*0o0"R$%1*(E" " @%*8A'H" ;E" BCCDE" R'+*," (-0*-(+" -8" *(8-%&'0*-(" +0%.,0.%$E" *(" ?5.%& J2#L128.25%& M1#L%C25%&QQ&H"BMaQB_gE" " 5*00$%H"?E"]"f*10+,FA-";E"BCJC&+E"6F$",-&/-+*0*-("-8"X("$O/1-%'0*-("-8"0$(+$H" 0$(+$1$++"1'(T.'T$+"'()"0$(+$1$++",-(+0%.,0*-(+E" " 5*^^*E"kE"JKK_E"6F$"8*($"+0%.,0.%$"-8"0F$"1$80"/$%*/F$%GE"X("kE"`'$T$&'("2$)E7E"R0<)<#.8& "S&TC%))%CE"3-%)%$,F0!"@1.I$%H"BDJlaa_E" " U/$'+H" 4H" ]" 6$((GH" 9E" BCCaE" 9-(8*T.%'0*-('1" /%-/$%0*$+" -8" /-*(0" -8" S*$I" %-1$+E" ?87))<.C7&2#&TC%))%C&UH"aJpQaMaE" " 6F.%&'*%H";E"JKDKE"G"D%0>%C.2H<0#&1#D&2(C<&V")42#%.2"#<#E"6qN*(T$(H"<*$&$G$%E" " L*&&$%&'((H" ;E" BCCME" rL.&" f-F1!" 3*+A.%+/'%0*A$1(" '1+" U'0^0G/&-)*8*A'0-%$(sH" J2#L128.285(<&,

Deriving morphological ergativity in Basque Rebecca Tollan University of Toronto

This paper addresses how ergative alignment in Basque differs from that found in the majority of other ergative languages, how this system may be derived and its implications for language diversity. In Basque, subjects of transitive verbs are case marked ergative (suffix ±k), whilst objects of transitives and subjects of intransitives receive absolutive case (null suffix); see (1). (1) (a) Medikua-k pirata-Ø beldurtzen du (b) Pirata-Ø abiatzen da doctor-ERG pirate-ABS frighten Aux. pirate-ABS depart Aux. µThe doctor frightens the pirate¶ µ7KHSLUDWHGHSDUWV¶ (Santesteban et al. 2010)

In the majority of ergative languages (E.g. Bandjalang, Warlpiri), all intransitive verbs have absolutive case subjects, regardless of any thematic distinctions. In Basque, however, absolutive case appears only on subjects of unaccusative verbs. Unergative verbs pattern with transitive verbs in the sense that their sole (agent) argument is assigned ergative case, hereby patterning with subjects of transitive verbs (2). (2) Medikua-k igeri egiten du doctor-ERG swim AUX µ7KHGRFWRUVZLPV¶ (Santesteban et al. 2010)

This distinction has led to analyses in the literature (e.g. Levin 1983, Laka 2006) which treat case marking in Basque as inherent, i.e. dependent upon the theta role of the case-marked DP, with ergative case assigned to an agent argument and absolutive to a theme argument. I will argue that case is Basque is in fact structural. This claim is based on %DVTXHµtzen¶gerund constructions (see (3)) in which the subject of a non-finite transitive verb cannot take ergative case marking. Such constructions suggest that ergative case is dependent on finiteness.

(3) [Katuak/*-ek saguak harrapa-tzen] ikusi ditut cats-ABS/*ERG mice-ABS catch-ing seen Aux.pl.1sgE µ,VDZWKHFDWVFDWFKLQJWKHPLFH¶ (Rezac et al. 2010)

Previous analyses of ergativity (e.g. Chomsky 1991, Legate 2002) have related case marking to distinctions between transitive and intransitive verbs. Legate (2002), for example, claims that transitive v is able to assign both ergative and absolutive case, whilst intransitive v has no case value. Such analyses are not consistent with Basque data, however, given that the ergative- absoutive split in this case relates to verb causativity rather than transitivity. I will show that Basque can be analysed instead as a nominative-accusative language in which ergative- absolutive patterning arises due to a particular property of non-agentive v. Finally, I consider the broader implications of such differing ergative-absolutive case alignment patterns for theories of structural case assignment. Does a uniform analysis of ergativity exist which may account for all patterns observed typologically? What kind of verbal properties give [Type text] rise to distinctions in case marking? My discussion will shed some new light on what cross- linguistic distinctions in treatment of intransitive verbs (E.g. Basque versus Warlpiri versus English) may tell us about parameters of language diversity with regards to case marking systems.

References Chomsky, N. (1991) Lectures on Government and Binding. Dordrecht, The Netherlands: Foris Publications Laka, , µ2QWKHQDWXUHRIFDVHLQ%DVTXHVWUXFWXUDORULQKHUHQW"¶,Q%URHNKXLV+ Corver, N.,Koster, J., Huybregts, R. and Kleinhenz, U. (Eds.) Organising Grammar, p.374-382. Berlin:Mouton de Gruyter Legate, J. (2002) Warlpiri: theoretical implications. Dissertation, Cambridge MA : MIT Levin, B. (1983) On the nature of Ergativity. Dissertation, Cambridge MA: MIT Rezac, M., Albizu, P. And Etxepare, R. (2010) The structural ergative of Basque and the theory of case [on-line] available at: http://www.umr7023.cnrs.fr/sites/sfl/IMG/pdf/ERG- Complete12f.pdf Santesteban, M. Pickering, M and Branigan H. (2010). Exploring thematic role and case marking effects in structural priming [on-line]. Available at http://linguistics.stanford.edu/cuny/abstracts/Sa_P071-Santesteban_Pickering_Branigan.pdf

Noun phrases and nonprojecting heads Robert Truswell and Paul Melchin

This paper combines the following two persuasive recent arguments concerning the syntax of noun phrases, to argue that a single maximal projection can contain multiple heads.

