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Ethnoarchaeology of Torajan Feasts

Rodd L. Adams B.A. University of Oregon, 1995

A THESIS SUBMIT'ED iN PARTIAL EULmLLMENT OF THE REQUlREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS

In the Department of Archaeology

O Ronaid L. Adams 2001 Simon Fraser University June, 2001

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Abstract

Feasting is a topic that has become of interest to archaeologists particularly due to the implications it bas for a vatiety of issues related to the development of complex societies. This thesis examines the subject of feasting in Tana Toraja, with three primary concerns: 1) to idente what practical social, political, and economic benefits individuals and groups can accrue through invesûnent in the feasting system; 2) to identifl what practical function these feasts appear to have for the society at large and how this differs between societies with contrasting socio-political contexts; and 3) to identifjt the matenai manifestations associated with feasting behavior in order to determine whether or not this behavior can be identiti4 archaeologically. In 2000, household heads were interview4 regarding household economics and feasting behavior in the Simbuang and Sa'dan areas of Tana Toraja. In addition, household material culture associated with feasting in Simbuang was inventoned. Observations were also made at traditional Torajan fiineral feasts, house ceremonies, and weddings held bughout Tana Toraja, The levels of ûaditional socio-plitical complexity varied between Sa'dan and Simbuang and the feasts and feasting behavior present in the two areas were compared. Cornparisons were also made with feasts and feasting behavior of the Akha of northem Thailand. The main purpose of the cornparisons was to detennine how and why the practical fiinction of feasting cliffers in societies with contrasting degrees of socio- politicai complexity. As a result of the survey of households and feasts and the cornparisons of feasts and feasting behavior, it has been found that there are indeed practical benefits for individuals and groups derived from participation in the feasting system. These benefits appear to be relatai to the larger socio-political contexts of the society and the practical hction of these feasts appears to differ between societies with varying levels of sacio- political complexity. The malysis of material culture relatai to these feasts has shown that ownership of feasting materiai culture reflects, to some degree, the amount of feasting households are engaged in and shows the potentiai of identifLing feasting behavior archaeologically. Acknowledgements

There are many individuais who conûibuted to this work in one way or another. First, it is appropriate to express a debt of gratitude to the members of the supervisory cornmittee: Dr. Brian Hayden, Dr. Richard Shutler Jr., and Dr. Michael Howard. The cornmeats and suggestions of Dr. Shutler and Dr. Howard were very helpful at the later stages of writhg. Of course, noue of this would have been possible without Dr. Hayden. As my senior supervisor, Dr. Hayden's constructive comments, suggestions, and guidance at every stage in the course of producing this work were invaluable not only with regards to this thesis, but my professionai development as well. ln addition, funding for the travel to and expenses in Indonesia were provided by a gant hmthe Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada obtained by Dr. Hayden. Among the many Torajans to whom 1am indebted, 1 am particularly gratefùl for the assistance of Agusthinus Gaiugu and Stanislaus Sandarupa. Agusthinus Galugu's relatives and contacts in Tana Toraja, his immense knowledge of his own cultural traditions, and his understanding and interest in what 1was trying to accomplish were extremely beneficial in the collection of data in Tana Toraja. 1am also very fortunate to have been able to work with Stanislaus Sandanipa. Stanislaus' knowledge of his own cultural traditions, his training as an anthropologist, and his willingness to participate in the data collection made him invaluable. In addition, his help with logistical matters in , is greatly appreciated. Others who deserve thanks include the Kepaia Desa of Pongbembe' for his hospitality, Ne' Boyong for his hospitality and willingness to provide a wealth of vaiuable information regarding ban,Dr. Radi Gani, the Rector of Hasanuddin University, and his staff for sponsoring me, Tana Toraja's resident Scotsman for his thoughthi insights, and aii of the who cooperated in the collection of data without which this study would not be possiile. Finally, I would like to thank my wife and daughter for theu patience and support through the long hours that were required to complete this thesis. Table of Contents

Page.. Approval Page ...... u... Abstract ...... 111 Acknowledgements ...... iv... List of Figures ...... viii List of Tables ...... ix Chaptet 1. Introduction ...... 1 Pmblem Statement*...... 1 Theoretical Justification ...... 1 Research Location ...... 3 Methodotogy...... 4 II .Tana Toraja: Grnetal Background ...... 7 Geographic Context ...... 7 Prehistory ...... 8 History ...... 14 Economy ...... 15 Traditional Sociopoliticai ûrganization ...... 20 The Classes...... 20 The Household ...... 25 The ...... 26 The Household Cluster (tondok)...... 30 The Saroan ...... 35 Lembang. . (township or subdisûict)...... -43 District...... 45 Summary ...... 48 Iü . Kanan Feasts Simbuaug ...... 55 Kanan ...... 56 Feasting Foods ...... 62 Kanan Feasts ...... 63 House Feasts ...... 66 Ma 'Pa 'pn...... -66 Mang Papa Banua ...... 66 Ma .burake ' sang hnua ...... 68 Feasts (Ma' alukpare 3 ...... 70 Manuk upa ...... 70 Mangambo ...... 70 Ma' belungpare or me sun ...... 70 Me sur ...... -71 Other Agricultural Feasts ...... 71 Ma .tuyu dale '..*...... *.*...... *...... ,... .-71 Curing Feasîs ...... 71 Ma ' mmomng...... 71

List of Figures

Figure Page 2.1 :Map of Indonesia...... 49 2.2. Map of Sulawesi...... 50 2.3.Map of Tana Toraja...... 51 2.4. Bu10 Geneaology ...... 52 2.5. Tongbnan...... 53 2.6. CaMngs on a Noble Tonghnan...... 53 2.7. Tondok in Central Tana Toraja...... 54 2.8. Temporary Shelter at a Feast ...... 54 3.1 :View of Kanan hmthe North ...... 94 3.2. Kanan Houses ...... 94 3.3. Map of Kanan ...... 95 4.1 :Total Number of Plates in Kanan Households ...... 119 4.2.4.10. Scattergrams and Bar Graphs Examining the Relationship...... -120- 128 Between Plates and Cups and Kanan Household Feasting 4.11. Total Number of Pots in Kanan Households ...... 129 4.12-4.27. Scattergrams and Bar Graphs Examining the Relationship ...... 130-145 Between Pots and Woks and Kanan Household Feasting 4.28. Scattergram nlustrating the Correlation Between the Number of ...... 146 People Residing in Households and the Number of Large Feasts (lmGuests) Hosted by Households in Past 10 Years 4.29.4.32. Scattergrams and Bar Graphs Examining the Relationship...... 147-149 Between House Size and Household Feasting in Kanan 4.32434. Scattergram and Bar Graphs Examining the Relationship...... 150-152 Between House Size and Household Wealth in Kanan 4.3 5-4.37: Scattergrams and Bar Graphs Examining the Relationship ...... 153-155 Between Rice Granary Capacities and Household Feasting in ban 4.38.4.40. Scattergrams and Bar Graphs Examining the Relationship ...... 156-158 Between Rice Granary Capacities and Household Wealth in Kanan 4.41.4.49. Scattergrams and Bar üraphs Examinhg the Relationship ...... 159-167 Between Rice Granary Capacities and Household Wealth in Kanan 5.1 :Sa'dan Comtryside...... :...... 193 5.2. Tadoran Stones in Front of Rice Granaries in Buntu Lobo, Sa'dan ...... 194 Mata10 5.3. Feast in Central Tana Toraja ...... 195 5.4. Simbmg Batu Stone Funerary Monuments at a Rante' ...... 195 5.5. Prestige Items in Central Tana Toraja ...... 196 List of Tables

Table Page 3.1: Simbuang Feast Summary Table...... 64-66 5.1 : Sa'dan Feast Summary Table ...... 169-172 Chopter 1 Introduction

