DOI: 10.1515/irsr-2012-0014

IRSR INTERNATIONAL REVIEW of SOCIAL RESEARCH Volume 2, Issue 2, June 2012, 21-38 International Review of Social Research

Gender and Migration-Driven Changes in Rural Eastern . Migrants’ Perspectives

Ionela VLASE• University of Bucharest

Abstract: The article addresses the largely debated linkages between gender and migration, on the one hand, and the impact of migration on migrants’ society of origin, on the other hand. Based on multi-sited research conducted in a village from Eastern Romania and in (the main destination of the population studied), this paper highlights gender differences in the participation to migration process and in the contribution of migrants to the socio-economic development of their society. Using a qualitative methodology based on semi-structured interviews with migrants and participant observations, the research reveals different meanings that migrants (women and men) invest in their actions (i.e. transfers of ideas, money or durable goods and set-up of small local businesses). This study contributes to the understanding of the gendered contribution of migrants to the economic and socio- cultural transformations of their society of origin.

Keywords: gender, migration, economic development, local changes, .

I feel accomplished...If I hadn’t had this experience and had not gone abroad, I would have never raised a homelike house in which to lead a decent life, I would have never had this possibility. Wasn’t it for Italy, I would have been a have-not. Going abroad also broadened my horizons. I could see the world as it is, and the world is different from what it is like at home. There I could see how people think, I could see their worldview. When you are a domestic worker in Italy, you spend the time in houses of engineers, doctors, and teachers. Can you understand this, that you do not come upon housewives... I had a hard time coming back

•e-mail: [email protected]. Ionela Vlase is a postdoctoral researcher at the Faculty of Sociology and Social Work, University of Bucharest. Aknowledgements: The author wishes to thank two anonymous IRSR referees for their helpful comments. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Annual Conference of the faculty of Sociology and Social Work, University of Bucharest, 27-28 May 2011. Funding This work was supported by the program POSDRU ID 62259: ‘Applied social, human and political sciences. Postdoctoral training and postdoctoral fellowships in social, political and human sciences’ of the University of Bucharest, co-financed by the European Social Fund within the Sectorial Operational Program Human Resources Development 2007–2013.

© University of Bucharest, June 2012 22 | IRSR Volume 2, Issue 2, June 2012

to Romania and seeing how people are biased in their reasoning. Malice, gossip...You can’t exchange a word with anybody, because the latter ponders you: why you have this and that...Because people are all pin heads here. (Dora, 34 years old, mother of two children, returned home in 2006 after 11 years in Italy).