A. *UHHQEHUJ¶V(1963) Universal 20, as refined by Cinque (2005), states that only 14 of the 24 logically possible orders of demonstrative, numeral, adjective, and noun are attested in any language. Cinque (2005) and Abels & Neeleman (2012), in very different analyses of Universal 20, both take this to show that nouns are asymmetrically c-commanded by an ordered set of NP-internal functional heads, including Dem > Num > Adj > N. B. Bruening (2009) and Pullum (2010) have shown that, while various heads select for complements containing particular complementizers and/or T heads, no head selects for a particular determiner. This means that patterns like (1-2) do not occur, in contrast to (3-4).

1) John glorped (*his) books. 2) Samuel is streading a/*the book. 3) Sue asked that the answer be/*is two. (Bruening 2009:28) 4) Jane dreamt [that the world is flat]/*[(for) the world to be flat]

Indeed, following Chomsky (1977), Pullum shows that semantic selection can be sensitive to properties of the head noun, rather than to global properties of the noun phrase. (5) is infelicitous because the boy who was turned by magic into a swarm of bees is interpreted as if it still had the mereological properties of a boy, rather than a swarm of bees, while disperse semantically selects for a subject which is composed of dissociable parts.

5) *The boy who was turned by magic into a swarm of bees will soon disperse (Chomsky 1977:57)

The limited evidence we have therefore suggests that the head of the noun phrase, as far as external syntactic relations like selection are concerned, is N.

Combining these two insights strongly suggests the need to recognize a class of non-projecting headsLQDPDQQHUUHPLQLVFHQWRI*ULPVKDZ¶V extended projections, a noun phrase must be treated as a projection of N despite the presence of a functional head c-commanding N within the noun phrase. +RZHYHUXQOLNH*ULPVKDZ¶VSURSRVDOZHDUJXHWKDWDFODXVHLVQRWD projection of V in the sense in which a noun phrase is a projection of N: a verb selects for a particular C or T in its complement, rather than V. The similarities and differences between noun phrases and clauses, ZKLFKIRUPHGWKHEDVLVIRU$EQH\¶V(1987) adoption of the DP hypothesis, can be succinctly stated as follows: C/T/etc. asymmetrically c-command V, and D/Num/etc. asymmetrically c-command N, but N projects past D, while V does not project past C/T. This proposal therefore invites a reconsideration of the relationship between phrases, phases, and extended projections, largely collapsing these overlapping notions.

References: Abels, K. & A. Neeleman (2012) Linear asymmetries and the LCA. Syntax 15:25- 74. Abney, S. (1987) The English Noun Phrase in its Sentential Aspect. PhD, MIT. Bruening, B. (2009) Selectional asymmetries between CP and DP suggest that the DP hypothesis is wrong. UPenn Working Papers in Linguistics 15:27-35. Chomsky, N. (1977) Essays on Form and Interpretation. North Holland. Cinque, G. (2005) 'HULYLQJ*UHHQEHUJ¶V8QLYHUVDODQGLWV exceptions. LI 36:315-332. Greenberg, J. (1963) Some universals of grammar with particular reference to the order of meaningful elements. In Greenberg, Universals of Language, MIT Press. Grimshaw, J. (1990) Extended projection. Ms., Rutgers. Pullum, G. (2010) Why do people believe in the DP hypothesis? Syntax-semantics research group, University of Edinburgh. Egor Tsedryk Saint Mary¶s University Internal merge of nominative subjects

In Russian, it is possible to have an embedded null subject if there is a matrix c-commanding antecedent, as shown in (1). 7KLVSURSHUW\NQRZQDV³ILQLWHFRQWURO´ )& UDLVHVWKHIROORZLQJ questions: What is the nature of the relationship between the null subject and its matrix associate? Is it control (Landau 2004), binding (Modesto 2008, Holmberg 2010, Holmberg and Sheehan 2010) or movement (Boeckx, Hornstein and Nunes 2010)?

(1) Onai skazala þWR Øi/*j delaet uroki. she said.F that does.3SG homework.ACC µ6KHVDLGWKDWVKHGRHVKHUKRPHZRUN¶ Interestingly, FC in Russian is restricted to nominative subjects and shows all properties of obligatory control (local c-command, sloppy identity interpretation under VP-ellipsis, de se reading, bound reading, and unavailability of split-antecedence). Independently from FC, Russian allows subject ellipsis, observed in (2) (question-answer pair). By analogy, (1) can be analyzed as in (3).

(2) Q: Gde 0DãDi? A: Onai u sebja v komnate. Onai delaet uroki. where 0DãD.NOM she at herself in room she does.3SG homework.ACC µ:KHUHLV0DãD"¶ µ(She is) in her room. (She) does KHUKRPHZRUN¶

(3) Onai VND]DOD>þWRonai delaet uroki]. If Merge is the basic syntactic operation, there are two possible ways to derive (3): (i) Internal Merge (IM) (Copy + Merge) or (ii) External Merge. Both options imply a subsequent deletion at the articulatory-perceptual interface. The difference is that ona µVKH¶has to be listed at least twice in the numeration, if we assume option (ii). Option (i), on the other hand, implies that there is only one instance of ona in the numeration (what you see is what you get). I choose option (i) as a null hypothesis and propose a unified account of FC in Russian based on three assumptions: 1. IM into a T-position is possible (based on Movement Theory of Control). 2. Agree is composed of two operations: probe (feature matching under the closest c- command) and share (unvalued/uninterpretable features are replaced by valued/interpretable ones) (following Pesetsky and Torrego 2007). 3. Nominative Case is an interpretable tense feature on T (Pesetsky and Torrego 2001).