Problem Statement This study was carried out in order to determine why the sponsors and hosts of traditional Torajan feasts invest a large amount of the, energy and resources into feasting. Some Torajan feasts can be very lavish affairs for wbich certain individuals expend large amounts of food resources, labour, and the. From a cultural ecological perspective, an investment that is widespread and persists over a long period of the should have practical benefits related to survival and reproduction (see Bates 1998). This research is concemed with what type of practical benefits the sponsors and hosts of traditional Torajan feasts expect to accrue hmtheir involvement in feasts. As a secondary concem, this study focuses on comparing the feasting systems of different societies. In part, the différences between feasting in Tana Toraja and feasting among the Akha bill tribes of mainland Southeast Asia will be examined. Previous research on Akha feasting has dealt with feasting in ttansegalitarian societies (Clarke 1998). Among the Akha, the resource base is less stable and less productive than that of Tana Toraja. The more productive and stable resource base of Tana Toraja has allowed for a more complex socio-political hierarchy in much of Tana Toraja and the feasts tend to be iarger with more elaborate displays of wealth in Tana Toraja (Hayden 2000, n,d.). There is also variation between cettain areas within Tana Totaja, where there are societies with varying levels of socio-political complexity and correspondingly different feasting systems. My concem is with understanding how and why these différences translate into contrasting practical functions of feasting and different material manifestations that rnight by observed in the archaeological record. Therireticai Justification There are numerous reasons why a study of traditional Torajan feasthg is important. From an archaeological perspective, these include some general concerns with feasting that extend beyond the spatial boundaries of Tana Toraja Among these, there are six principle concerns that 1consider to be of particular importance. 1) As an activity that Uivolves the expenditure of large amounts of tirne, energy, and resources, including surpiuses, feasting is important fiom an archaeological perspective. An examination of cmttni feasting practices may help determine what motivates people to produce these supluses, arnass the wealth, and organize the labor involved in feasting and what benefits these people accrue hm feasting participation. 2) Feasting is also emicaily important for the societies in which it occurs (it is associated with fiuierals, weddings, and giving thanks for successfùl harvests). As an activity that is considered by individuals to be an important aspect of social meaning and identity in many societies, feaçting deserves archaeological attention. For exarnple, among the Akha of northern Thailand, the vast majority of significant secular or religious events are accompanied by feasts (Clarke 1998: 29)- In Akha society, what defines an Akha person is following the Alcha reügion/social code, which includes the performance of various feasts and offxings (Clarke 1998: 34; Lewis 1969: 213; Tooker 1992). In Tana Toraja, feasts are wiatedwith Unportant events fostering social meaning and identity as well. For example, by perfiorming the bua ' kasalle feast (a community-wide celebration of success) and merok feast (a celebration of Iineage success) in Tana Toraja,

Nooy-Palm (1986: 7,8) noted that Torajans were ", ..striving towards the sarne goal: confirmation of the social position of the hosts on one hand, and on the other mation of the relation between the community and the gods of the uppaworld." 3) A third major archaeological concem associated with feasting is the potential role feasting has played in cultural and technological change. Feasting behavior bas been considered critical to the development of cuîlural complexity and technological change. It has been suggested that those who participate in feasting activities in traditional societies are motivated by the opportunity for social, economic, and politicai gain that certain feasts represent. This type of feasting behavior could be a key factor in the development of socioeconomic inequaiities and social rankuig, the creation and utilization of political power, the emergence of specialized structures, the development of prestige technologies, and the development of and animai husbandry (Dietlet 1996; Hayden 1994,1995,1996). The archaeologicd implications of gaining a better understanding of this pmcess are great. 4) The difaculty of identifying feasting in the archaeological record is another conceni that makes this study important hman archaeological perspective. The material indicators of previous feasting activities may be âifficult to identify in an archaeological context. By looking at present day feasting, the material inàicators of feasting cm be identified. 5) From a more general standpoint, there is also a lack of understandhg of the various types of feasts that exist. By examining a wide range of Torajan fwts and detennining their desin Torajan society, it is hoped that this study leads to a better understanding of feasts in general. 6) Lastly, a study of Torajan feasting in particuIar is of archaeological interest because, as a part of some Torajan feasts, megalithic Stone monuments are constructed and erected. Toraja is one of the few places in the world in which are used in a traditional context. An examination of Torajan feasting represents a unique opportunity to gain insight into this phenomenon. Researcb Location Tana Toraja is an ideal place in which to research féasting. As is the case with many other parts of Southeast Asia, feasting in Tana Toraja is very widespread and ofien very elaborate. A wide range of feasts are held for various occasions, including fùnerals, the construction of a new house, and rice harvests. Certain feasts can attract thousands of guests and include many animal sacrifices, the display of prestige items, and construction of temporary structures. Due in part to this prolifmtion of feasting activity and the opportunity it represents to examine various types of feasts, Tana Toraja was chosen as the location for this research. The level of socio-cultural complexity in traditional Torajan society is another reason why it was selected as the research location. Traditionaiiy, in many areas of Tana Toraja, society appears to have been organized at a chiefdom level of organization. In much of the îiterature on chiefdoms, two basic general categories of chiefdoms have been defuieci: simple chiefdoms and complex chiefdoms (see Earle 1978; Earle 1991; Johnson and Earle 1987; Wright 1984). In many areas of the central part of Tana Toraja, the traditional system of politicai organization appears to have been organized at lest the simple chiefdom level of organization and possibly at the complex Ievel (see Chapter II). There are indications that parts of central Tana Toraja were organized with two levels of authority above the simple village level, a system which is a characteristic used in defïaing complex chiefdoms. The hefeditary social ranking existing within these areas is also typicai of complex chiefdoms. However, the past populations within these chiefdoms may not have beea as high as those typically found in complex chiefdoms and there are rather weak indications that a hierarchy of settlement types (another characteristic of complex chiefdoms) existed in these areas as well (see Chapter II; Earle 1978; Earle 1991; Johnson and Earle 1987; Wright 1984). In contrast to the chiefdoms of central Tana Toraja, in the Sirnbuang region of the extreme southwestern part of Tana Toraja traditional fonnal political organization does not appear to have extended beyond the village level and there do not appear to be any real social classes. in Kanan, a hamlet in Simbuang where much of the data for this study was collected, the traditional system of political organization appears to have resembled a big man society as opposed to a chiefdom (see Chapter iü). This variation within Tana Toraja is ideai with regards to the concem this research has with deteminhg the differences between the hction of feasting in societies with defferent foms of socio- political complexity. As previously noted, Michael Clarke (1998) studied feasting in Akha society, a transegalitarian hi11 tribe in northern Thailand. He found feasting in that society to be relatively simple, functioning mainly as a means of producing and maintainhg social, political and economic "safety nets," which provide individuals with a buffer in cases of subsistence and political crises. On the surface, Akha feasts appear to differ hmTotajan feasts in several important respects. Akha feasts tend to be shorter in duration and involve far less people, fewer sacrifices and very little display of prestige items (Hayden t 999: 57,58). How these differences may be related to the practicai fiuictions of Torajan fatsis a major concern of my study as is how feasting differs between different areas in Tana Toraja with correspondinglyvaried systems of socio- political organization. Methodology Ethnoarchaeologicai field methods were utilized for this research. As defined by Shiffer (1978: 230), "ethnoarchaeology is the study of materiai culture in systemic context for the purpose of acquiring information, both specific and generai, that will be useW in archaeological investigation." According to Gould (1978: vii), "the ethnoarchaeologist is an anthropologist conducting ethnographie research for an archaeologicai purpose, Linking material remaius to the human behavior fiom which they resuited." Ethnoarchaeologicai methods were appropriate for this particular study, because I wanted to determine not only why certain people participated in Torajan feasts, but also what material remains were indicative of feasts and feasting participation. As a result, it was hoped tbat material indicaton of feasting behavior could be identifid in archaeologicai sites. In this regard, it was hoped that the results of this research could be of use in the construction of a ". ..a mode1 which is of use to the arctiaeologist who must try to infer the behavior of ancient people hmthe pattemed material remains in the sites he excavates" (Could 1974: 41). In rny methodology, 1 set out to identify correlations between behavior and materiai culture by examining feasting participation, the material indicators of feasting participation and the socio-ecouomic standing of individuai households in surveys of feasts and households. Information on the feasting behavior and socio-economic standing of households as well as information on various types of feasts was gathered in order to understand the social, economic, and political dynamics of feasting. By looking at feasting behavior and various aspects of feasts, such as special structures, types of animais slaughtered, feasting-related materiais, and special features, the goai was to determine how diffmnt types of feasts and feasting behavior could be seen in the archaeological record and how various political, social, and economic benefits could be gained fiom feasting participation. One of the methads used to collect information on feasts was informant intetviewing. On a per feast basis, various aspects of feasts were recorded, including the identity of the group sponsoring (bearing the cost) the feast, the nuniber of animals sacrificed, the inferreci practicai hction of the feast, special structures used, the gifis given by specific individuals and to whom they were given, and the food and drinks served (see Appeadix A for fiirther details). Although informaut interviewing provides valuable information, recording observed behavior is essential in that it describes the actuai behavior of individuals in certain situations and does not depend upon statements of the "ideaï' behavioral patterns describeci by uiformants which may are may not prevail in alt cases (Oswalt 1974: 8). To supplement feasting idonnation gathered bmuiformants, observations of various feast attributes were noted including the foiiowing: the number of people present and their behavior, the kinds of materials used for cooking and serving, the location of hearths, the use of prestige display items, the distri'bution of specialty foods, hierarchical seating and seMng arrangements, butchering techniques and locations, the disposal of food refuse and broken items, the use of temporary feasting structures, and many other aspects of feasts. Data on household dernographics, socio-economic standing, and feasting participation was collecteci by interviewing informants. Information was elicited fiom informants conceming the household's feasting participation in last 3-10 years (including ihes when informants provided buffdoes, , or pigs at a feast), the informant's membership in corporate and soddity groups (tongkonans and saroans), the number of Iivestock owned (buffalo and pigs), the success of family rice harvests, and other data related to feasting participation and socio-economic standing (see Appendix B for detaits). ln order to see how feasting participation, wealth, and social status can be seen in household materid culture, visible items associated with feasting and status were inventoried and mapped in households. Prestige and ritual items, such as pedestal bowls, &al daggers, dnuns, and ritual spears were particularly noted and asked about. Requests were made to see plates used for the 1st or largest feasts attended and any glas or ceramic plates. Counts by size (approx. size in cm.) and material were made of woks, cooking pots, plates, cups, glasses, and serving vessels associated with feasting. Household rehse was also examined and recordeci on maps. Cbapter II Tana Toraja: Geaeral Background

