Winter Olympics in the Sub-Tropics
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The Kremlin Trojan Horses | the Atlantic Council
Atlantic Council DINU PATRICIU EURASIA CENTER THE KREMLIN’S TROJAN HORSES Alina Polyakova, Marlene Laruelle, Stefan Meister, and Neil Barnett Foreword by Radosław Sikorski THE KREMLIN’S TROJAN HORSES Russian Influence in France, Germany, and the United Kingdom Alina Polyakova, Marlene Laruelle, Stefan Meister, and Neil Barnett Foreword by Radosław Sikorski ISBN: 978-1-61977-518-3. This report is written and published in accordance with the Atlantic Council Policy on Intellectual Independence. The authors are solely responsible for its analysis and recommendations. The Atlantic Council and its donors do not determine, nor do they necessarily endorse or advocate for, any of this report’s conclusions. November 2016 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1 Foreword Introduction: The Kremlin’s Toolkit of Influence 3 in Europe 7 France: Mainstreaming Russian Influence 13 Germany: Interdependence as Vulnerability 20 United Kingdom: Vulnerable but Resistant Policy recommendations: Resisting Russia’s 27 Efforts to Influence, Infiltrate, and Inculcate 29 About the Authors THE KREMLIN’S TROJAN HORSES FOREWORD In 2014, Russia seized Crimea through military force. With this act, the Kremlin redrew the political map of Europe and upended the rules of the acknowledged international order. Despite the threat Russia’s revanchist policies pose to European stability and established international law, some European politicians, experts, and civic groups have expressed support for—or sympathy with—the Kremlin’s actions. These allies represent a diverse network of political influence reaching deep into Europe’s core. The Kremlin uses these Trojan horses to destabilize European politics so efficiently, that even Russia’s limited might could become a decisive factor in matters of European and international security. -
As of September 30, 2014
LIST OF AFFILIATES of Sberbank of Russia Open Joint-Stock Company (specify full corporate name of joint-stock company) Issuer code: 0 1 4 8 1 – В as of 0 9 / 3 0 / 2 0 1 4 (specify the date as of which the list of affiliated persons of the joint-stock company is compiled) Location of the issuer: 19 Vavilova St., Moscow, 117997 Russia. (specify the address (address of the permanent executive body of the joint- stock company (or other person authorized to act on behalf of joint-stock company with no power of attorney))) Information contained in this list of affiliates is subject to disclosure pursuant to the laws of the Russian Federation on securities Web page: http://www.sberbank.ru (specify the Web site used by the issuer to disclose information) Deputy Chairman of the Executive Board Sberbank of Russia Bella I. Zlatkis (name, patronymic, (signature) surname) Date 2 October 201 4 . L.S. Issuer’s codes: INN (Taxpayer Identification Number) 7707083893 OGRN (Primary State Registration Number) 1027700132195 I. Composition of affiliated persons as of 0 9 / 3 0 / 2 0 1 4 No. Full corporate name (or name, for Address of legal entity or place of Ground (grounds) for recognizing Date of ground Affiliated person’s Percentage of nonprofit organization) or surname, name residence of individual (to be the person as affiliated (grounds) participatory interest ordinary shares of and patronymic of affiliated person indicated upon authorization of in the share capital of the joint-stock individual only) the joint-stock company owned by company, % the affiliated person, % 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 The entity is entitled to dispose of more than 20 % of the total 12 Neglinnaya St., Moscow, 1 Central Bank of the Russian Federation number of votes attached to 3/21/1991 50.000000004 52.316214 107016 voting shares of Sberbank of Russia OJSC 1. -
Russia Intelligence