Once the embedded CP is completed in (3), IM applies at the next vP phase: [vP ona ... [CP ona ...]]. Crucially, ona has a nominative Case value before being merged into the matrix Spec,vP. When the matrix T enters the derivation, it probes ona, matching its Case feature. As a result, 7¶V (uninterpretable) I-features are replaced by those of ona. Note that, under the assumptions above, the matrix T does not have to assign nominative Case to ona. That is, there is no violation of Single Case Constraint (Nevins 2005). Such a violation would arise if nominative ona were to be merged into a position where a head has to assign Case (e.g., inherent Case position). This is the reason why FC in Russian is restricted to nominative Case. The subsequent question is: Why is FC impossible in English (*She said that she does her homework)? Following Holmberg (2010), I assume that EPP (Extended Projection Principle) can be either I-dependant (English) or I-independent (Russian). In languages with a I-dependent EPP, nominatives DPs are ³frozen´LQ their EPP positions and become inaccessible for argumental positions at the next phase. More generally, my proposal implies that so-FDOOHG³IUHH]LQJHIIHFW´ WKDWLV³'3VZKRVH&DVHKDV EHHQFKHFNHGDUHFRPSXWDWLRQDOO\LQHUW´(Gallego 2010:36) is not universal and it does not have an independent status in grammar. Egor Tsedryk Saint Mary¶s University References

Boeckx, Cedric, Norbert Hornstein, and Jairo Nunes 2010. Control as movement. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Gallego, Ángel. 2010. Phase theory. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Holmberg, Anders. 2010. Null subject parameters. In Parametric variation: null subjects in mi ni malist theory, eds. Theresa Biberauer, Anders Holmberg, Ian Roberts, and Michelle Sheehan, 88-124. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Holmberg, Anders, and Michelle Sheehan. 2010. Control into finite clauses in partial null-subject languages. In Parametric variation: Null subjects in minimalist theory, eds. Theresa Biberauer, Anders Holmberg, Ian Roberts, and Michelle Sheehan, 125-152. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Landau, Idan. 2004. The scale of finiteness and the calculus of control. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 22: 811-877. Modesto, Marcello. 2008. Topic prominence and null subjects. In The limits of syntactic variation, ed. Theresa Biberauer, 375-409. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Nevins, Andrew. 2005. Derivations without the activity condition. In Perspective on phases, eds. Martha McGinnis, and Norvin Richards, 287-310. MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 49. Cambridge: MIT Working Papers in Linguistics. Pesetsky, David, and Esther Torrego. 2007. The syntax of valuation and the interpretability of features. In Phrasal and clausal architecture, eds. Simin Karimi, Vida Samiian, and Wendy K. Wilkins, 262-294. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Pesetsky, David, and Esther Torrego. 2001. T-to-C movement: causes and consequences. In Ken Hale: a life in language, ed. Michael Kenstowicz, 355-426. Cambridge: MIT Press. The temporal interpretation of modals in SEN!O"EN and Hul’q’umi’num’ Claire K. Turner, University of British Columbia

This paper looks at the interaction of temporality and modality in SEN!O"EN and Hul’q’umi’num’ (Central Salish). Just like the Interior Salish language St’#t’imcets (Rullmann et al. 2008), the languages have distinct lexical items for epistemic vs circumstantial modality. I show that the two kinds of modal differ in terms of their interaction with tense, and I provide an account for the difference. Examples given here result from fieldwork on SEN!O"EN. Using Condoravdi’s (2001) notions of ‘temporal orientation’ and ‘temporal perspective’, the following generalizations hold for the two languages. In a sentence with the circumstantial modal (SEN!O"EN x!"#$), tense provides temporal perspective, the relationship between the time of modal evaluation and the utterance time: in (1), the event of walking is a future possibility. In a sentence with the epistemic modal (SEN!O"EN %iwaw#), tense provides temporal orientation, the relationship between the time of modal evaluation and the time of the event: in (2), it is a current possibility that there will be a future event of raining. Regardless of any tense morphology in the sentence, the circumstantial modal always has future temporal orientation and the epistemic modal always has present temporal perspective.

Context: I broke my leg, so can’t walk now, but the doctor says I will be able to next month. (1) X!E" SEN SE $TE% &S TI,' EN',E ()'L!. x#$%&=s*n=s%' +t*, k-=s ti.e .*ne<.*> /qel0 CIRC=1SG.SBJ=FUT walk DET=NMLZ PROX.DEM come moon ‘I will be able to walk in the next month.’

Context: I see dark clouds, so I think that it’s going to rain soon. (2) I WOWE J'N SE U !E) (EMEW1 EN',E. 'iwaw% 02en=s%' .u. 0*q /*m*x- .*ne<.*> EPIST really=FUT CONTR big rain come ‘A really big rainfall must be coming here.’

To account for this pattern, I extend Condoravdi’s (2001) analysis of English might have, which relies on scopal interactions between modals and the perfect. I claim that tense scopes over circumstantial x!"#$ and under epistemic %iwaw#. Note that in English, have can scope over epistemic might as well (von Fintel & Gillies 2008, Rullmann et al. 2012). However, tense cannot scope over epistemic %iwaw#. I argue that this is due to its syntactic properties. While x!"#$ is an auxiliary, %iwaw# is a pre-predicate particle. Thus, %iwaw# always scopes very high in the clause, over tense. Since x!"#$ scopes immediately under tense, tense locates the time of evaluation of x!"#$ with respect to the utterance time. With %iwaw#, in contrast, tense scopes under the modal and immediately over the predicate. It then locates the event time associated with the predicate with respect to the time of evaluation. In this structural account for the differences in temporal interpretation between epistemic and circumstantial modals, there is nothing about the semantics of epistemic modality that fixes %iwaw# to a present temporal perspective. The account predicts that an epistemic modal could have past or future temporal perspective if it had the right syntactic status. This is what we see with English might, which is an auxiliary. Condoravdi, Cleo. 2001. Temporal interpretations of modals. Modals for the present and for the past, in D. Beaver et al. (eds), The Construction of Meaning, Stanford : CSLI Publications., 59-88. Rullmann, Hotze, Lisa Matthewson & Henry Davis. 2008. Modals as distributive indefinites. Natural Language Semantics 16. 317-357. Rullmann, Hotze & Lisa Matthewson. 2012. ‘Epistemic modals can scope under past tense’. Paper presented at the Texas Linguistics Society, Austin. June 24. von Fintel, Kai & Anthony Gillies. 2008. CIA leaks. Philosophical Review 117(1). 77-98. Overt and covert D0 in Romanian