In this chapter, 1will discuss the geographic, prehistoric, histonc, economic, and traditional sociopolitical contexts of Tana Toraja. The purpose is to descnbe the circumstances under which the traditional Torajan feasting system developed and operated in order to help determine how the feasting system is related to different aspects of traditional Tana Toraja. Contrasts between different parts of Tana Toraja are noted as they apply to each section of this chapter. As a large portion of this study is based on information gathered in the tondok (household cluster) of Kanan in the kecamatan (district) of Simbuang, in the extreme southwestern portion of Tana Toraja, particular attention in this chapter is focuseci on Kanan and the Simbuang area and how they fit in with and differ fiom the rest of Tana Toraja Geographic Coatext Tana Toraja is located on the island of Sulawesi in indonesia (Figure 2.1-2.2). It is siniated on a high plateau in the northem part of Sulawesi's southwestern peninsula (Figure 2.3). The floor of the plateau is about 700 meters in elevation and is surmundeâ by liiestone mountain ridges of heights between 1300 and 1600 meters (Ames 1998: 52; Nwy-Palm 1979: 3). The climate of Tana Toraja is relatively cool and dry compared to other parts of Indonesia and is maiked by a rainy season that lasts hmûctober until April (Ames 1998: 52). Tana Toraja covers a land area of approximately 3,000 square kilometers. Its present population is about 380,000, and there has been much population pwthin Tana Toraja during the twentieth century (the population was 186,269 in 1930) (Badan Pusat Statisîik Kabupaten Tana Toraja 1998; Nooy-Palm 1979: 20). Contemporary population densities average about 120h2(Badan Pusat Statistik Kabupaten Tana Toraja 1998). The population is distributeci in villages and toms on the vailey floor and on mountain slopes (Hayden 2000, n.d.; Ames 1998: 52). Prehistory The earliest evidence for prehistoric human occupation in the region cornes hm the Leang Burung 2 cave site in Maros on the southern end of the southwestern peninsula of Sulawesi. As a result of excavations at Leang Burung 2, a cultural sequence dating fiom as early as 31,000 BP was estabtished (Glover 1981). The evidence hmthis site and the nearby Ulu Leang 1cave site indicate that the area was inhabited by generalized hunter-gatherers hm3 1,000 to about 4,000 BP (Glover 1981: 37). Agriculture probably was not present in Sulawesi until ailer about 4000 BP. Based on linguistic and archaeologicd evidence, it was around this tirne that Aumuesian speaking rice agriculturalists are thought to hava entered Sulawesi. These Austronesians are the ancestors of the Torajan people and appear to have spread hmsouthern China to Taiwan, island Southeast Asia, parts of dandSoutheast Asia, Polynesia, and Madagascar between about dOOe8OO BP. in addition to rice agriculture, their economy was based on maritime subsisteme activities and some domesticated animals. Their technology included cames, wdenhouses, and probably pottery. The documented spread of pottery and polished Stone adzes throughout parts of island Southeast Asia is thought mainly to be the result of Austronesian settlement (Bellwood 1997: 111-1 19, 201,310,311). The eariiest traces of inhabitation by Austronesian people in Sulawesi appear to have been mvered at the Ulu Leang 1 cave in Maros in southwestern Sulawesi. Sherds of undecorated and unslipped plain pottery recovered fiom Ulu Leang 1 have been dated to about 3500 BP (Bellwood 1997: 229; Bulbeck 1992: 13; Glover 1976). Although less securely dated, the best evidence for the early presence of Austronesian speaking people in Sulawesi has been found at the Kalumpang and MInango Spakko sites on the Karama River in west-. The artifacts found at these sites, such as ground slate projectile points, quadraagular-sectioned adzes, and pottery, are similar to those found at neolithic sites in Taiwan (a location of eady Austronesian settlement) (Bellwood 1997: 227; Heekeren 1950% 1972: 184-190; Sutayasa 1973). Neither Kaiumpang nor Minango Spakko has been dated, but the Warities of the material to that of early sites on Taiwan indicate that the Kalumpmg materials could be more than 3000 years old (Bellwood 1997: 229). The similarities between the -ts hmthese sites and those hmTaiwan also point to the likelihood that, by this tirne, Sulawesi was inhabitml by Austronesian speaking people who spread hmTaiwan, bringing with them rice agriculture (Bellwood 1W7:213). A better record for the early presence of Austronesians in the region exists on neatby islands. On the island of hrneo, located about 200-500 lan west of SuIawesi, there are numemus sites, which have yielded pottery and other artifacts indicating the presence of Austronesian speaking people between about 2500 BP and 45ûûBP (Bellwood 1997; Harrison and Harrison 197 1). In Sabah, in the northern piut of , the Agop Atas cave site and the Bukit Tengkorak rock shelter site have producd evidence of early Austronesian settlement. At Agop Atas, about 5 km. inland hmthe east Coast of Sabah, shed of ted-stipped and cord marked pottery with globiilar bodies and everted rims dong wiih a flake stone industry have been found dating to about 2500-4000 BP (Bellwood 1997: 224; Bellwood 1988). At the Bukit Tengkorak rock shelter, on the east coast of Sabah, red-slipped sheds of pedastaled pottery @destaled vessels are still in use in Tana Toraja), shell adzes, sheLl beads, shell bracelets, stone adze chips, agate blaùes, agate awls, and obsidian chips, some of which have ban sourd to northern New Britain in Melanesia, bave been recovered in a layer dating to between about 2300-3000 BP. Bukit Tengorak appears to represents a maritime-oriented Ausmnesian settlement of seafarers (Bellwood 1997: 224,227). Off of ihe west mast of Sabah, archaeological investigations at a cave on Mau Burong (Bird Island) yielded disarticulated and displaced human remains pointing to some sort of secondary , with some of the remains king covered witb haematite. Sherds of large earthenware unis and pots with haemaetite slip and incised with faint pattern, stone implements used to grind haematite into powder, and a polished