N°70 - January 31 2008 Published every two weeks / International Edition CONTENTS SPOTLIGHT P. 1-3 Politics & Government c Medvedev’s Last Battle Before Kremlin Debut SPOTLIGHT c Medvedev’s Last Battle The arrest of Semyon Mogilevich in Moscow on Jan. 23 is a considerable development on Russia’s cur- Before Kremlin Debut rent political landscape. His profile is altogether singular: linked to a crime gang known as “solntsevo” and PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS sought in the United States for money-laundering and fraud, Mogilevich lived an apparently peaceful exis- c Final Stretch for tence in Moscow in the renowned Rublyovka road residential neighborhood in which government figures « Operation Succession » and businessmen rub shoulders. In truth, however, he was involved in at least two types of business. One c Kirillov, Shestakov, was the sale of perfume and cosmetic goods through the firm Arbat Prestige, whose manager and leading Potekhin: the New St. “official” shareholder is Vladimir Nekrasov who was arrested at the same time as Mogilevich as the two left Petersburg Crew in Moscow a restaurant at which they had lunched. The charge that led to their incarceration was evading taxes worth DIPLOMACY around 1.5 million euros and involving companies linked to Arbat Prestige. c Balkans : Putin’s Gets His Revenge The other business to which Mogilevich’s name has been linked since at least 2003 concerns trading in P. 4-7 Business & Networks gas. As Russia Intelligence regularly reported in previous issues, Mogilevich was reportedly the driving force behind the creation of two commercial entities that played a leading role in gas relations between Russia, BEHIND THE SCENE Turkmenistan and Ukraine: EuralTransGaz first and then RosUkrEnergo later. -
Treisman Silovarchs 9 10 06
Putin’s Silovarchs Daniel Treisman October 2006, Forthcoming in Orbis, Winter 2007 In the late 1990s, many Russians believed their government had been captured by a small group of business magnates known as “the oligarchs”. The most flamboyant, Boris Berezovsky, claimed in 1996 that seven bankers controlled fifty percent of the Russian economy. Having acquired massive oil and metals enterprises in rigged privatizations, these tycoons exploited Yeltsin’s ill-health to meddle in politics and lobby their interests. Two served briefly in government. Another, Mikhail Khodorkovsky, summed up the conventional wisdom of the time in a 1997 interview: “Politics is the most lucrative field of business in Russia. And it will be that way forever.”1 A decade later, most of the original oligarchs have been tripping over each other in their haste to leave the political stage, jettisoning properties as they go. From exile in London, Berezovsky announced in February he was liquidating his last Russian assets. A 1 Quoted in Andrei Piontkovsky, “Modern-Day Rasputin,” The Moscow Times, 12 November, 1997. fellow media magnate, Vladimir Gusinsky, long ago surrendered his television station to the state-controlled gas company Gazprom and now divides his time between Israel and the US. Khodorkovsky is in a Siberian jail, serving an eight-year sentence for fraud and tax evasion. Roman Abramovich, Berezovsky’s former partner, spends much of his time in London, where he bought the Chelsea soccer club in 2003. Rather than exile him to Siberia, the Kremlin merely insists he serve as governor of the depressed Arctic outpost of Chukotka—a sign Russia’s leaders have a sense of humor, albeit of a dark kind. -
Social Media and Civil Society in the Russian Protests, December 2011
Department of Informatics and Media Social Science – major in Media and Communication Studies Fall 2013 Master Two Years Thesis Social Media and Civil Society in the Russian Protests, December 2011 The role of social media in engagement of people in the protests and their self- identification with civil society Daria Dmitrieva Fall 2013 Supervisor: Dr. Gregory Simons Researcher at Uppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies 1 2 ABSTRACT The study examines the phenomenon of the December protests in Russia when thousands of citizens were involved in the protest movement after the frauds during the Parliamentary elections. There was a popular opinion in the Internet media that at that moment Russia experienced establishment of civil society, since so many people were ready to express their discontent publically for the first time in 20 years. The focus of this study is made on the analysis of the roles that social media played in the protest movement. As it could be observed at the first glance, recruiting and mobilising individuals to participation in the rallies were mainly conducted via social media. The research analyses the concept of civil society and its relevance to the protest rhetoric and investigates, whether there was a phenomenon of civil society indeed and how it was connected to individuals‘ motivation for joining the protest. The concept of civil society is discussed through the social capital, social and political trust, e- democracy and mediatisation frameworks. The study provides a comprehensive description of the events, based on mainstream and new media sources, in order to depict the nature and the development of the movement. -