Mona-Luiza Ungureanu Université de Moncton Shippagan

This presentation accounts for the syntactic distribution and properties of the determiner-like element cel, which occurs in Romanian definite DPs.1 Crucially, cel differs from the prototypical Romanian definite article, a suffix that attaches to nouns, as in (1), and to adjectives that surface prenominally. Rather, cel is a free morpheme that must immediately precede prenominal quantifiers and numerals as in (2). In spite of the distinct syntactic properties between cel and the definite suffix, the presence of prenominal cel in DPs contributes a definite interpretation, even in the absence of the enclitic definite article, as in (2). In the absence of cel and the definite suffix, the DP is interpreted as indefinite, as in (3). These distribution facts raise the following questions: (A) Does the Romanian definite article have two forms? (B) What are their syntactic properties? and (C) What is their syntactic locus? Cornilescu (1992, 2004) proposes that prenominal cel is a definite article in D0, which is inserted as a last resort option when agreement between D0 and the noun or a prenominal adjective is blocked by an intervening numeral or quantifier phrase.

(1) fete-le destepte (2) cele *(doua) (destepte) fete (3) doua fete girls-the pl.f. smart cel-pl.f. two smart girls two girls “the smart girls” “the two (smart) girls” “two girls”

Conversely, the present study makes the following claims: cel is not a definite article in D0; cel and the XP following it form a constituent, celP, that is adjoined below D 0 in the same position as demonstratives; and celP can license a [+def.] feature in D0, a mechanism independently needed to account for the distribution of demonstratives. Support for these claims comes from the syntactic distribution and properties of cel relative to the other elements in the higher domain of the DP and their movement. Specifically, I show that prenominal cel can co- occur with and it follows the [+def.] suffix, as in (4). Following Grosu (1994), I show that cel cannot assign Genitive case, a property linked to D0 that the [+def.] suffix does have. Finally, cel and the XP following it distribute like a constituent with respect to movement: the resulting celP is in complementary distribution with demonstratives and allows head movement to D0 past it. Crucial pieces of evidence are provided by data like (4), which are not discussed by other researchers, to my knowledge. Here, prenominal cel co-occurs with and is below the [+def.] suffix. Moreover, the presence of two obligatorily prenominal APs suggests that the linearly first adjective has moved to DP initial position past [cel+Cardinal], where the grammatical occurrence of the adjective ‘former’ illustrates the in-situ position of the adjective, below prenominal cel.

(4) biei -i *(foti) cei doi foti preedini wretched-the former cel two former presidents ‘the wretched two former presidents’

1 Note that cel can also occur in noun ellipsis constructions, superlatives and postnominally, where it has a wider distribution than prenominal cel. I do not consider the former three cel constructions here. Importantly, prenominal cel is not widely discussed in the literature.

1 This account of the syntactic locus and properties of prenominal cel contributes a better understanding of the syntactic structure of the higher domain of the DP, its constituents and their movement, particularly head movement of A0/N0 to D0. References

Cornilescu, A. 1992. “Remarks on the determiner system of Rumanian: the demonstratives al and cel”. Probus 4.189–260. Cornilescu, A. 2004. “Double Definite Constructions (DDCs) in Romanian: More Evidence for an N*-phase” ny01.nytud.hu/~suranyi/masl/Cornilescuetal.pdf Grosu, A. 1994. Three Studies in Locality and Case. New York: Routledge. Higginbotham, James. 1985. On semantics. Linguistic Inquiry 16: 547-594. Ungureanu, M. 2004. “Head movement to D0 in Romanian” proceedings of the Annual Conference of the Canadian Linguistic Association. Ungureanu, M. 2009. A Syntactic Map of DPs in Romanian: Structure and Movement in the Higher and Lower Domains. Verlag, Dr. Muller Aktiengesellschaft & Co. Kg, Saarbrucken.

2 Composés N-N et N-de-N dans la littérature française du 17e au 20e siècle : la productivité morphologique

Elena Voskovskaia Université de Toronto

La productivité des mots composés est un domaine de recherche très peu exploré, surtout en français (Krott, Schreider & Baayen 1999; Fernández Domínguez 2007; 2009). La mesure quantitative la plus couramment utilisée est basée sur la notion de l'hapax (Baayen & Lieber 1991; Baayen 1992). Toutefois, Hay (2003) montre que c’est la fréquence relative plutôt que la fréquence absolue qui a un effet sur la décomposition et la productivité des mots complexes. Ce papier étudie une corrélation possible entre la productivité et la fréquence relative des composés N-N (croix-pile, volte-face) et N-de-N (belle-de-jour, pou-de-soie) dans la littérature française du 17e au 20e siècle. La première mesure utilisée pour évaluer le niveau de productivité est la mesure P au sens strict (Baayen & Lieber 1991; Baayen 1992) calculée comme P = n1/N (où P=le taux de productivité; n1 = le nombre d’hapax legomenon; N= le nombre total d’occurrences). Selon cette mesure, une catégorie avec un grand nombre de mots de haute fréquence a une grande valeur de N et un degré de productivité P moins élevé. La deuxième mesure appliquée est celle de la fréquence relative FR (Hay 2003) élaborée pour la composition comme frelative = fcomposé/ fbase. Selon cette mesure, les formes dont la fréquence relative est basse sont plus productives. La question qui se pose est la suivante: dans le mot composé, quel élément peut être considéré comme une base? Fernández Domínguez (2007, 2009) suggère que la fréquence de la base des composés peut être mesurée selon trois variantes: a) en ajoutant les fréquences des constituants; b) en calculant la fréquence moyenne des constituants; c) en utilisant uniquement la fréquence de la tête du composé. Néanmoins, à notre avis, il est nécessaire d'inclure dans le calcul un élément qui n'est pas la tête (selon l'analogie avec la base en dérivation). La recherche est basée sur le corpus textuel Frantext (plus de 170 millions de mots) divisé en quatre périodes selon leur importance dans l’histoire de la langue française : 1606-1694 (17.3 millions de mots) ; 1695-1798 (34.4 millions de mots) ; 1799-1872 (41 millions de mots); 1873- 1920 (28 millions de mots). La liste de 72 composés N-N et 27 composés N-de-N a été créée à partir du Dictionnaire de Littré (1877). Notre étude a démontré que la période 1606-1694 est la plus productive pour les types N-N et N-de-N (P1=0.0616 vs. P1=0.0296). À partir des années 1695-1798, le niveau de productivité des composés N-N (P2=0.0136; P3=0.0032; P4=0.0021) et N-de-N (P2=0.0030; P3=0.0047; P4=0.0046) diminue progressivement. Toutefois, la corrélation inverse entre la fréquence relative et la productivité morphologique découverte en dérivation (Hay 2003) n'a été complètement pas confirmée en composition. La probabilité d'une corrélation inverse entre P et FR est plus élevée dans les composés N-N (73%) que dans les N-de-N (17%). Pour deux types de composés, les meilleures variantes pour évaluer la fréquence relative sont liées aux mesures FR3 et FR4. Les résultats de cette étude ont démontré la nécessité d’une recherche complémentaire sur les différents types de composés.

