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Also noteworthy in Pelloutier’s call for renewed anarchist involvement in the workers’ movement was his endorsement of anarchist communism as the ultimate goal of the revolu- tionary syndicalist movement. However, in France, after Pell- outier’s death, the revolutionary syndicalist organization, the The Anarchist Current Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT), adopted a policy of Continuity and Change in Anarchist Thought nonaffiliation with any party or doctrine, including anarchism. CGT militants, such as Pierre Monatte, claimed that within the CGT all doctrines enjoyed “equal tolerance” (Volume One, Se- Robert Graham lection 60). The CGT focused on the means of revolutionary action, such as direct action and the general strike, instead of arguing over ideology. This was in contrast to anarcho-syndicalist union feder- ations, such as the Workers’ Federations of the Argentine Region (FORA) and the Uruguayan Region (FORU), which, as with Pelloutier, recommended “the widest possible study of the economic-philosophical principles of anarchist commu- nism” (Volume One, Selection 58). The anarcho-syndicalists sought to organize the workers into revolutionary trade unions through which they would abolish the state and capitalism by means of general strikes, factory occupations, expropriation and insurrection. For the most part, their ultimate goal was anarchist communism, the abolition of wage labour, private property and the state, and the creation of free federations of worker, consumer and communal associations, whether in Latin America (Volume One, Selection 95), Russia (Volume One, Selection 84), Japan (Volume One, Selection 107), Spain (Volume One, Selection 124), or elsewhere. Anarcho-syndicalists were behind the reconstitution of the International Workers’ Association (IWA/AIT) in 1922, with a membership of about two million workers from 15 countries in Europe and Latin America. At their founding Congress, they explicitly endorsed “libertarian communism” as their goal and rejected any “form of statism, even the so-called ‘Dictatorship 2013 of the Proletariat’,” because dictatorship “will always be the cre- 52 the social revolution. Around the same time, similar ideas were being propounded by the Workers’ Federation of the Spanish Region (Volume One, Selection 36), and by anarchists in- volved in working class movements in Latin America. But by 1894 in Europe, when Malatesta again urged anar- chists to go to the people, many agreed with him that after “twenty years of propaganda and struggle… we are today nearly strangers to the great popular commotions which agitate Europe and America” (Volume One, Selection 53). One of those anarchists was Fernand Pelloutier (1867–1901). Sensing growing disillusionment among the workers with the electoral tactics of the socialist parties, some anarchists had again become involved in the trade union movement. Pelloutier argued that through participation in the trade unions, anarchists “taught the masses the true meaning of anarchism, a doctrine” which can readily “manage without the individual dynamiter” (Volume One, Selection 56). It was from this renewed involvement in the workers’ struggles that anarcho-syndicalism was born (Volume One, Chapter 12). Pelloutier argued, as Bakunin had before him (Volume One, Selection 25), that revolutionary trade union organizations, unlike the state, are based on voluntary membership and therefore operate largely on the basis of free agreement. Any trade union “officials” are subject to “permanent revocabil- ity,” and play a coordinating rather than a “directorial” role. Through their own autonomous organizations, the workers will come “to understand that they should regulate their affairs for themselves,” and will be able to prevent the reconstitution of state power after the revolution by taking control of “the instruments of production,” seeing “to the operation of the economy through the free grouping,” rendering “any political institution superfluous,” with the workers having already become accustomed “to shrug off tutelage” through their participation in the revolutionary trade union, or “syndicalist,” movement (Volume One, Selection 56). 51 bound and beaten, will emerge all the more lively, splendid and mighty” (Volume One, Selection 62). Malatesta took a more sober approach, recognizing that “past history contains examples of persecutions which stopped and destroyed a movement as well as of others which brought Contents about a revolution.” He criticized those “comrades who expect the triumph of our ideas from the multiplication of acts of individual violence,” arguing that “bourgeois society cannot From Anarchy to Anarchism ........... 8 be overthrown” by bombs and knife blows because it is based Daoism and Early Anarchism . 