trapezoidal stone tool were aisri recoverd at Mau Bmng. These remains have not been hlydated, but the sherds of pottery are considered to be characteristic of the late stone age (early Ausîmnesian perid) of the region (Harrison md Harrison 1971: 118-124). in the western part of Bomeo, the Niah Caves have yielded evidence for early Austronesian occupation. At the Niah Caves, plain and carved-paddle-irnpressed, globular pottery bas been foud dating to about 3400 BP and @aps as early as 4500 BP (BeUwood 1997: 238; Harrison 1957,1958,1959,1970; Soiheim, Harrison, and Wall 1959; Wall 19672; Zuraina 1982; Spriggs 1989: 603). Unique non-paddle impressed pottery with three-color painted and incised designs, which includes some double- spouted, closed water vessels, has been recovered at the Niah Caves dating to afler about 3000 BP (Bellwood 1997: 238,239; Harrison 1971; Ipoi 1993; Ipoi and Bellwood 1991). This "three-color ware" has also been found at sites hmthe early Metal phase (500 BC- AD 1000)) at the nearby Lubang Angin cave (pertiaps as early as 700 BC) as well as sites in Sabah and the Philippines (Bellwood 1997: 239; Fox 1970). have also been fomd at the Niah Caves. Several extended burials in wooden cofnns and bumt and cmated secondary burials in wooden cofIins or pottery jars have been examined and dated wih much uncertainty to between about 3000 BC and the ktmillennium AD (Bellwood 1997: 240; Bmks et al. 1977; Hansion 1967). Associated with the extended burials are possible grave goods, including a quadrangular adze, two bone rings, three-color ware pottery, and a wooden disc-shaped earplug. Quadrangular adzes, a copper object, sherds of double spouted jars, shell rings, and perforated shell discs were found associated with the secondary burials (Bellwood 1997 240: Harrison 1967). Two of the jar burials have been dated to about 3500 BP and another has been dated to about 2750 BP (Bellwood 1997: 240; Hatrison 1968). These dates, if correct, differ fiom the pattern elsewhere in island Southeast Asia, in which jar burials are associated with the early Metal phase (see below) (Bellwood 1997: 240). Concerning the spread of agriculture in the region, the Gua Sireh cave site in western Borneo is of particular interest. At Gua Sireb, among the sherds of pottery recovered (which included cord-wrapped, carved, and basketry-wrapped paddle impressed pottery), were sherds containhg rice grain and rice husk inclusions. One of the rice grains has been dated to 4500 BP, cepresenting the oldest direct evidence for domesticated nce in the Iudo-MalaMan Archipelago (BeUwood 1997: 237; Sens 1995). Among sites on other islands in the vicinity of Sulawesi, the Uttamdi mckshelter site on Kayoa Island in the northern Muoluccas, about 300 km. east of Slulawesi, is of interest in regards to the early settlernent of Autmnesians in the region. At Uttamdi, red- slipped and occasionally incised pottery similar to îhat hmthe Austronesian sites of Agop Atas and Bukit Tengkorak on Borneo and Leang Tuwo Mane'e in the Talaud lslands has been recovered. Shell beads, shell bracelets, shell spoons/scrapers, a lenticular-sectioned stone adze, a stone chisel, and pig and dog remains (most likely domesticated) were dso found at Uttamdi. The Uttamdi assemblage has been well dated to between about 3200-5000 BP (Bellwood et ai. 1993; Belwood 1995; Bellwood 1997 229). At the Leang Tuwo Mane'e rock shelter site in the Talaud Islands, located about 400 km. to the northeast of Sulawesi, abundant plain and mi-slipped sherds of pottery were recovered that possLbly date to about 4500 BP. This type of pottery has also been found dating to this tirne period (about 4500 BP-2500 BP) in the Phillippines, Bomeo and areas of eastern Indonesia where Austronesians settled (Bellwood 1997: 219,224). Although the record for initiai Austronesian settlement on Sulawesi has not been established securely at any dace and the estimates at Kalumpang and Minango Spakko are later @re-3000 BP) than those hmnearby islands (4500-5000 BP), it is likely that Sulawesi was settled by Austronesians at a comparably early date. The archaeological record for the time perdof early Austronesian expansion into island Southeast Asia (5000-2500 BP) is very meager on Sulawesi. The presence of Austronesians within a few hundred kilometers of Sulawesi on Kayoa Island as early as 5000 BP and on Bomeo and the Talaud Islands by 4500 BP is an indication that Ausüonesians could very well have arrived on Sulawesi at a comparable early date. As for the initial settlement of present-day Torajaas in Tana Toraja, it appears as though this took place between about 500 and 1000 BP. Based on the tracing of family geneologies in Toraja, Nooy-Palm (1986: 319,320) estimated that the fint "Torajan" settlement of present-day Tana Toraja occurred between about 700-900 BP. Some of the pcesent cotporate tongkonan houses in Tana Toraja are said to be 400-500 years old and one is possibly over lûûû yem old (Hayden 2000, n-d; Ames 1998: 218). These estimates imply that the initial appearance of a status-based class society in Tana Toraja postdates the commencement of the Metal phase in SuIawesi whicb appears to date to the nrst millenium AD at the latest and is associated with the introduction of copper-bronze and Hon artifacts and manflacturing technology @ellwood 1997: 303- 304). This points to the possi'biiity that the introduction of these metallurgk technologies was a factor contri'buting to the development or intensification of stratified societies in Indonesia, which likely resulted hmdevelopments such as the increased efficiency in forest clearing and other agticuitural operations with iron tools and the increased effectiveness of iron weapons over previous ones. However, there are no grounds on which to assert that the Torajans had not aiready developed a class society prior to their anivai in Tana Toraja or even Sulawesi for that matter. The Metal phase (500 BC-AD 1000) in island Southeast Asia refers to the apparently simuitaneous introduction of iron and copper-bronze artifacts and manufachuhg technology (there is no separate bronze age in island Southeast Asia) and is thought to be mughiy contemporaneous with the development of irrigated wet rice agriculture in the region. Although rice cultivation appears to have been practiced in the region prior to the Metal phase as evidenced hmthe Guah Sireh site (see above), it is generally assudthat a fom of imgated wet rice cultivation in ? Southeast Asia must have occurred after the introduction of iron artifacts and iron working technology (2500 BP) and domesticated water buffaloes due to the fact that most modern wet rice cultivation depends on iron technology and the use of water buffaoes for plowing (Bellwood 1997: 252).Although there is no direct evidence linking the onset of the Meta1 phase with the introduction of wet nce cultivation in island Southeast Asia, there is historicai evidence indicating that wet rice cultivation occurred in nortbern Vietnam after about 200 BC and archaeological evidence that wet rice cultivation and the use of for plowing may have developed in northern Vietnam and norttiem Thailand during the iron Age (after 500 BC) (Bellwood 1997: 252; Wheatley 1965; Higham 1989: 198-200). in islmd Southeast Asia, the only early evidence of wet rice cultivation are inscriptions found in , dathg to the eighth century AD, which refer to irrigation (for rice?) (BeUwood 1997: 252; Meer 1979). Although there is arcbaeologicai evidence implying that the use of water buffaloes for plowing may bave begun in northern Thailand &et 500 BC, it has been suggested by Yokokura (1992) that domesticated water buEaloes were not introduced into Southeast Asia until the fkst miiienium AD (Glover and Higham 1996: 443; Higham 1989: 198-200). The implications of the development of wet rice agriculture would have been great. Wet rice matures faster and cm feed more people thau dry rice (Beliwood 1997: 252-254,268). This allows for higher population ddtiesand the production of larger surpluses which are generally considered to be major contributiug factors in the development of social stratification and feasting elaboration in Southeast Asia. The Metal phase in Sulawesi has been documented at the Ulu Leang 2 cave site in Maros which includes a relatively elaborate jar burial containhg importexi glas beads, elabomte pottery, and hnknives and has been roughly dated to the early part of the first milleaium AD (Audrews md Glover 1986). The imported glass beds from Ulu Leang 2 bear similarities to beads recovered hmcist burids in Malaya, Java, and South , although these hdsare not well dated (van Heekeren 1958: 40-42; Andrews and Glover 1986: 63). The record of other jar buriais is scanty in Sulawesi, although they appear to date to the first milleniwu AD or later. En other parts of Indonesia, jar burials such as this generally do not appear until the eariy Metal phase (500 BC-AD 1000) (Bellwood 1997: 295-307). On islands neighboring Sulawesi, many sites dating to the early Meta1 phase have been excavatecl. At the Leang Buidane cave site on Sdebabu Island in the Talaud Islands, jar burials associated with various items such as irnported glass beads, an imported glas5 bracelet hgment, copper and bronze objects (bracelet fragments, a bronze cane, and a copper socketed axe), parts of a clay bivalve metal casting mold, and pottery were recovered. This site has been dated to between about AD 700 and AD 