1 Références Baayen, H.,Lieber, R. 1991. Productivity and English derivation: a corpus-based study, Linguistics, 29, pp.801-43. Baayen, H. 1992. Quantitative aspects of morphological productivity, Yearbook of Morphology, Kluwer Academic Publishers, , pp.109-149. Baayen, H. 1993. On frequency, transparency and productivity, Yearbook of Morphology, Kluwer Academic Publishers, pp.181-208. Bauer, L. 2001. Morphological productivity, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Dal, G. 2003. Productivité morphologique : définitions et notions connexes, dans Langue française, v.140, Cedex, Larousse, Paris, pp.3-23. Fernández-Domínguez, J., Díaz-Negrillo, A., !tekauer, P., 2007, How is Low Morphological Productivity Measured?, Atlantis, revista de la Asociación Española de Estudios Anglo-Norteamericanos, 29.1, pp.29-54. Fernández-Domínguez, J., 2009, Productivity in English Word-formation: An approach to N+N compounding, European University Studies, Peter Lang Publishing. Hay, J., Baayen, H. 2002. Affix Productivity and Base Productivity. Paper presented at the Morphological Productivity Seminar, ESSE 6, Aug 30-Sept 3, Strasbourg. Hay, J., (2003). Causes and consequences of word structure. New York : Routledge. Krott, A., Schreuder, R., Baayen, R. H.1999. Complex words in complex words, Linguistics, 37- 5, pp. 905-926.

2 Accent and pro-DPs in Blackfoot Natalie Weber University of British Columbia

Summary Blackfoot is a Plains Algonquian language with a system of syllabic prominence (“accent”) manifested primarily by a relatively higher F0 than surrounding syllables. I argue that the interaction of Blackfoot person proclitics with word-level accent provides evidence that the latter is sensitive to the internal structure of the word. I focus primarily on developing a phonological model of Blackfoot accent using ranked constraints (Prince & Smolensky 1993). However, the data also have syntactic implications, such that I predict accentual differences in other areas of Blackfoot grammar. Data The accent of words without proclitics falls predictably on the second syllable of the word when it is heavy (1), and on the third syllable otherwise (2). This algorithm applies regardless of lexical class, suffixation, or left-edge stem allomorphy. (1) ka’kiááki-hsin [kaP.kjá:.k-sIn] ‘chopped wood’ iká’kiaaki-wa [i.káP.kja:.ki] ‘he chopped wood’ (2) atsiníki-hsin [a.tsI.n´ı.k-sIn] ‘story’ itsiníki-wa [i.tsI.n´ı.ki] ‘he told a story’ Person proclitics such as first person nit- are pro-DPs which signify a verbal argument (on verbs), or a possessor (on nouns) (Bliss & Gruber 2011; Frantz 1997). Nouns with proclitics show a variety of patterns (3), while verbs with proclitics always have second syllable accent (4). Since the same proclitic is used for verbs and nouns, the differences must be due to structural differences. (3) nit-[itsiníki-hsin] [nI.tsI.tsI.n´ı.ksIn] ‘my story’ nit-[(i)ká’kiaaki-hsin] [nI.tsi.káP.kja:.ksIn] ‘my chopped wood’ (4) [nit-itsiniki] [nI.ts´ı .tsI.ni.ki] ‘I told a story’ [nit-ika’kiaaki] [nI.ts´ı .kaP.kja:.ki˚ ] ‘I chopped wood’ ˚ Crucially, nominal accent can fall outside the usual three-syllable window (3, ‘my story’), which is evidence that the proclitic combines with an accented stem. Nouns with proclitics may accent a variety of syllables, because accent is attracted to an earlier non- initial heavy syllable (3, ‘my chopped wood’). I use Optimality Theory to capture the dual tension between faithfulness to the stem accent and attraction to heavy syllables. In contrast, the verbal proclitic must combine with the stem before default accent is added. Bibliography Bliss, Heather & Bettina Gruber. 2011. Decomposing Blackfoot proclitics. Paper presented at GLOW 34. Vienna: University of Vienna, April 28-30, 2011.

Frantz, Donald G. 1997. Blackfoot grammar. University of Toronto Press.