North Korea,” Predicting the Effect of Russia's
“Welcome to North Korea,” Predicting the Effect of Russia’s new Protest Law Written by Regina Smyth This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. “Welcome to North Korea,” Predicting the Effect of Russia’s new Protest Law https://www.e-ir.info/2012/07/04/welcome-to-north-korea-predicting-the-effect-of-russias-new-law-on-meetings-rallies- demonstrations-processions-and-pickets/ REGINA SMYTH, JUL 4 2012 On June 9, 2012 President Putin signed Federal Law 70631-6 «On Amendments to the Code of the Russian Federation on Administrative Violations» that enacted significant amendments to the legal code regulating the organisation and participation in public protest meetings. Labelled draconian by Russian and Western civil rights organizations and the opposition at which it was directed, the law dramatically increased the penalties for organisation of and participation in non-sanctioned meetings and all violations occurring at sanctioned meetings. The new law provoked a serious debate among Russian political observers about its potential effects, focusing on whether or not the strong state response is likely to radicalise the movement or intimidate citizens from participating altogether. This very real policy debate in Russia echoes a long term scholarly debate about the effect of repression on political action. Despite the quote in the title, the new law is not likely to transform Russia into North Korea, but that it is consistent with Putin regime’s growing reliance on the ad-hoc rule by law to arbitrarily punish its most effective opponents.[1] The most likely effect of the law is to exploit existing divisions within the protest movement that disagree over the efficacy of large scale street protests. -
Final Project Report English Pdf 92.58 KB
CEPF SMALL GRANT FINAL PROJECT COMPLETION REPORT I. BASIC DATA Organization Legal Name: Environmental Watch on the North West Caucasus Project Title (as stated in the grant agreement): Public Campaign for Western Greater Caucasus Biodiversity Protection from Planning of Olympic Games in Sochi Region / Russia Implementation Partners for This Project: International Socio-Ecological Union, Greenpeace Russia, NABU, Druzhinas for Nature Preservation Movement, WWF Russia, Center of Environmental Policy of Russia, Sochi Branch of Russian Geographical Society, NGO "Our Sochi", Krasnodar Regional Branch of All-Russia Public Association "United Civil Green Alternative" (GROZA) (NGO "ETnIСA"), Maikop City Organization of VOOP, Environmental group "For Life!", Center for the protection of constitutional rights and liberties of people, Public Environmental Council of Sochi, Public Council of Sochi, Public Chamber of Sochi, Committee of Sochi's Rescue, Design Laboratory "Ar-Ko", "Eco-Expert" Ltd, etc. Project Dates (as stated in the grant agreement): May 1, 2006 - October 31, 2006 Project Dates (really): Juny 15, 2006 – July 10, 2007 Date of Report (month/year): 12/2007 II. OPENING REMARKS Provide any opening remarks that may assist in the review of this report. In connection with the fact that it was extremely important to support the active public participation in the process of decision making relative to the Olympic Games 2014 location, and since the Environmental Watch on North Caucasus did not possess any other means for realization of these activities, the accomplishment of the project lasted longer than it was expected – more than one year. III. NARRATIVE QUESTIONS 1. What was the initial objective of this project? The initial objective of this project was the prevention of Olympic Games 2014 realization on the especially protected areas of Western Caucasus and within boundaries of World Heritage Site and also averting of negative and irreplaceable effect to its biodiversity. -
Opposition in Authoritarian Regimes – a Case Study of Russian Non-Systemic Opposition1