Migrants’ own assessments regarding Gender, migration and development changes brought by their experience of migration are often overlooked Theoretical considerations by researches dealing with the nexus between migration and development. Gender, understood as a ʻconstitutive As a consequence, some contradictions element of gender is a constitutive are raising from the comparisons element of social relationships based between researchers’ findings, policy on perceived differences between makers’ and migrants’ perspectives as the sexes, and [...] a primary way of actors engaged directly or indirectly in signifying relationships of powerʼ the management of migration process (Scott, 1986: 1067), recently became in order to enhance the benefits of an important analytical category of migration for both destination and many researches in the field of labour origin countries. This paper addresses migration. As shown by Lutz (2010) the need to understand development as and Mahler and Pessar (2006), women a more complex issue, beyond purely have been long-time considered economic indicators, and to take into dependent migrants, following their account the meanings attached to it husbands or fathers abroad, and their by migrants men and women as well. economic role has been made invisible Needless to say, migrants are not a since many women entered the host homogenous group from the point country through the process of family of view of their socio-demographic reunification and not as economic characteristics (gender, age, education migrants. Although in the last four level, ethnic belonging, etc.) and or five decades women become as therefore their aspirations and the numerous as men migrants (Zlotnik, meanings they invest in their actions may 2003), it is only starting with 1980s have different connotations, according that researchers acknowledge that to their various characteristics. This women not only migrate at the same paper addresses especially migrants’ rate as men, but they also undertake gender differences in the study of economic active roles during migration migration-driven changes in the place and thus contribute to the raising of origin. My choice was informed by of living standard of their families the research’s empirical findings, as left behind and to the development well as by the present debates within of their communities of origin the international literature in the field (Sørensen, 2005). Nonetheless, there of migration and development. is little concern within these researches IONELA VLASE Gender and Migration-Driven Changes | 23 regarding the wage differences the changes may be more important between men and women, the gendered in the countries of origin than in the motivations to invest home or the countries of destination, but the depth inequalities between households with and durability of these changes differ preponderantly men migrants abroad depending on the number of migrants, and those with more women labour the duration of migration, and the migrants. characteristics of migrant population. De Haas (2010) offers a helpful Another shortcoming of these overview of researches on migration studies concerning the linkages and development nexus and the between migration and development often contradictory findings of these is that often researchers embrace researches. Some findings suggest different normative assumptions positive effects of migration through about development upon which they remittances on development (e.g. an build their arguments of what should appreciation in the exchange rate, be done in order to achieve a certain support for securing foreign loans, level of development (Bartram, 2010). poverty alleviation, the prospects Dannecker (2009) also points to a of productive investments), while wide shared assumption of migrants’ others highlight the negative effects responsibility toward their societies of remittances (e.g. economic often made by researchers and policy dependency of remittances-receiving makers in this field. Migrants may not countries, conspicuous consumption share (or they might even ignore) the by the recipients of remittances, views of national and supranational rising inequality between households organizations about development. having members abroad and other Likewise, migrants’ achievement of households), according to different personal goals might not be in total theoretical paradigms which informed accordance with local policies aiming social researchers throughout the past to reduce socio-economic inequalities decades. The author rightly argues that that are often considered as hindering the main shortcomings of those studies development (de Haas, 2009). rely on the fact that the researchers consider the migration as an exogenous Prior empirical findings variable of the social change, instead of addressing the migration as an Research findings from a survey endogenous component of social carried out on 1128 households from transformation. Portes (2010) also Philippines with members working concludes that migration is both a abroad (Semyonov and Gorodzeisky, form of change as well as a cause of 2005) show that women and men social transformation, and implicitly choose different destination countries of economic development as an aspect and take on different types of jobs: of broader social changes: Migration women usually work as domestics is, of course, change and it can lead, or care workers in countries from in turn, to further transformations in Eastern Asia, while men work in sending and receiving societies (Portes, manufacturing industries in countries 2010 : 1544). The author also adds that from Middle East and they earn on 24 | IRSR Volume 2, Issue 2, June 2012 average 1.5 more than their women selection in the place of origin. In line counterparts. Taking into account the with Tacoli’s (1999) results, this study larger amounts of remittances sent also reveals that for families in home by men migrants to their families, countries might be more beneficial the authors argue that a great share of to have women members abroad inequalities between the families left due to their likelihood get married in behind in Philippines may be explained Europe. Their families in Thailand by the fact that some families send may enjoy therefore symbolic and more men members abroad, while other material benefits. Suksomboon also families send more women. Migrant highlights the financial contribution women remit on average 45% of their of these migrant women who invest in income, while men migrant remit local development projects (i.e. new 60% of their earnings abroad. These schools, hospitals and churches), and findings contradict other findingscf ( . these investments bring them social Tacoli, 1999) according to which recognition and improve the social women from Philippines working in status of their families within the Rome perform economically better community. There are also negative than their male counterparts and have a effects of these remittances, as pointed more responsible and altruist behaviour out by Suksomboon: increased toward their families even after they competition between families who get married. have daughters married abroad, rising Another qualitative research inequalities between households (Suksomboon 2008) sheds light on the with and without such members, and economic and social changes taking overwhelming constraints felt by some place in a Thai community through daughters toward the moral obligation economic and social remittances sent by to send money to their parents in migrant women married in Netherlands. order to comply with the norm of ‘Social remittances’ represents ʻthe intergenerational solidarity widely ideas, behaviours, identities, and shared by their community of origin. social capital that flow from receiving- Although there is a certain consensus to sending-country communities.