Prince, Alan & Paul Smolensky. 1993. Optimality theory: Constraint interaction in generative grammar. Rutgers Technical Reports RuCCS TR-2 Rutgers. Dënes!"iné as a type language Andrea Wilhelm, University of Victoria & University of Alberta

This talk explores the semantics and syntax of nouns in the Northern Athabaskan/Dene language Dënes!"iné, and its consequences for a typology of nouns. I present evidence for the hypothesis that in Dënes!"iné, nouns are inherently of type , entities, and enter the syntax as such. Key traits of the language fall out naturally from this hypothesis: the fact that nouns are bare (no determiners and number marking) and occur as such in argument positions, the fact that bare nouns have the full range of readings of DPs (definite, indefinite, narrow and wide scope, generic, existential), the obligatoriness of copulas, the absence of intersective adjectives, and the fact that relative clauses are fully saturated (i.e., internally headed) clauses which are then nominalized. For a typology of nouns, my hypothesis means that it may not be universally true, as is widely assumed, that nouns enter the syntax as predicates (type ) and require a determiner to shift them to type (e.g., Stowell 1991, Szabolcsi 1994, Heim & Kratzer 1998, Longobardi 1994, 2005, Borer 2005). Instead, there must be crosslinguistic variation in the semantic type of nouns, as suggested in Chierchia (1998), or perhaps the universal type of nouns is , as suggested in Baker (2003). I propose a parametric analysis in the spirit of Chierchia. On this proposal, bare noun languages like Dënes!"iné differ from determiner-rich languages like French and English in that basic semantic type of nouns is or kinds, cf. (1). They also differ from bare noun languages like Mandarin or Thai in that the instantiation of kinds as individuals is accomplished by a Carlsonian realization relation R (Carlson 1977) which is part of Dënes!"iné predicates. The output of the realization relation is a singular or plural individual, i.e., a free variable in the sense of Heim (1988):

(1) lexical entry for !" 'dog': [[!"]] = DOG (the extension of !" is the dog kind)

(2) lexical entry for nechá 'she/he/it is big': Let K be the domain of kinds. Let R be the realization relation from kinds to individuals. [[nechá]] = #x ! K . R(y,x) & big(y)

(3) compositional derivation of the extension of !" nechá 'the/a dog is big': [[!" nechá]] = [[nechá]]([[[!"]]) = [#x ! K . R(x,y) & big(y)](DOG) = 1 iff R(DOG,y) & big(y)

Crucially, Dënes!"iné predicates do not contain an existential quantifier, as originally proposed by Carlson. This accounts for the fact that bare nouns do not have narrow scope, but the observed full range of noun phrase readings. I hypothesize that rich head-marking on verbs, as observed in polysynthetic languages, is a necessary but not sufficient condition for such "type languages". Another language which may fall in this category is Inuktitut (Johns & Compton 2005).

REFERENCES: Baker, Mark. 2003. Lexical categories: verbs, nouns, and adjectives. Cambridge University Press. Borer, Hagit. 2005. In name only. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Carlson, Gregory N. 1977. Reference to kinds in English. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Massachusetts. Chierchia, Gennaro. 1998. Reference to kinds across languages. Natural Language Semantics 6: 339–405. Heim, Irene. 1988. The semantics if indefinite and definite noun phrases. New York: Garland. Heim, Irene, and Angelika Kratzer. 1998. Semantics in Generative Grammar. Malden, MA: Blackwell. Johns, Alana, and Richard Compton. 2005. How bare are nouns in Inuktitut? Presentation given at Nudist(e): Atelier sur les noms nus/Workshop on bare nouns, London, ON, May 13, 2005. Longobardi, Giuseppe. 1994. Reference and Proper Names: A Theory of N-Movement in Syntax and Logical Form. Linguistic Inquiry 25:609–665. Longobardi, Giuseppe. 2005. Toward a unified grammar of reference. Zeitschrift für Sprachwissenschaft 24:5–44. Stowell, Tim. 1991. Determiners in NP and DP. In Views on phrase structure, ed. Katherine Leffel & Denis Bouchard, 37–56. Dordrecht: Kluwer. Szabolcsi, Anna. 1994. The noun phrase. In Syntax and semantics, Vol 27: The structure of Hungarian, ed. Ferenç Kiefer and Katalin É. Kiss, 179–274. San Diego: Academic Press.

Language Revitalization: An annotated bibliography Andrea Wilhelm, University of Victoria and University of Alberta

(Special Session: Reclaiming Canada’s Indigenous Languages)

This poster gives an overview of an annotated bibliography on language revitalization which I composed in 2012 and which will be published this year. I will show that the bibliography can be a valuable resource in efforts to reclaim Canada's Indigenous languages. The bibliography divides the field of language revitalization into several subareas. Each subarea begins with a short introduction and then discusses a selection of the most important references for that area. The bibliography provides clear guidance for each reference in terms of content, intended audience, and relevance. Print and online publications/websites are included, as well as films, radio programs and music CD's. Key subareas introduced in the poster are: "General overviews" and reference resources on language revitalization • "Language revitalization in practice" — an overview of approaches and models of language revitalization • "Technology and Media" for language revitalization • "Literacy, Orthography, and Standardization" • "Assessment of language vitality" • "Language policy and planning" • "The role of the linguist" as well as • "Theoretical foundations" The poster emphasizes the importance of this last area if one wants to understand the causes of language decline, possible dynamics within communities, as well as the significance and effect of one's own actions. This section transcends individual contexts (case studies) and identifies general principles, which in turn can lead to more informed choices in specific contexts. Overall, the intent of the poster is to walk language activists through the bibliography, and in doing so increase their understanding of language revitalization. The Heterogeneity of Subjunctives. Evidence from Tenseless Languages Martina Wiltschko, UBC

1. Subjunctive as defective tense. The subjunctive is commonly analyzed as an instance of ‘defective’ tense (Picallo 1984, 1985, Giannakidou 2009). The defectiveness of tense accounts for (at least) the following properties. i) subjunctive may not be used in matrix clauses (Quer 2006); ii) the temporal specification of the subjunctive clause depends on the temporal specification of the embedding clause (Quer 2006); iii) the subjunctive clause does not allow for independent temporal reference (Alexiadou & Anagnostopoulou 1999); iv) a dependent tense becomes transparent for cross-clausal relations, inducing a) obviation effects (Picallo 1984, 1985) as well as b) allowing for long distance reflexives (Thrainsson 1976, 1990). If the subjunctive is indeed best analyzed as ‘defective tense’ then the issue arises as to what happens in tenseless languages?