10 “on an enormous mass of private interests and prejudices… Étienne de la Boétie and Voluntary Servitude . 11 sustained… by the inertia of the masses and their habits of Heresy and Revolution . 12 submission.” While he argued that anarchists should ignore Gerrard Winstanley and the Diggers . 13 and defy anti-anarchist laws and measures where able to do Utopian Undercurrents . 14 so, he felt that anarchists had isolated themselves from the The Great French Revolution . 15 people. He called on anarchists to “live among the people and Godwin’s Critique of Coercion . 17 to win them over… by actively taking part in their struggles Charles Fourier and the Liberation of Desire . 20 and sufferings,” for the anarchist social revolution can only Proudhon: The Self-Proclaimed Anarchist . 21 succeed when the people are “ready to fight and… to take the Revolutionary Ideas in Europe . 23 conduct of their affairs into their own hands” (Volume One, Max Stirner ...................... 24 Selection 53). Proudhon: Machinery and Worker Self- Management . 26 1848: Anarchism and Revolution in Europe . 28 Anarchism and the Workers’ Struggles Déjacque’s Critique of Proudhon . 31 Ernest Coeurderoy: Citizen of the World . 31 The Haymarket Martyrs were part of the so-called “Black Inter- The First International and the Emergence of national,” the International Working People’s Association. The the Anarchist Movement . 32 IWPA drew its inspiration from the anti-authoritarian Interna- Bakunin: “We do not fear anarchy, we invoke it” 34 tional, and adopted a social revolutionary anarchist program The Franco-Prussian War and the Paris Commune 37 at its founding Congress in Pittsburgh in 1883, openly advocat- The Split in the First International . 41 ing armed insurrection and the revolutionary expropriation of Anarchist Communism . 43 the capitalists by the workers themselves (Volume One, Selec- Means and Ends ................... 47 tion 55). Following the example of the anti-authoritarian Inter- Anarchism and the Workers’ Struggles . 50 national of the 1870s, the IWPA sought to create revolutionary Libertarian Education . 54 trade unions that would press for the immediate demands of Women’s Liberation . 56 the workers, for example the 8 hour day, while preparing for Anarchist Morality . 57 50 3 Art and Anarchy ................... 58 they were responsible for throwing a bomb at a demonstration Science and Technology: Anarchist Perspectives 60 in the Chicago Haymarket area in 1886. Evolution and Revolution . 63 When Emile Henry (1872–1894) threw a bomb into a Against Racism .................... 65 Parisian café in 1894, describing his act as “propaganda by Nationalism and Colonialism . 66 the deed,” he regarded it as an act of vengeance for the The Spread of Anarchism . 68 thousands of workers massacred by the bourgeoisie, such as The 1905 Russian Revolution . 69 the Communards, and the anarchists who had been executed Revolution in Mexico . 71 by the authorities in Germany, France, Spain and the United Anarchism in Asia . 72 States. He meant to show to the bourgeoisie “that those who Individualist Anarchism . 75 have suffered are tired at last of their suffering” and “will The Russian Revolution . 79 strike all the more brutally if you are brutal with them” (1894). Factory Committees . 81 He denounced those anarchists who eschewed individual acts Counter-Revolution in Russia . 83 of terrorism as cowards. The Makhnovist Movement . 84 Malatesta, who was no pacifist, countered such views by The Platform and Its Critics . 86 describing as “ultra-authoritarians” those anarchists who try The Transvaluation of Values . 90 “to justify and exalt every brutal deed” by arguing that the Fascism: The Preventive Counter-Revolution . 93 bourgeoisie are just “as bad or worse.” By doing so, these self- The Triumph of the Irrational . 95 described anarchists had entered “on a path which is the most Authority and Sexuality . 96 absolute negation of all anarchist ideas and sentiments.” Al- Anarchism in China Before the 1949 Revolution 99 though they had “entered the movement inspired with those Class Struggle and ‘Pure’ Anarchism in Japan . 100 feelings of love and respect for the liberty of others which dis- Anarchism in the Korean Liberation Movement 102 tinguish the true Anarchist,” as a result of “a sort of moral in- Spanish Anarchism: Prelude to Revolution . 105 toxication produced by the violent struggle” they ended up ex- The CNT in the Spanish Civil War . 107 tolling actions “worthy of the greatest tyrants.” He warned that The Spanish Revolution . 108 “the danger of being corrupted by the use of violence, and of Counter-Revolution in Spain . 109 despising the people, and becoming cruel as well as fanatical Poetry and Anarchism . 111 prosecutors, exists for
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