ʼ among researchers concerning the fact (Levitt, 1998: 927). These ideas and that men and women do not remit to behaviours brought by migrants during the same extent and with the same their visits or when they settle back regularity, some issues are still unclear in the origin communities may also and not sufficiently addressed. For influence the life style of non-migrants instance, there is little information belonging to these communities. about the motivations behind the Suksomboon shows that women, a economic behaviours of migrants, men part from sending important amounts and women, or about socio-cultural of money home (between 100 and 700 norms constraining/enabling some de euro, depending on their incomes in migrants to remit more than others, as Netherlands and according to families’ well the meanings attached by different needs), they also bring ideas and categories of migrants to the personal practices reproducing the European life and/or community development. The style, and further influencing the marital present paper aims to contribute to the IONELA VLASE Gender and Migration-Driven Changes | 25 knowledge of these issues through the The present study is based on a analysis of an illustrative case from the research undertook in Eastern Romania point of view of the Romanian labour in a region where people are mostly migration in Italy within the past oriented toward Italy as destination two decades. Some recent researches for labour migration (Sandu, 2007). (de Sousa and Duval 2010, Rossi Figures are only part of this reality of and Botti, 2010) already highlighted these communities which are presently the importance of remittances by undergoing demographic, socio- working in Italy, but they economic and cultural transformations not consider the gender dimension or more or less observables, whose the migrants’ subjective assessments depth and durability are not yet about their participation to remittances. known. The meanings migrants attach to this emergent realities are however important to explore in Research frame order to understand the depth of these undergoing transformations. This Italy – main destination of Romanian paper aims therefore to examine these labour migrants transformations brought by migration in origin communities through the Italy and , traditionally known analysis of interviews with migrants as emigration countries until 1970s, (men and women) belonging to a rural are in the present the most important community from Eastern Romania. destination countries of labour migrants in Europe, Romanians being Data and methods the most numerous migrant community in these countries. According to The research rely on multi-sited SOPEMI (2010), our registration ethnography (Marcus, 1995), in which system underestimates the number the researcher follows the object under of persons who leave the country in scrutiny (follow the people), in order to order to seek job opportunities abroad understand the extent to which different since an important share of these socio-economic contexts affect persons do not inform the Romanian migrants’ practices and behaviours authorities when they leave or when and the way in which the migrant they settle abroad. The number of actors respond to new constraints Romanians in Italy it is estimated at and opportunities. I have carried out around 1 million (Caritas-Migrantes, fieldworks in a Romanian village 2010). Other sources indicate similar (Eastern Romania) as well as in Lazio, estimates. According to SOPEMI the region which surrounds Rome (2010), Romanians make up the largest (host Italian provinces of Genzano, immigrant community in Italy, and Veletri, Albano) in 2000, 2003, 2006 the evolution of gender composition and 2010. Long-term participant shows an increasing feminization of observations in migrants’ community Romanian migrant flows to Italy. Since of origin enabled to understand the 2008 Romanian women are exceeding way of using remittances from Italy, their male counterparts in Italy. the nature of investments made by 26 | IRSR Volume 2, Issue 2, June 2012 migrants in building new, the changes Gender and participation to labour in gender and intergenerational migration relations underpinning these types of investments. In addition, data The growing difficulties raised by the gathered through semi-structured post-communist transition in Romania interviews brought information about lead many people to choose migration socio-economic situation prior to as a strategy of life (Sandu, 2000). The migration, family situation, gendered migration toward Italy begins in 1992- access to the resources (i.e. money for 1993, according to our interviews tourist visa, information about labour and participant observations. Other opportunities, etc.) enabling migration, destination countries like Turkey creation of kinship and ethnic migrant and Hungary were in the meantime networks, migrants participation to explored by some young single men labour market in Italy, motivations to migrants from rural communities of return in Romania. I have conducted Eastern Romania. These countries 52 interviews, out of which 20 are were considered rather as a test for realised between October-December potential labour migrants because they 2010 with migrant returnees lately were considered easier to reach for settled in their village. The mean age of their geographical proximity and lower interviewed returnees is 39 years old, travel costs, but also because people women being slightly younger than tested their capacity to adapt to a new men. On average, they lived in Italy for culture, to a new work ethic thought ten years before returning home, men as different from the local one. Once having a longer migration experience someone proved capable to adapt to than women in the sample of returnees. such an experience, it becomes easier In order to protect migrants’ identity I to take the decision to explore other have used pseudonyms. The analysis remote destinations, as Italy: of interviews was done after verbatim First, I went first to Turkey for transcription of interviews and through six months, in early 1996. It is the identification of key themes there that I saw the way people established previously. These themes work abroad. At the beginning refer to socio-economic remittances, I was afraid that I could not eat migrant’s family situation, family their meals, but I have soon members left in the country, the understood that their meals are orientation toward society of origin/ better than ours, I mean they cook destination, migrants’ assessments lighter food. Then I saw that I with regard to the achievement of have survived to hard work on a their projects during migration, construction site. I went to a site satisfaction with living standard where there were other young upon return, evaluation of changes in men from here who have been in local traditions. The most important Turkey before and I said to them: gender differences that appeared in listen, men, take me with you the analysis are synthesised in the because I want to come in Turkey following sections. me too! So I choose first Turkey because I wanted to see if I can IONELA VLASE Gender and Migration-Driven Changes | 27