1200, but there are indications that it could be older (Bellwood 1976% 1W6b, 1981,1997: 297- 301). In northeasteni Borneo, the early Metal phase component ofthe Agop Atas cave site contains copper and bronze fragments, a forged iron tanged spearhead, a small iron iaife, a few imported glas beads, and pottery of the same basic design as that hmthe Leang Buidane site. The Metal phase component of the Agop Atas site bas been dated to the eariy to mi& first rniilenium AD. Also in northeastern Borneo, the Shelter V site butiai site at Pusu Lurnut Cliff has been roughly dated to the first two or three centuries AD and has yieIded a bronze adze, an imported iron blade, and a cast used for making bronze adzes (Harnarnsonand Hamison 1971 : 78-8 1). The archaeological evidence suggests that a higher level of social stratification is associated with the introduction of metal, meial working technology, and the pcesumed introduction of wet rice agriculture in the region. This higher level of social stratification appears to be represented by the elaborate burials of the period, especially the jar bmials. The construction of these large ceramic jars for the secondary internent of the deceased, dong with fiuierary items such as Unported glas beads and bracelets, metal items, and decorative pottery, imply that the high status of certain deceased individuals was represented in burial practices. An apparently similar practice consisting of the secondary interment of deceased individuals in large Chinese stoneware jars with smaller stoneware vessels and glas beads as funefacy fiiiniiture occurred into the second half of the twentieth century among the upland Kelabits in north-central Borneo. This secondary buriai practice was associated with a very large feast and appears to have oniy been done for wealthy and high status individuals (Hanison and O' Connor 1970 102-109). History Historically, the Torajans had connections with various literate groups, including the nearby kingdoms of , Goa, Bone, and Wajo. For example, noble genealogies (Figure 2.4) collected for this research in the Sa'dan area of north-central Tana Toraja indicate intennarriage between nobles in Sa'dan and the Luwu royalty about lû-12 generations ago. Torajans were also indirectly involved with a much wider world in the trade of slaves, gold, and coffee by the seventeenth century (Ames 1998: 54-62). Connections with kingdoms hmthe outside and involvement in trade, undoubtedly also conûibuted to the establishment of relatively centraiized and stratified pditical units in Tana Toraja. When necessary, certain communities would band together to form larger confederations. Virtually al1 of the major communities in Tana Toraja are said to have united in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries to repel Bugis invaders, but the pan-Torajan union disbanded as soon as the threat was over (Ames 1998: 57; Andaya 1981: 14). Another exampIe of this type of consolidation is the Tallulembangna (Three Vessels). This consisted of the confederation of the districts (see below) of Sangalla, Makale', and Mengkendek, which were each mled by a separatepuang(lord) and joined together to repel outside hvaders (Ames 1998: 57; Nooy-Palm 1975: 64; Andaya 1981: 14). In the late nineteenth centuty, connecti~nswith neighboring kingdoms and the demand for coffee allowed for an unprecedented degree of political power consolidation in Tana Toraja Two big men, Pong Tiku of Pangala' (in northwestem Tana Toraja) and Pong Maramba of Kalambe (near Rantepao), conûolled major coffee routes and were each allied with dBererit lowland bgdoms (Sidreng [to the south of Tana Toraja] and Luwu [to the east of Tana Toraja] respectiveIy-Volkman 1985: 26). These men and ohm big men at this time established chiefdoms in Tana Toraja by seizing land and forcing previous landowners into corvée labour or selling them into (Ames 1998: 61; Bigalke 1981 89-93). Both Pong Tiku and Pong Mmbaexploited the rivairies between the two lowland kingdoms to ensure their own support. Due ta the aid of Bugis military advisors and the availability of 6rearms, they were each able to contml more land and peopIe than had been known hmany time before (Vollanan 1985: 26,27). It was not unti1 the twentieth cenniry that Toraja succumbed to direct conûol by outsiders and had their social and political stnictwe significantly altered (Ames 1998: 54- 62). Dutch rule over Tana Toraja efktively began in 1906 and lasted until1942 (Vohan 1985: 32). Since that time, modem idlueaces have transformed iraditional Torajan society in many ways. However, many aspects of the Torajan feasting complex that can still be observeci today appear to be adapteû to pre-Dutch (and pre-coffee?) conditions. In the folbwing sections, the impacts of social and politicai restnictuxing and modeniization that bave occurred since the tirne of Dutch dewill be addressed as they apply to various aspects of Torajan society and economy. Economy Rice agricdture dominated the traditional pre-Dutch economy of Tana Toraja. Rice was ptimarily grown on inigated paddy fields. These fields were privately owned and ownership was inherited. The owners of large fields produced surpluses regularly, and there appears to have been a significant discrepancy between the sue of Iarge and mal1 Iandholdings, with the wealthy owning up to several to hundreds of hectares of paddy (Hayden 2000, n.d.). As for subsistence needs, Stanislaus Saadarupa noted that a family of four would eat about 2-3 litres of husked rice per day (Hayden2000, ad.). A one-hectare paddy field can produce about 3,000-4,ûûû bmdles of unhusked (680-800 litres of husked) traditional rice (pare Rutu) per year. Accordhg to Agusthinus Galugu, one hectare of rice paddy would be suflicient for the subsistence needs and social obligations (gifts, guests, and ceremonies) of a fdyof five. There are other estimates that 2,000 bundles of uahusked rice (yielding 400 liîres of husked rice) would be enough for a family's yearly subsistence ne& (Hayden 2000, n.d.). Infoxmation gathered in the kecamatan (district) of Sirnbuang, in the extreme southwestern part of Tana Toraja, indicates that 100 bundles (1 buadle in Simbuang is the equivalent of a dipngo in the centrai part of Tana Toraja which is five 'tegular sized" bundles bound togeîha) would last for oniy two mmths, suggesting that 3,000 "reguiar-sized" bundles (Le., 6ûû litres of husked) would be necessary for a year's rice ansumption. Planting and harvesting dce is tightly coastrained by tirne factors (Hayden 2000, n.d.) and has always re~uireda large amount of labour, especially for large paddy fields. Planting an individual family paddy would traditionally last one week and quire the help of 20-30 men and women. Harvesting would last two &ys and require about 40-60 men, women, and children. Rich people undoubtedly had their slaves work their fields and evidently did not have trouble finding Iabot during peak agricultural times. When harvesting or planting would begin, people just showed up and offdto work. For families with more modest landholdings, &me were inter-fmily work exchanges (si saro). In these arrangements, workers were given the main meal of the day dong with a cornmitment to repay a day's labor. This system did not operate for harvesting though (Hayden 2000, n.d.). For hawests, there were arrangements in which one could hawest another person's Iand in exchange for one-sixth to one-half of the harvest as well as the main meals for the days worked (Hayden 2000, n.d.; Volkman 1985: 62). However, a fi@-fifty stiare of the harvest appears to have ken a rare axrzngernent in the past. Presently, I was told, labor is more costly and in shorter supply in cornparison to past times. This is due in patt to new opporhuiities brought by the modern wage economy and to higher yields produced by hybrid rice varieties (see below) that have made it possible for more people to gtow sufncient rice for their subsistence needs without having to work other people's land. In Sibuang, for example, there is a case in which a landowner has others work his land in exchange for a remarkable three-fourths of the harvest. However, it is mt certain as to whether this three-fourths share for the workers is a ment arrangement in response to lack of labor or a system that actualiy existeci in past times in Simbuang. The former seems to be the most likely sc&o (much of the paddy in Simbuang is today left untendeci due to emigration). General maintenance of paddy land requked labour as well. Rice paddy fields were of€mtenaced and their construction requed a significant labour investment (Nooy-Pah 1986: 86). Men in a family would usually spend about a month out of the year repairing paddy walls (Hayden 2000, n.d.). In Simbuang, there was a si saro arrangement in which mernbers of a village would get together to assist a particular household that needed help with irrigation or removing large rocks hmtheir field. The household in need of assistance in this case would then join the rest of the village in helping tbe next household in a similar situation. Si saro arrangements also operated for road building and fiuierals and were probably widespread throughout Tana Toraja before sarom organizations (see below) developed. Due to the culturally and economically high value of nce as a feasting food and as a comrnodity that couid be used to attract labor to harvest paddy fields (see above) or, along with pork as part of a work feast (see Chapter Di and Chapter V), to build houses, the production of surpluses in average years allowed the owners of large paddy fields to accumulate significant amounts of surplus wealth (Hayden 2000, n.d.). However, fluctuations in the productivity of nce harvests were normal. In addition, Andaya (1981; Çorn Ames 1998) noted that ail arable land was traditionally in use and even imgated fields were not considered very fertile in Tana Toraja. Traditional varieties of paddy nce (pare k~)take a long time to mature (compareci to modem hybrid varieties) and only yield one harvest per year. in the past, theu productivity was also hampered by various natural factors, such as insects, caterpillars, woms, rodents, birds, drought, cold weather, wind, storms, and buffkio that entered the paddy field (Hayden 2000, n.d.). According to Vicor Patula' (a retired agricultural enginea), bad harvests were fiequent (farmers could expect a bad harvest one out of every five years) and crop failures occurred every year somewhere in Tana Toraja. He also stated that the area suffered very bad droughts during the First World War and the Japanese occupation (1942-1945)* These droughts led to disastrous harvests and forceci many people into the forests in order to seek palm hearts, leafy greens (ambolmg) like "elephant ears," or wild taro sicapa, which requires the removal of toxins before consumption. Stanislaus Sandanipa recounted a traditionai Torajan term referring to periods of starvation, ra'ba biang (fallen seeds) and both he and Agusthinus Galugu recailed many oral accounts of people forced to eat buffalo dung due to starvation. The impression is that large-scale starvation occurred at least every 50-100 years, leading many to sel1 themselves into slavery in order to survive (Hayden 2000, n.d.). Under these conditions of periodic shortages, poor people generally could only get enough rice (fiom their own land or fiom harvesting some one else's land) for 3 months of subsistence (Hayden 2000, n.d.). Because of this, the poor rnainly subsisted on manioc, , sweet potatoes, taro, and sago (importeci hmlowland areas near the Coast to the east of Tana Toraja), while only the rich ate rice on a regular bais (Ames 1998: 76; Hayden 2000, n.d.). The weaithy may have fed manioc, sweet potatoes and maize to their pigs in years with successfiil rice harvests, but in bad years, they themselves apparently would eat manioc, sweet potatoes, maize, taro, and sago. Even when they had sufficient nce for subsistence, weaithy families would often mix theu rice with manioc or maize in order to have larger food surpluses to convert into other foms of wealth or use in feasting (Agusthinus Galugu, Persona1 Communication). Maize, sweet potatoes, manioc, and vegetables were mainly grown on hiIl slope swiddens, It appears as though these swidden plots, and perhaps forest areas, were owned in the most politically centralized parts of Tana Toraja and in some cases, they were loaned to the Iandless to work in exchange for a percentage of the harvest. In less politically cmtralized zones, such as Simbuang, unimproved foresteci areas were not owned and could theoretically be cleared and used by anyone with usuhct nghts recognized over swidden plots. Swidden plots were productive for a couple of years before they needed to be left to fdow for 2-7 years due to declinhg yields (Nooy-Pah 198686; Hayden 2000, ad.). In addition to land degradation, the productivity of swidden plots was compromised by wild pigs (babi maor babi hutan), which could desîmy hi11 nce and maize in some parts of Tana Toraja Today, rice harvests are much more productive than they were in the pst. In 1969, experiments with modem rice varieties aliowing more harvests per year were started, and hybnd paddy nce varieties (pare resa) were being planted on a large scale in Tana Toraja by about 1980 (Hayden 2000, ad.; Nooy-Palm 1986: 93; information gathered hmthe agriculture office for Tana Toraja in Makale). These hybrid varieties require a shortet growing season and can yield up to three harvests per year with the help of fertilizers. Moreover, the use of pesticides has helped alleviate the bss of production due to insect predation; and the use of tractors has made it possible for families to fm larger amounts of land in the 1st 20 to 30 years (Hayden 2000, n.d.; Nooy-Palm 1986: 87). For example, in 1981, the average production of paddy nce in Tana Toraja (combined statistic for both new and traditionai rice varieties) was 3.5 tons per hectare for the Far. By 1998, the average was 4.5 tons per hectare br the year (Kantor Statistik, Kabupaten Tana Toraja 1981: 65; Kantor Statistik, Kabupaten Tana Toraja 1999: 83). in some areas, such as Simbuang, conditions are not suited for new rice varieties. In addition, there is less precipitation and less arable land on which to plant traditional rice @are km)in cornparison to areas of central Tana Toraja, where conditions are more favorable. In Simbuang, for example, the lack of sufficient rice yields has made it necessary for people to grow and consume more maize and manioc than in other parts of Tana Toraja and thus the subsistence economy may be more similar to traditionai Torajan food production before the introduction of new technology, rice varieties, or even wet nce agriculture. The traditional domesticated animais of Tana Toraja include pigs, water buffdo, chickens, and dogs. Dogs appear to have been mainly used for protection, but in many areas they were eaten. Water buffalo, pigs, and dogs were slaughtered ody on ritual occasions and meat in generai was onIy consumed by al1 classes of people during feasts (Hayden 2000, n.d.; Nooy-Paim l979:ll). Similady, chickens appear to have only been eaten on dual or other speciai occasions (e.g., receivhg guests in a household). The wealthy owned the largest numbers of water bufhioes, pigs, and ctiickens. Traditionally, water buffaloes were used to pull ploughs and harrows in the preparation of paddy fields (Nooy-Palm 1986: 87). Water buffaloes are treated quite well for draught animais and many reportedly have their own geneaiogies (Kennedy 1950: 128). In the past, buffaloes were ofien lef? to roam in the bills more or less wild. Other strategies appear to have been used as weii. For example, the present location of the city of Rantepao, according to Kennedy (1950 1%), was a location designateci for buEdo grazing in pre-Dutch times. Pigs are now, and probably always have been, kept in pens in close proximity (within about 3-5 meters) to the house of their owner. Chickens appear to have been kept underneah their owner's house at night and left to rom throughout the toadok (household cluster-see below) during the day. in addition to pens for chickens, traditional Torajan houses include animal pens under the raised floor for pigs and buffaloes as weii. Pigs and especidy water bufTaioes are now, and have traditionally been, highly valued wealth items. In 2000, depending on its marlungs, hom size, and body size, a water bu£îalo cm cost between about 2,000,000 Rupiah (about $270 USD) and 30,000,000 Rupiah (about $4,050 USD) for special breeds of albino buEdo (bonga saleh), while the cost of a native pig can range between about 400,000 Rupiah (about $55 USD) to over 500,000 Rupiah (about $68 USD), depending on the size of the pig. In former tunes, water buffalo could be exchanged fot a certain amount of n'ce paddy land, and a paddy field was measwed in tems of how many water buffalo it was worth. Aithough they were allowed to roam Eree in some instances, water buffalo often required tending. Traditionally, there were labor mgements in which one could have another person look after his water buffalo. In such a case, the person who offered to tend the water buffalo would be entitled to one-third of its offspn'ng if it were to give birth while being looked af?er. The major cash crop in Tana Toraja is cofGee. It is considered IikeIy that coffee was inûoduced to Tana Toraja by îhe Arabs via Makassar (in the exireme southem part of ) by the 1600's (Bigalke 1981: 3 1, hmAmes 1998: 57) and it has been a significant cash crop in Tana Toraja for at least 200 years. Cash crops of lesser economic importance include cacao and cloves. Cacao, cloves, and coffée are grown in orcbards on billsides and are pnvately owned (Hayden 2000, ad.). Tradidoaal Soeiopoiitical Organization The Classa in much of Tana Toraja there were traditionally been four classes of people: higher nobles Wang, si ambe, to ma 'dika, to makaka, or toparerrge 3, lower nobles (to mahaka, &O pang ranipi, or topangedampi), cornmoners (to btasa, to buda, or bu10 drapa) and slaves (to hunan or to niebulan) (Ames 1998: 87; Hayden 2000, nd.; Nooy-Palm 1979: 44; Vohan 1985: 60,61). The Torajan names used to refet to each class cliffer between different areas 4thTana Toraja (as cmbe seen in the varie@ of names listed in parentheses). Therefore, in au attempt to avoid confusion, I will not use the Torajaa tenns for the classes, uniess 1 am refhng to a specific locale within Tana Toraja. There are conflicting estimates of the proportions of the Torajm population traditionally represented by each class. According to estimates provideci by three Torajan informants by Hayden (2000, n.d.), the higher nobles traditionally comprised about 10% of the total population, lower nobles 25-60%, commoners 20-60%, and slaves about 5- 10°!. Ames (1998: 248) estimated that the higher nobIes comprised 41% of the population, the