DOI 10.14746/ssp.2017.4.12 Olga Na d s k a k u ł a -ka c z m a r c z y k Uniwersytet Papieski Jana Pawła II w Krakowie Opposition in authoritarian regimes – a case study of Russian non-systemic opposition1 Abstract: According to Juan Linz, authoritarian rulers permit limited, powerless po- litical pluralism and organization of elections, but they make it very clear that a change in power is impossible and the opposition cannot take over. Elections in authoritarian regimes are a part of nominally democratic institutions and help rulers to legitimize the regime. They are not free or fair, and therefore do not present any opportunity for the opposition to win and change the political system afterward. The question could be asked, what kind of action the opposition should undertake in order to improve its strength. That is the main problem nowadays for non-systemic opposition in the Russian Federation. On the one hand, the opposition has a problem gaining access to elections, but on the other hand, it knows that even if it could take part, the elections would not be democratic. This article tries to shed light on the strategies of the non-systemic Russian opposi- tion and the possibility of its impact on Russian society when the government tries to marginalize, weaken and eventually destroy the non-systemic opposition. The paper provides a critical analysis of the literature and documents on the topic. Key words: non-systemic opposition, authoritarianism, Kremlin, protest movement ith reference to its title, the text aims to examine non-systemic Wopposition in Russia. -
S:\FULLCO~1\HEARIN~1\Committee Print 2018\Henry\Jan. 9 Report
Embargoed for Media Publication / Coverage until 6:00AM EST Wednesday, January 10. 1 115TH CONGRESS " ! S. PRT. 2d Session COMMITTEE PRINT 115–21 PUTIN’S ASYMMETRIC ASSAULT ON DEMOCRACY IN RUSSIA AND EUROPE: IMPLICATIONS FOR U.S. NATIONAL SECURITY A MINORITY STAFF REPORT PREPARED FOR THE USE OF THE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS UNITED STATES SENATE ONE HUNDRED FIFTEENTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION JANUARY 10, 2018 Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations Available via World Wide Web: http://www.gpoaccess.gov/congress/index.html U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE 28–110 PDF WASHINGTON : 2018 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Publishing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2104 Mail: Stop IDCC, Washington, DC 20402–0001 VerDate Mar 15 2010 04:06 Jan 09, 2018 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 5012 Sfmt 5012 S:\FULL COMMITTEE\HEARING FILES\COMMITTEE PRINT 2018\HENRY\JAN. 9 REPORT FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER seneagle Embargoed for Media Publication / Coverage until 6:00AM EST Wednesday, January 10. COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS BOB CORKER, Tennessee, Chairman JAMES E. RISCH, Idaho BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland MARCO RUBIO, Florida ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey RON JOHNSON, Wisconsin JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire JEFF FLAKE, Arizona CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware CORY GARDNER, Colorado TOM UDALL, New Mexico TODD YOUNG, Indiana CHRISTOPHER MURPHY, Connecticut JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming TIM KAINE, Virginia JOHNNY ISAKSON, Georgia EDWARD J. MARKEY, Massachusetts ROB PORTMAN, Ohio JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon RAND PAUL, Kentucky CORY A. BOOKER, New Jersey TODD WOMACK, Staff Director JESSICA LEWIS, Democratic Staff Director JOHN DUTTON, Chief Clerk (II) VerDate Mar 15 2010 04:06 Jan 09, 2018 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00002 Fmt 5904 Sfmt 5904 S:\FULL COMMITTEE\HEARING FILES\COMMITTEE PRINT 2018\HENRY\JAN. -
The Treacherous Path He Was a KGB Agent at the Height of the Cold War, the CEO of Russia’S Biggest Ever Company, and a Confidante of Vladimir Putin
The treacherous path He was a KGB agent at the height of the Cold War, the CEO of Russia’s biggest ever company, and a confidante of Vladimir Putin. On the eve of Russia’s general election, Vladimir Yakunin shines a spotlight on the inner workings of Russian power and the shadowy history of a nation misunderstood. Words: Joseph Bullmore Photography: Jonathan Mortimer Vladimir Yakunin is photographed at Mark’s Club, Mayfair, as his two advisors (with two phones apiece) wait in the wings. GENTLEMAN’S JOURNAL FEATURES 71 minorities; the state of the Russian econ- omy; the mysterious deaths of opponents in the West such as Boris Berezovsky and Alexander Litvinenko; the creeping influ- “In the dark ence of jettisoned oligarchs in Fleet Street, Mayfair and Westminster. All these, Yakunin believes, could be illuminated, even fleeting- ly, by a clearer discourse and his own candid reflections. The businessman has even set up years in which a think tank in Berlin called the Dialogue of Civilizations that hopes to bridge the chasm between Western and Russian beliefs. But, within just a few pages of the memoir and a few minutes of our meeting, I detect another their country reason for this sudden openness — a kind of personal therapy. “For many years I carried a double or may- be triple burden, because I had to fulfil many was demolished... jobs at the same time,” says Yakunin, describ- The two Vladimirs: Yakunin and Putin meet at Moscow's Rizhsky rail terminal ing his life in New York as an intelligence agent with the KGB. -