make it, and because it wasn’t so obtain a tourist visa. Now I have expensive to go there and in case to repay her the loan of 1600$. I was not capable to adapt I could Now you can have a round trip soon return... One usually goes in with only 200 Euros, but I have Turkey for 60 days, so every two left before 2002. (Ana, 40 years months one should return and old, married, mother of 4 children, then go back again if he wants. interviewed in the place of origin It was hard the first two months; to 22/12/2002). I did not understand a word in The feminisation of Romanian Turkish. Little by little I began migration is an undeniable trend today. to write in Turkish ... (Ivan, 47, Despite their later participation to single, high school graduate, went migration process, and their shorter to Italy in 1997, returned in 2009, migration experience in Italy, women interviewed in November 2010) play an important but often ignored Unlike men from this region, women role in social and economic remittances begin to migrate later on and are directed toward their families and generally excluded from migratory communities of origin. selection to countries like Turkey and Hungary. In order to reach Italy, women need to overcome many constraints: Meanings of economic and social lack of economic resources to buy remittances a tourist visa, a common procedure before 2002, as well as limited access Since the early 1990s, the Romanian to migrant networks (Vlase, 2006) financial remittances, whether by and local stereotypes concerning the formal or through informal means (by inappropriate or immoral behaviour relatives or fellow villagers who came of migrant women. The freedom of to visit families) have improved the circulation granted to Romanians quality of life of families left behind, travelling in Schengen area in 2002 and as it was revealed through long-term the extension of migrant networks lead participant observations direct in home to increased opportunities of women to communities. These incomes have not leave the country and to have access to only improved living conditions of information and jobs in Italy, especially families in the country (houses were in domestic services (i.e. housekeeping, repaired, they were provided with care work or babysitting): new equipment, with appliances, new houses were build1), but enhanced Now women go for Italy also the access to public services (health, because lately it became easier education of children) and consumer for foreign women to find a job goods (clothing, footwear and food). there. Now, when you leave the However, frequency, types and uses country you know what’s there. of these remittances take different My younger sister was already in meanings depending on gender. Their Italy. She is 33 years old and she analysis allows a better understanding works as domestic live-in and of the relationship between migration she lent me the money needed to and its impact on development. 28 | IRSR Volume 2, Issue 2, June 2012