2. Subjunctives in tenseless languages. I will address this issue based on three tenseless languages: Blackfoot, Halkomelem, and Upper Austrian German. I shall show that i) tenseless languages have a category that can be classified as subjunctive but ii) that their properties cannot be explained with the ‘defective tense analysis’. Instead, I show that the subjunctive is not a natural class across languages: its formal as well as semantic properties differ across languages. What all ‘subjunctives’ have in common is that they contrast with the main ‘assertive’ clause type. But this contrast can come about in different ways. To capture the variation we observe, I shall argue for an approach towards functional categories according to which its function is divorced from its substantive content (Ritter & Wiltschko 2009). In particular, I shall assume that INFL comes with an intrinsic unvalued feature [u coincidence], which may either be valued by morphological content or via a higher head. The former is responsible for observed morphlogical contrasts in matrix clauses, and the latter is responsible for the dependent character of embedded clauses.

3. The Upper Austrian subjunctive: a main clause-distinction. I first establish that Upper Austrian German is a tenseless language. It lacks a matrix present/past contrast. Instead, in this language we find an obligatory and productive contrast in matrix clauses between indicative and subjunctive marking. This is in itself a significant finding as it is commonly assumed that the subjunctive in German is falling out of use (Fabricius Hansen & Sæbø 2004: 216). Predictably neither of the properties in (i-iv) above are attested in Upper Austrian: the subjunctive may be used in matrix clauses; may be associated with temporal specification; allows for independent temporal reference; and does not show any of the transparency effects of the Romance type subjunctive. I will develop an analysis according to which the indicative/subjunctive contrast in Upper Austrian serves as the main content of INFL. Thus, the substantive content of INFL in this language is based on assertiveness rather than tense.

4. Blackfoot and Halkomelem subjunctives: a subtype of embedded clauses. I show that in the other two tenseless languages under investigation the subjunctive is – like in the more familiar Romance languages – a property of dependent clauses (conditionals, negative clauses, etc.). Thus, the dependency cannot be a function of ‘defective tense’ either. Instead I show that it is a property of the unvalued coincidence feature in INFL. References Alexiadou, A. & E. Anagnostopoulou 1999 ‘Raising without Infinitives and the Nature of Agreement;. WCCFL 18 : 15- 25. Fabricius Hansen, C. & K. Sæbø. 2004. ‘In a meditative mood: the semantics of the German reportive subjunctive.’ Natural language semantics. 12: 213–257. Giannakidou, A. 2009. ‘The dependency of the subjunctive revisited: Temporal semantics and polarity.’ Lingua 120: 1883-1908. Picallo, C. 1984. ‘The INFL node and the null subject parameter.’ Linguistic Inquiry 15. Picallo, C 1985. Opaque domains. Doctoral Dissertation, CUNY Ritter, E. & M. Wiltschko. 2009. ‘Varieties of INFL: TENSE, LOCATION, and PERSON.’ In Jeroen van Craenenbroeck, ed. Alternatives to cartography. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter 153-201. Quer, J. 2006. Subjunctives. In: M. Everaert & H. van Riemsdijk. The Blackwell Companion to Syntax. Oxford: Blackwell.Vol. IV, 660-684. Thrainsson, H. 1976. ‘Reflexives and Subjunctives in Icelandic’ NELS, 6:225-239. Thrainsson, H. 1990. ‘A Semantic Reflexive in Icelandic’ in J. Maling and A. Zaenen (eds.), Modern Icelandic Syntax. Academic Press, New York, pp. 289-307.

A unified analysis of three phrase-final phenomena in Blackfoot* Joseph W. Windsor & J. L. Cobler University of Calgary

This study presents an explanation of three phrase-final phenomena in Blackfoot: Shortening of long vowels (1), deletion of short vowels (2), and aspiration of consonants (3). By examining the phonetic reality of these three phenomena, we argue that a unified phonological explanation be given to these three different surface alternations.

ݦksi@ĳޝĺ>RPD[NDQRޝݦksLޝOmahkanao'kssii 'fifty cents' /omaxkano (1) (2) Mistapoota 'go away' /mistapoޝtaĺ>PLVWDSRޝtØ@ĳ (3) Apiit 'sit down' /apiޝtĺ>DSLޝth@ĳ While on the surface the three processes appear to be disparate (as previously argued in Frantz 2009), we propose that they all result from a single phonological constraint which seeks to demarcate the right edge of prosodic phrases. We conclude that, while typologically uncommon, Blackfoot uses a perception enhancement constraint (Keyser & Stevens 2006, Côté 2008, among others) to force a fortition effect on the right edge of prosodic phrases causing a [+Spread Glottis] feature to be aligned with that edge. This occurs despite the fact that this is a prosodically weak domain, where lenition processes would be more readily expected (Kenstowicz 1994, Beckman 2004, among others). Data for this study is taken from four native speakers of the Blood dialect of Blackfoot. Each recited a story which was created in consultation with the native speakers and designed to specifically elicit forms representative of the three processes under investigation. The various word forms were extracted from these recordings and analyzed in Praat for (i) length of aspiration, (ii) vowel shortening or deletion compared to suffixed forms ([poޝV@µFDW¶YV [SRޝVaWVLࡢ NVLࡢ@µLVLWDFDW"¶ , and (iii) length of vowel devoicing (where evidenced). Preliminary results of this study show a near identical length of aspiration of final consonants and devoicing of final vowels which supports the analysis of epenthesizing a [+Spread Glottis] feature in this environment and unifies the three phenomena under a single phonological analysis. References: Beckman, Jill. 2004. Positional faithfulness. In McCarthy, John J. (ed.) Optimality theory in phonology. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing. 310-42. Côté, Marie-Hélène. 2008. Empty elements in schwa, liaison and H-aspiré: The French holy trinity revisited,Q+DUWPDQQ-XWWD0+HJHGĦV9HURQLND 9DQ5LHPVGLMN+HQN (eds.) Sounds of silence: Empty elements in syntax and phonology. New York: Elsevier. 61-104. Frantz, Donald. 1991 [2009]. Blackfoot grammar. 2nd ed. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Kenstowicz, Michael. 1994. Phonology in generative grammar. Cambridge, MA: Blackwell Publishers. Keyser, Samuel J. & Stevens, Kenneth N. 2006. Enhancement and overlap in the speech chain. Language 82(1). 81-109.