lower nobles 22%, and that the commoner and slave classes together comprised about 37% of the Torajan population traditionally. However, in the village of Marante, a few miles south of Rantepao, Kennedy (1950: 155,156) fond that members of the slave ciass comprised 39%, cornmoners comprised 44%, and nobles compnsed 17% of the total population. The numbers obtained by Kennedy would appear to be the most accurate reflection of what the distribution of the population into classes was like traditionally as they were obtained at a much earlier date than the numbers obtained by Arnes and Hayden, However, Kennedy was dealing with one particular village and there could very well have been other villages in the region that had higher percentages of nobles. Membership in the classes was inherited through the mother and there were sanctions against marriage between classes (noble women were not pemitted to marry men of lower status), which even included a death penalty for the case of a slave man marrying a noble woman (Ames 1998; Hayden 2000, n.d.; Nooy-Palm 1979: 26). A noble man could mmya woman of a lower class, but this would aot raise the woman's standing to noble class and their children also would not be cuasidmd noble (Kennedy 1950). Although there were many areas in which these four classes were represented, they did not appear to be present everywhere in Tana Toraja For example, on the dopes of Mt. Sesean in northern Tana Toraja, the traditionai ranking system consisteci of nobles (to makaka), commoners (ro biasa), and slaves (to kaunan) (Volban 1985: 60). In the tondok (household cluster) of Kanan in Simbuang, where much of the data for this study was collected, everyone was of the same class, to ma 'dih(nobles). Due to the apparent lower Ievel of traditional political complexity and lack of weakh differentiation present in Simbuaug in comparison to other areas in Tana Toraja, it is unlikely that a class system like those present in the traditionally more politically complex areas, such as Sa'dan or Balusu, ever existed in the Simbuang area. In consideration of this, the designation of everyone in Kanan as belonging to the ma 'dika (noble) class is a bit puzzling. It is possible that there could have been a system with high nobles dong with some slaves and perhaps commoners traditionally, although not the four-tiered system found in other areas. The indicaiions of this are in the designation of one particular type of fimeral in Simbuang as a beral that was traditionally perfonned by the slave class (see Chapter W. In general, noble classes distinguished themselves hmother classes by theù ritual behavior and their ownership of certain prestige items, which lower classes were not permitted to own or could not afGord. For example, homed headpieces used in the war dance (perfomed as part of the bua ' feast) could only be wom by ambe' tondoks (members of the noble class who usually had some degree of administrative authority over a kindred house [tongkonan]or cluster of related houses). Only members of noble classes were pdtted to adom the exterior walls of their houses and rice barns with carved designs (Hayden 2000, n.d.). Traditionally, it was only the nobles who could have the remains of their deceased placed in carved wooden erong coEfins. Concerning rituals, nobles distinguished themselves hmother classes by their display of wealth, display of prestige items, and dress on ritual occasions. in addition, there were feasts that could only be perfonned by nobles (Hayden 2000, n.d.; Nooy-Palrn 1979). For example, certain fiuieral feasts, requiring large amounts of buffdo and the erection of a megalithic stone monument could only be performed by noble classes. These large fimeral feasts were rquired if ancestors were to enter heaven, become deified, and become powerîül enough to brhg good fortune to their descendents (Sandarupa 1998; Hayden 2000, ad.). There were also large house consecration feasts which could oniy be held by noble houses or, ifheld by cornmoners, required the permission of nobles to perform (Hayden 2000, n.d.). Members of noble classes dso previously owned the vast majority of the paddy fields ui Tana Toraja They were able to obtain large land holding through conquest, judicious maniages, or investment. Control of these fields was maintained through land inheritance and, as previously noted, the larger paddy fields were more than adequate for the subsistence needs of noble families (Hayden 2000, n.d.; Voban 1985: 60-61). In addition to owning the productive paddy fields and therefore controliiig the vast majority of the weaith, nobles held aI1 the important positions of political authonty in Tana Toraja. What distinguished the higher nobles fiom the lower nobles appears to have basicaily been wealth and power, with the higher nobles being the weaithiest families with the most political iiiiluence. Poor nobles apparently had little power or influence. In fact, Hayden (2000, n.d.) noted that certain poorer noble households in the Bera area of southwestern Tana Toraja were almost indistinguishable fiom comrnoner or slave households in tems of material items, behavior, feasting, and house structure. The cornmoners, without large and productive paddy fields, probably could not produce enough rice for their subsistence needs. Since nce was a requirement for al1 major feasts, the poor were thus also limitai in their ability to host feasts. They appear to have mainly practiced swidden agriculture in the hills, where they could grow maize, sweet potatoes, taro, manioc, and some hi11 rice (Hayden 2000, n.d.). Cornmoners also entered into sharecropping arrangements (sec above) with owners of large paddy fields. Slaves were essentially the property of their masters, who themselves could be slaves (Hayden 2000, n.d.). A slave owned by another slave constituted the lowest class of slave, although this arrangement was undoubtedly quite rare. According to Nooy- Paim (1979: 46-47), slaves were fed and clothed by their masters. However, there are other indications that slaves were more or less lefi to fend for themselves. Perhaps it was oniy the privileged household slaves (kaunan garonto ') who were taken care of by their masters. Slaves were allowed to own some land and personal possessions. in certain cases, their masters gave them land to work as thek own. In addition, by tending their masters' water buffaloes or pigs, slaves could receive a certain number of the animais' offspring (Voikman 1985: 67). Thm were a number of ways in which one could become a slave if not already boni into the class. People could become slaves after king captured in war and sold (Volhan 1985: 63,64). in a situation of severe pava it could have been in one's best interest to become a slave of a wealthy landorner (even a relative) for reasons of survival. Tn such a case, the landorner would slaughter a pig for the would-be slave and his family. As a result, a bond was created that made the slave and al1 of the slave's descendents the property of the landowner and al1 of bis descendents (Volkman 1985: 63, 64). A person could also be pushed into slavery as a result of gambling away al1 possessions, owing a particularly large amount of debt, or being condemned as a thief (Hayden 2000, n.d.; Nooy-Palm 1979: 45; Voikman 1985: 64). h the case of being severely in debt, a person's creditors might lodge cornplaints to a higher official, such as an ambe ' tondok, and force the person into slavery. A wedthy noble could then pay off the person's debt in exchange for theu services as a slave. Although one's status was inheriteà, class advancement was possible in certain cases. In theory, there were a number of ways in which one could advance their status. Lower nobles couid rise to higher noble status through economic success or organizational talent, and higher nobles could actually fa11 to lower noble status due to economic misfortune (Hayden 2000, n.d.). Conceivably, econornically successful cornmoners could rise to the level of noble class by manipulating genealogies to their advantage or by establishing pioneer settlements in new paddy areas and promoting themselves as nobles. According to Stanislaus Sandanipa, powerfùl, ambitious, and clever individuals often manipulated genealogies for their own benefit. Slaves could buy their Womhm their masters by putting on a feast in which the slave provideci his or her master with a very large number (traditionally 100 of each) of water bunàlo, pigs, horses, needles, plates, and other items (Nooy-Paim 1979: 47; Volkman 1985: 67). This was theoretically possible in cases where a slave was given land to tend and/or a share of the offspring of their master's livestock (Voban 1985: 67). However, the proposition that a slave could accumulate such a large amount of animals and other items seems extremely unlikely. Particularly brave individuals or individuals possessing other valuable qualities could presumably increase their status if adopted by a noble as a protector. Such an individual would be guaranteed a share of the noble's inheritance, providing that the person slaughter water buffdoes and pigs at the noble's death ritual (Nooy-Palm 1979: 38-40). Since the beginning of the twentieth century, status mobility has increased and the class system in general has been altered. The Dutch abolished slavery when they took control of Tana Toraja in 1906. However, class divisions were still prevalent &er that tirne. Members of the