Emancipation as an outcome of which she considers to distinguish migration in women’s narratives herself through moral conduit and a superior way of thinking. Another illustration of emancipation achieved Throughout the interviews carried out through social remittances refers, in with migrant women working in Italy, Mioara’s view, to the fact that now she most often in domestic services, the places herself at the same level with most important place is taken by the people from developed countries. In significance of their social remittances. other words, the woman thinks that she Paradoxically, at first sight, despite the learnt new skills that help her progress low status assigned these jobs (without and overcome the under-development full recognition and characterized by (here understood as backwardness or relatively low remigration), women lack of sound thinking): attach them preponderantly positive meanings that can be interpreted as For example, while I was working various senses of emancipation. One of there for an Italian family who the most spread meanings refers to the faced some problems I have come enlargement of knowledge experiences. to give them advices on how For instance, there are strong evidences to solve them, me, who at the throughout the observations and the beginning only received advices interviews with women, that migrant from them, now, I was in a position women highly value some ideas, to coach. (Mioara, 37 years old, identities or practices brought by their mother of two children, returned migration experience. As Dora put it in from Italy in 2007, interviewed in the excerpt of the interview reproduced the place of origin in November in the argument of this paper, an 2010). important achievement of her migration However, despite material and in Italy, a part from the material ones, symbolic benefits migrants and their is represented by her new ‘horizon of families obtain from such remittances, knowledge’. Close contacts with the sometimes they are critically assessed Italian upper-middle class families (of in the societies of origin. There are also engineers, doctors or professors) for situations in which these new ideas whom she worked enable her to cross and practices encounter opposition the social boundaries of her origin. from other household members in the Romanian migrant women selectively village. For instance, in the case of take on new ideas and identities young families who seek to adopt a from those families. This aspect was more egalitarian division of domestic also highlighted by Gallo (2006) for chores, visits in Romania sometimes Indian immigrant women in Italy. The prove to be occasions for conflicts and contrast outlined by Dora between debates over the way in which things the societies of origin and destination should be done, as Emilia put it: is meant to put more emphasis on the personal value she invests in these We were taught that in a household social remittances. This has a special the mother should do all the importance for her new social position domestic chores, but today people within the community of origin against have changed. I had problems IONELA VLASE Gender and Migration-Driven Changes | 29