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Hui Yin Xijiao Liverpool University

This paper addresses different kinds of Mandarin multi-verb constructions (MVCs), seeking to solve a long-standing problem in Chinese linguistics: namely, how to account for a plethora of constructions, including a subset called serial verb constructions. In most previous studies, only a limited number of MVCs have been examined by any one researcher (Paul 2004). By contrast, this paper aims to provide a unified account of all types of Mandarin MVCs. I argue such a goal can be achieved through a usage-based cognitive approach (Langacker 1987, 1991, 1999, 2000, 2008; Talmy 2000). By proposing that MVCs display varying degrees of event integration, my analysis can differentiate meaningfully among distinct kinds of MVCs. Based on the form-meaning pairing criterion, I argue that MVCs of different types can be localized along portions of a continuum of event integration. This study mines the Lancaster Corpus of Mandarin Chinese for MVCs. The corpus results show there is lexical restrictedness as measured by verb type/token ratios in certain MVCs. The continuum of type/token ratios is argued to correlate with the continuum of event integration of MVCs, with lower ratios correlating with higher degrees of event integration and with higher ratios correlating with lower degrees of event integration. The corpus data indicate there is a strong interaction between lexical items and construction types. Certain verbs are easily attracted to a particular construction or even a particular verb position. Also, the corpus results reflect an asymmetry in MVCs in that verbs in one position may be more restricted. The position-specific patterns of type/token frequency largely reveal the event structures underlying particular MVCs. Generally, the verb position having a higher type/token ratio represents a core phase. The corpus results show the mutual attraction of verbs and constructions, the strong tendency to use MVCs for encoding unitary albeit complex events, and the link between lexical restrictedness and event integration as evidenced by the large variety of types of MVCs in Mandarin. The findings support a usage-based model where constructions are understood to be conventionalized units, and fixed idiomatic expressions are considered to be as important to the expressive inventory of the language as are open or fully productive syntactic structures.

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Although the locus for Ɩ-fronted elements such as topics and wh-elements is generally considered to be within CP (e.g. Rizzi 1997), it has also been shown that what constitutes the left periphery actually varies cross-linguistically (Miyagawa 2010, Su 2012). In support of the latter claim, I present an analysis of Ɩ-fronting in Dinka Twic East (Nilo-Saharan; spoken in South Sudan) that argues the following: (i) Ɩ-fronted elements in Dinka do not move into Spec-CP but rather move into a lower specifier, and (ii) the left-peripheral domain in Dinka consists of both TP and an intermediate projection between CP and TP. Based on Diesings (1990) comparison of Yiddish (TP-V2) and German (CP-V2), and contra Richards & van Urks (2012) analysis of Dinka Bor, I take Dinka (Twic East) to be a TP- V2 language, wherein the verb raises to T rather than C. Furthermore, as is typical of V2 languages, although Dinka is neutrally SVO, the subject must remain in situ in Spec-vP if another element is Ɩ-moved past the verb. However, Dinka exhibits certain distributional asymmetries in constructions involving more than one instance of Ɩ-fronting. (1a) demonstrates that multiple movement to the left periphery is permitted only if the topic precedes the wh-word; the opposite order is ungrammatical. (1b) additionally shows that this asymmetry is upheld in embedded clauses in addition to matrix clauses, while (1c) demonstrates that the topic follows a complementizer in (declarative) embedded clauses.

(1) a. Deƾ yeƾö cem (*yeƾö cem Deƾ) Deng what eat Deng, what is he (Deng) eating?

b. Deƾ a-nyij [moc yeƾö cem] Deng 3SG.IND-know [man what eat] Deng knows, the mani, what hei is eating.

c. Deƾ a-nyij [ke tuܧƾ cem Abul] Deng 3SG.IND-know [that egg eat Abul] Deng knows that, the egg, Abul is eating it.

The data in (1) suggest that topics and wh-words must be hosted by separate projections, both of which found lower than the complementizer in C. More specifically, given that I treat Dinka as a TP-V2 language, I propose that wh-words move to Spec-TP while topics move into the specifier of a projection Merged between TP and CP, following Miyagawas (2010) treatment of Japanese. Positing this intermediate projection not only provides a landing site for topics in Dinka, but it also independently sheds light on the syntax of relative clauses: under the view that I am presenting, Kaynes (1994) head raising analysis of relative clauses is untenable for Dinka, whereas the head-external analysis (Chomsky 1977, among others) follows easily. Ultimately, this analysis holds ramifications for the nature of the left periphery. Contrary to Rizzis (1997) articulated CP and, more broadly, the core tenets of the Cartography research program (Shlonsky 2010), I propose that Ɩ-fronted elements in Dinka do not move into the CP domain but crucially move into the space below it, thus providing evidence for cross-linguistic variation rather than uniformity of the locus of the left-peripheral domain. References

Chomsky, Noam. 1977. On wh-movement. In Formal Syntax, ed. by P. Culicover, T. Wasow, and A. Akmajian. 71-132. Academic Press, New York.

Diesing, Molly. 1990. Verb movement and the subject position in Yiddish. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 8. 41-79.

Kayne, Richard. 1994. The Antisymmetry of Syntax, Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press.

Miyagawa, Shigeru. 2010. Why Agree? Why Move? Unifying Agreement-Based and Discourse- Configurational Languages. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.

Richards, Norvin and Coppe van Urk. 2012. Two components of long-distance extraction: Evidence from Dinka. Handout from NELS 43, CUNY Graduate Center.

Rizzi, Luigi. 1997. The fine structure of the left periphery. In Elements of Grammar: A Handbook of Generative Syntax, ed. by L. Haegeman, 281337. Dordrecht: Kluwer.

Shlonsky, Ur. 2010. The Cartographic enterprise in syntax. Language and Linguistics Compass 4. 417-429.

Su, Yu-Ying Julia. 2012. The syntax of functional projections in the vP periphery, PhD dissertation, University of Toronto.