A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects the Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society
The Russian Opposition: A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects The Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society By Julia Pettengill Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 1 First published in 2012 by The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society 8th Floor – Parker Tower, 43-49 Parker Street, London, WC2B 5PS Tel: 020 7340 4520 www.henryjacksonsociety.org © The Henry Jackson Society, 2012 All rights reserved The views expressed in this publication are those of the author and are not necessarily indicative of those of The Henry Jackson Society or its directors Designed by Genium, www.geniumcreative.com ISBN 978-1-909035-01-0 2 About The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society: A cross-partisan, British think-tank. Our founders and supporters are united by a common interest in fostering a strong British, European and American commitment towards freedom, liberty, constitutional democracy, human rights, governmental and institutional reform and a robust foreign, security and defence policy and transatlantic alliance. The Henry Jackson Society is a company limited by guarantee registered in England and Wales under company number 07465741 and a charity registered in England and Wales under registered charity number 1140489. For more information about Henry Jackson Society activities, our research programme and public events please see www.henryjacksonsociety.org. 3 CONTENTS Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 5 About the Author 6 About the Russia Studies Centre 6 Acknowledgements 6 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 8 INTRODUCTION 11 CHAPTER -
The Impact of Covid-19 on Orthodox Groups and Believers in Russia
The Impact of Covid-19 on Orthodox Groups and Believers in Russia Anastasia V. Mitrofanova Abstract This chapter intends to discover how Orthodox groups and believers of different ideological orientations in Russia reacted to the 2020 world health crisis. Its fo- cus lies on the groups and individual believers from the field of Russian Ortho- doxy who could be labelled as ‘fundamentalists’. Therefore, an analysis of the offi- cial ecclesiastical reaction to the pandemic will be provided, that underlines how some contradictory messages from above caused significant numbers of believers to sympathize with the so called “corona-dissidents” within the Church. Under the topic ‘dissidents’, various other groups apart from the fundamentalists such as the moderate traditionalists, liberals, or individuals who usually follow the mainstream ecclesiastical opinion, can be subsumed. Furthermore, it could be observed that fundamentalists mostly discuss themes that might be common for all “dissidents”, although they are more open towards their criticism in view of the mainstream reactions. They stick to the assumption that both mundane and ecclesiastical leaders have discredited themselves and need to be replaced. Keywords: Orthodox Christianity, Covid-19, Ecclesiastical Lockdown, Corona- Dissidents, Fundamentalist Networks, Traditionalism, Russian Orthodox Church 1. Introduction This chapter intends to discover how Orthodox groups and believers of different ideological orientations in Russia reacted to the 2020 world health crisis. It focusses on groups and individuals who are labelled as “fundamentalists”, because they be- lieve for instance that the entire socio-political life should be changed in terms of 48 AnastasiaV.Mitrofanova collective religious salvation.1 Apart from the official position of the Moscow Pa- triarchate («the patriarchal platform»), Irina Papkova distinguishes three informal political ideologies within the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC): liberal (associated with intra-church movements initiated by late Fr.