when I was home because I was remittances especially to children left used in Italy to ask my husband to in the village, and sometimes to their help me do one thing or another, parents when those latter have urgent like making a coffee or suspending needs, like health related problems. the laundry. My family, especially This way of women’s participation to my grandmother, asked me: How economic remittances is found is also can you tell your man you to do common in Albania where especially that for you?! (Emilia, 25 years men send remittances to their families, old, married, interviewed in Italy while women send money just ‘for on 3.03. 2003) a coffee’ (King et al., 2006). Rural Egalitarian division of domestic work Romanian and Albanian societies share between spouses is considered as a many similarities with concern to the main indicator of gender equalities household organisation according to in developed countries, while it is which women join husbands’ families far from being a norm in Romanian after marriage and have limited power rural communities where asymmetric of decision-making in almost all issues. power relations between men and Women’s work and their incomes women or between generations prevail. during migration are channelled Therefore, when migrants attempt toward men’s families and only little to balance this gendered division parts (if any) toward women’s families of labour, they may be criticized or of origin. Other scholars (Sana and sanctioned. Upon return in Romania, Massey, 2005) emphasised the role partners usually take on traditional of household organization and its family roles: women as caretakers and gender relations in shaping economic men as breadwinners. Women may remittances. therefore wish to postpone their return During the first years of migration since there the social control of origin in Italy the financial or in-kinds community or of the extended family remittances were regular, but as is weak, and women may have more migrants brought their children in Italy space for renegotiation of their position or begun to set on a return project, and duties within family: ‘My husband these remittances have become less is easy to manipulate by his relatives regular: or his pairs. In Italy he used to help me At the beginning I was sending especially with childrearing duties, as regularly packages, gifts, I was we have to do this by ourselves, but buying everything children he immediately changed these habits wanted, I could not say no. My upon return and now act according to elder daughter was very pleased village’s mentality.’ (Elena, 40 years when she was receiving something old, mother of two children, returned from Italy: clothes, phones, food, in 2006, after 11 years in Italy). sweets. I was sending packages every two weeks. (Parascheva, 43 Gender and economic remittances years old, returned in 2008, after 5 years in Italy, interviewed in In what concerns economic remittances, October 2010) women send money or in-kinds 30 | IRSR Volume 2, Issue 2, June 2012

It is difficult to have accurate estimate sacrificed everything. (Elena, of remittances sent by women and men 40 years, mother of two girls, based on interviews declarations. The returned in 2006 after 11 years in amounts indicated by migrant returnees Italy) refer to the volume of savings invested This may seem astonishing, but self- in houses or in little businesses in sacrifice for the interest of family is construction, agriculture or trade. On found as one of the main characteristics average, during 9 or 10 years spent in of women’s identity in Romania, Italy, a family brought approximately as shown by Chytkova (2011) in 90.000 Euros in Romania. Although her study on consumer behavior of women have an important contribution Romanian women in Italy. Bearing to these savings, they do not enjoy full this in mind, is difficult to determine recognition at least for two reasons. the share of economic remittances sent First, in Italy the spouses often have by women. Indeed, although Elena an arrangement in which women’s dosen’t deny her contribution to the incomes (usually thought secondary in wellbeing of her family, she clearly rapport with men’s incomes) is spent exlpains that she can not fully enjoy on current living in Italy, while men or make acknowledge since this would maximize their savings in order to result in conflicts between partners that transfer them in Romania. This kind could threaten the family’s cohesion. of arrangement underlies a specific New gender roles performed during temporary migration pattern in which migration may be in contradiction families aim to save the maximum with local social norms of the society the sooner. Since women provide for of origin, further generating conflicts their families in Italy, they will not between household members. have personal savings upon return. Beyond this controversial issue of Second, although women are aware whether women remit more or less of their personal contribution to the money than men, one may however achievement of family goals, they are aknowledge that remittances play a likely to minimize it in order not to crucial role in improving the quality undermine men’s authority or their of life of many households in Rural breadwinner role. There are evindences areas in many life domains (i.e. health, of this assumption in some of our living conditions, children’s education, interviews with women returnees. investments in local enterprises), even Elena explicitly put it in the following if all these may not yet represent strong excerpt of the interview: evidences of a sustainable development My husband depends very much and some local economic practices on me, but he wouldn’t ever admit may discourage migrant returnees who it. As for me, I don’t want to show wish to invest, as it is shown in the it to him because I know this will next excerpt from an interview with a bother him. He relies so much on returnee investor: me in thinking, money-wise, in all I do not agree with this unfair he does. But his masculine pride competition in our village, I mean won’t let him admit that all we I have bought 20.000 Euros a plot have, we have it because I have IONELA VLASE Gender and Migration-Driven Changes | 31

of land to build my own warehouse, values underlying the economic as I saw in Western countries. In organizations and economic roles. addition I have further invested As shown by Black et al. (2003), 20.000 Euros in this (warehouse) compared with non-migrants, migrant building, so I have spent 40.000 returnees are more likely to invest in Euros in total and I cannot admit order to create new job opportunities that someone who also sells for themselves and for other family construction materials to do it on members or friends. Women, unlike the on the public road, without men, don’t have the possibility to investing in an appropriate space invest since they don’t possess savings. for such an activity’. (Ion, 36 Moreover, their work experience in years old, single, returned in 2006 Italy as domestic servants did not lead after 13 years in Italy). to new valuable skills that women Apart from this unfair competition returnees might transfer and convert between migrant returnees and non- in remunerable activity in their migrants, the former category also community of origin. considers that in the village people have not an work ethic that could enable development like in Western Family life upon return countries: At the family level, migration is likely What I have appreciated, in to induce more durable and deep general, in Italy is that Italians are transformations. The rural household very hardworking. Here, when was usually composed by two nuclear someone starts soaring, you have families, that is parents and the to stop working because either family of their youngest son sharing there is a a holiday or comes a the household resources. Members’ Saint, and so on, so you can’t freedom in the decision-making work neither at home because process and their access to material and your neighboor sees you and symbolic resources are not however that’s not good. Italians say that equal regardless of gender and age. in agriculture and in construction For instance, men are usually allowed one only stops working when it’s to sell some of households’ goods in raining and not because there is St. case they need a certain amount of Marco or St. Andrei ... (Vasile, 41 money. Today, household organization years old, married, two children, witnesses transformations in returned to the country in 2004, intergenerational and gender relations. after 10 years in Italy, interviewed Many households are becoming in December 2010) nuclear families. Migration provided Changes brought by migration at young families with the means of the economic level are undeniable. building their own homes. Traditional Migrants, especially men, make house heritage by youngest son is no investments that revitalize village’s longer the rule and it is sometimes economic life but these changes are challenged by young men migrants: unlikely to affect social norms and What is there to inherit from 32 | IRSR Volume 2, Issue 2, June 2012

my parents?! These ideas are so to his parents in order for me to old fashioned, it is not working join him in Italy, but they gave me like this anymore, that I’m the no money. And then I asked why, youngest and I should inherit the what was happening and he had to [parents’] house and land. What say it to me. He wanted to protect shall I take? The chickens and me, to avoid suffering. Then, their coop?! (Ion, 36 years old, when he saw that his parents single, returned in 2006 after 13 continued like this, he decided to years work experience in Italy). send me the money, I mean (he Young women are also willing to sent it) to my father. (Emily, 25 separate from their parents-in-law. Pauli year old, married, interviewed in (2005) among other scholars, shows Rome in March 2003) that daughther-in-law and mothere-in- Out of 12 women returnees law cohabitation in patriarchal societies interviewed, seven women live is most often felt by the former as a with their husbands and children as situation of isolation and exploitation. nuclear families, four women have Her marital, social and economic new houses raised near the old ones behaviour is always under the scrutiny in which only one parent-in-law is of her in-laws and she needs to adjust still living, and the last interviewed to their expectations. Issues like the woman live with her own parents, as number of children the woman wants well as with her husband and children, to bear, children’s upbringing and so in parents’ house she renovated with on are often beyond her own decision. money from Italy. We can therefore One of migrant women interviewed in notice a diversification of residencial Italy in 2006, mother of three children, patterns of migrant’s households, and who was living with her mother-in-law furthermore, a certain transformation before migration, characterized that of gender and intergenerational period of cohabitation in the following relations whithin these households. words: ‚if I had killed someone I might The new migrant’s homes become not get a heavier sanction than that of the space within women decide on living with my mother-in-law for 13 their own how to use it and how to years. It was worse than the prison ‚. By arrage furniture and carpets often separating from their in-laws, women brought from Italy; this can further be hope to reach more independence in interpreted as an expression of women leading their lives: new identities. Migration not only made possible for families to have their I said yes (I marry him) but I’m own home, but it also lead to greater not going to live with his parents freedom of young persons to choose as he was going (in Italy). There their partners. If in the past, marital was no sense for me to go to live selection was closely monitored by with them because, at that time parents who paid attention to the I didn’t know but I found it out similarity between symbolic and later that his parents didn’t want material assests of households meant me (as their daughter in law). to be related through a marriage, Then, later on, he sent me money today young persons may choose IONELA VLASE Gender and Migration-Driven Changes | 33 their spouse more freely. Although pattern applies to almost all ethnic migration is decided at the family level, immigrant communities in Italy (i.e. there are many examples of conflicts, those with an immigrant husband are because not all family members only a tiny fraction of those with an have converging interests. There are immigrant wife). However, compared indications that intergenerational and with Albanians (the second largest gender relations are changing as a immigrant group in Italy), where the result of the economic opportunities proportion of mixed marriages of the of migration. The ease with which first type represents 45 percent of the women find a job in Italy gives them Albanian–Italian marriages in 2007, financial independence and allows Romanian (husband)–Italian (wife) them to negotiate their own position in marriages barely represent five percent the family, relationships with spouses, of mixed marriages. We may speculate parents or in-laws. Their economic that there are different incentives role is a new element, since most for Romanian migrant men and women in rural areas of the Eastern women regarding cultural and social region were formerly housewives or adjustment to Italian society. This seasonal workers, low remunerated, question needs further investigation, in agricultural cooperatives. Influence as our research sample contains little of the host society and close contact information on this issue. But there are with the Italian families they work they reasons to expect that new ideas about worked for led to the reinterpretation of marriage and new definitions of gender gender roles, usually to the benefit of roles pervade the communities of women. origin as a result of women’s growing Changes in gender relations prospects for choosing non-Romanian and marital selection are already husbands. documented in international literature indicating similar trends to thse described in this paper. For example, Conclusion Belanger and Linh (2011) show that migration of young women in Vietnam With few exceptions (Dannecker, increased their chances of marrying 2009, King et al. 2006, Rahman, a foreigner, regardless of socio- 2009), researches in the field of economic situation of their families of migration and development do not origin. There is a sizable share of mixed deal with gender differences and the marriages between Romanian women meanings women and men invest in and Italian men. This marriage pattern their social and economic remittances. is much more widespread than that of This paper examined the gendered marriages between Romanian men and participation to remittances sent by Italian women. According to ISTAT, Romanians migrants in Italy and 2,300 marriages were registered in illustrated the various senses given 2007 between Romanian women and by men and women to the definition Italian men, while only 123 Romanian of personal/ community development. men married Italian women during the While the majority of scholars analyse same year. The same intermarriage development through purely economic 34 | IRSR Volume 2, Issue 2, June 2012 indicators – poverty aleviation, of this research is that it sheds light decreasing economic inequalities, share on the reasons of ‚invisibility’ of of remittances in GDP (Gross Domestic women’s financial remittances from Product) and balance of payments Italy. Although Sandu (2010) already (Dăianu et al. 2001) - I have considered stressed the gender differences in helpful to examine the socio-cultural earnings of Romanian migrants, dimension of such remittances in another factor that contributes to understanding the development process differences in remittances between linked to migration. The actors in the men and women is represented by process of migration, women and men, gender noms in the society of origin. understand and interpret development Therefore, since men are considered in different ways and at different levels the leading providers of means for (i.e. personal, family, community), livelihood in the community of origin, and this influences the development they feel obliged to comply with this outcome itself, as shown by Dannecker norm and send more regularly and (2009) for migrants originating from larger amounts of money. This would Bangladesh. In the case under study not be however possible without here, it is shown that development is womens’ financial support in Italy. most often understood by women in However, women’s contribution is not relation to evolution their personal totally aknowledged in the place of situation (higher level of aspirations, origin. broadening cultural horizons, new Although the present study can practices of identity), while men often not claim that offers an exhaustive link development to local economic discussion of changes driven by practices considered often as an migration in Eastern Romania, it obstacle to development. Regularity of nevertheless brings an important women’s financial remittances (or in- contribution to the knowledge of kind remittances: clothing, furniture, less discussed aspects of the way appliances) depends on the number migration affects gender relations of children left behind in the care of and participation in socio-economic grandparents or other close relatives. remittances. It would not be reasonable From this point of view, our results are to claim that we can capture all social, closer to those illustrated by King et al. economic and cultural changes (2006) than to those of Suksomboon occurred in recent years since (2008), who highlights the duty of many of these changes do not have women migrants toward their parents. immediate and visible manifestations. The way in which migration Romanian society, overally, undergoes affect household organization in the multifaceted transformations as a result place of origin it is also an indication of migratory movements of the last two of transformations in gender and decades. Romania is however a country intergenerational, and therefore an with recent tradition of international additional evidence of the fact that migration, and different studies in development could not be addressed various communities like Borșa in only through the study of economic Maramureș (Anghel, 2010), Marginea indicators. Another notable result (Suceava) and Focșani (Vrancea) IONELA VLASE Gender and Migration-Driven Changes | 35

(Cingolani, Piperno, 2006) represent, important to consider the migration from this point of view, attempts of process in its development along two mapping local transformations brought or three generations before to assess by migration. The present paper brings the stability and the depth of changes. some innovations by taking gender This study, along with others studies as constitutive element of Romanian covering different regions of Romania, migration process, and by addressing is useful in further endeavors to trace development of the society of origin the changes brought by migration. through migrants’ perspectives. In addition, this study is based on a longitudinal research carried out Notes through fieldworks in both countries. 1 Taking into account that Romanian d dFrom 2002 to 2010, local authorities migration still witness growing issued 605 authorisations for new buildings in the village under scrutiny. Out of these, complexity of flows and destinations, 356 were completed. According to local is premature to make claims about civil servants’ declarations, most of these the durability of changes highlighted new buildings are owned by migrants. The here. As Portes (2010) shows, it is village comprises 3300 households.

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