slave class still retained their position as the lowest status group, but emancipation pennitted fonner slaves to pursue new opporhuiities that eventually led to wealth accumulation and status advancement for many (Nooy-Paim 1979: 46). Beginning in the tirne of Dutch rule, education provided the opportunity for people of traditioaally Iow stahis to obtain teaching positions, civil servant positions in the Dutch administration, and explore various ecouomic opportunities outside of Tana Toraja (Ames 1998: 65-66). Education and the growth of ihe wage economy throughout the twentieth century have given ûaditionally low status people options beyond working someone else's land. Many wbo have pursued these new options have used theu new- fomd wealth to advertise the success and enhance the sîahis of theù families by hosting extravagant feasts (Ames 1998). However, the traditionally noble classes also reaped benefits hmthe new system. Many nobles integrated themselves into the Dutch administrative network. They became Christian (a requirement for work in the Dutch government at that time), invested in education, and obtained highly sought afier positions as civil servants, administrators, skilled workers, and professionals (Ames 1998: 64-66)* Momver, the Dutch actually perpetuated the traditional Torajan class systern in the early years of colonization by utilizing the administrative skills and networks of the noble classes in their administration of Tana Toraja (Hayden 2000, n.d.). Kennedy (1950: 163) noted that under the Dutch administration of Tana Toraja, the vast majority of teachers, politicians and civil servants were nobles. The Household The household is the primary element of basic subsisteme activities in Torajan society, with animals, paddy fields, and mvidden plots being coimecteci to specific households, although land and resources are dtimateiy owned by corporate kindred groups (see below). The typical household in Torajan society consists of a husband, wife, and unmarried offspring, although elderly family members ofhalso reside in the houses of their younger kin. These family groups usually tive in private houses (or torigkona~~s-seebelow) tbat are about 4 x 8 meters in size. Residence is traditiunally matrilocal (perhps primarily an ideal of the noble classes), aithough îhis appears to bave become less strict compareci to pre-Dutch times or perhaps was always £lexible in les productive areas (Irecordeci cases of both men and women marrying into the tondok of Kanan) (Kennedy 1950: 184). The Tongkonan The coprate tongkonan could be considered the base unit of sociopolitical organization in much of Tana Toraja and is the most important socio-economic unit in the hosting of large feasts in Tana Toraja The physical expression of a tongkortan is a traditional Torajan house structure that is built and corporately owned by a particular kindred pup(Nooy-Palm 1979: 232; Hayden 2000, n.d.). A traditional tongkonan structure is about 4 x 8 meters in size with wood floors and walls and a roof made of bamboo or straw (Figure 2.5). Tongkonans were traditionally more extravagant than houses owned by individual farnilies (Hayden 2000, n.d.). Generally, at least some portion of a tongkonan structure is rebuilt every 50-100 years, making it difficult to determine the ages of older ones based purely on appearance (Hayden 2000, n.d.). Instead, the age of a tongkonan is based on how long a particular lineage has maintained a tongkonan house site and not on the age of the actual tongkonan structure. A tongkonan 's age is best kept track of by lineage genealogies, which indicate bow many generations back a tongkonan was established, Some tongkonans are said to be 4-500 years old and Ames (1998) writes of one more than 1,000 years old (although this is difficult to validate). Usually, a new tongkonan is built when a pupof siblings (possibly with parental assistance) have sufficient resources for the endeavor or when there was a disagreement within a kindred group, prompting a group of siblings to fonn a new tongkonan wayden 2000, n.d.). Those most active in the construction and maintenance of a tongkonan as well as feasting or other tonghnan activities determine how tongkonan lands are to be used (Hayden 2000, n.d.). A certain amount of paddy and one or more nce barns is associateci with each tongkonan and tongkonan kindred groups may have previously held ail productive land and resources (Ames 1998: 67; Nooy-Palm 1979: 231). According to Stanislaus Sandanipa, tongkonan land could include swidden and forest areas in addition to paddy fields (Hayden 2000, n.d.1. As for ownership of tongkonan lands, Stanislaus Sandanipa implied that there was no individual or fdyownership of land within the tongkonan. However, according to data obtained through household inttmiews and in 0th publications of Sandarupa (1998), paddy land was inherited by individuais (Hayden 2000, n.d.). Kennedy (1950: 184) noted that an individual's property was lefi for the family (tongkonan?) when one died without leaving any children to inherit the land. Hayden (2000, n.d.) suggests that paddy lands possibly could have been owned on an ''usufnict basis" in which one's land could revert back to the tonghnan if a person ceased to support tongkonan activities, ceased working their land, or had no Unmediate heirs to inherit the land. The Tongkonan structure can be seen as a rektion of the status and prestige of a kindred group. In many parts of Tana Toraja it appears as though a kindred group of any class could build a tongkonan, however, in some areas, tongkonans could traditionaily only be built by nobles and cornmoners and it is likely that throughout Tana Toraja in the distant past, only nobles (and perhaps only high office-holding nobles) could build tongkonans (Stanislaus Sandanipa, Personal Communication). Noble tongkonans were marked by their relatively large size, the sumptuous décor they exhibiteci, and the rice granaries associateci with the tongkonan (Hayden 2000, n.d.; Naoy-Palm 1979: 232; Volunan 1985: 52,53). In the past, only nobles could have certain designs carved and painted on the extenor walls of their tongkonans and rice granaries (Figure 2.6). High status tongkonans also had theu fiont roof-support post decorated with water buffalo homs representing the nurnber of animais killed for tongkonun feasts (Nooy-Palm 1979: 232,234). Where permitted, it would have been possible for cornmoners owning a small amount of paddy to have established tonghans, but these stmchires would have been relatively simple cornpareci to noble tongkonans and lacked the cwed and painted designs that were present on the exterior wails of successfui noble tongkonans. in addition to organizing the building of stone mk-cut graves (liangpa 3, in which members of the tonghan can be burieci, tongkonans host feasts, such as funds, which give kindred groups an opportunity to advertise their success and attract the active membership of distant and wealthy related individuais (Hayden 2000, n.d.). By holding herals and house ceremonies of various levels, depending on the status and wealth of the host tongkonan, owners of noble tongkonans can enhance the prestige of their tongkonans and perhaps attract new active members (Hayden 2000, n.d.). In order to be a member of a tongkonan, one must be a descendant of the founding ancestor of the tongkonan. AU lineage members and (*es?) are technicaüy owners of the tongkonan, but rnany often live outside of the neighborhood or village area in which the tongkonan is located (Hayden 2000, n.d.). Tongkonan membership also requires an economic contribution. Members must contniute to al1 the feasts hosted by the tongkonan. Families not contniuting to tongkonan activities appear to be eventually "phased out" of a tongkonan and not included in oral genealogical accounts presented at all tongkonan ceremonies. They might theoretically even be asked to leave and becorne outcasts of the kindred pupalthough this was unheard of (Hayden 2000, ad.). Some rich nobles could have membership in 10 or more tongkonans and noble famiiies ideaily try to be active members of at least four tongkonans. One's statw in various tongkonans could Vary though. A member of several tongko~lanscould have a high rank in one tongkonan, but a lower rank in a tongkonan in which he or she is more disbntly reiated to the founding ancestor (Hayden 2000, n.d.). In addition to one's relation to the founding ancestor, the degree to which one contributes to tongkonan activities (e.g., ceremonid feasts) detennines the power and influence one has in a particulac tongkonan. The advantage of membership in several tongkonans would appear to be related to the land and resources one would potentially have access to as an owner as well as forgin important political ties. Membership in a tongkonan automaticaiiy makes one a member of a saroan to which the tongkonan is connected, giving wealthy nobles access to a relatively large labor pool and political power as a principal member of a saroan (see below) (Hayden 2000, n.d.). A wealthy landowner would conceivably be sought der for memberçhip by members of a tongkonan due to the potential contributions that the person could make, dancing the statu and power of the tongkonan, as weii as the labor (kin and slaves) that the person would bring to the saroan to which the tongkonan is attached. How cornmoners and slaves benefited as members of tongkonans, aside hm haring access to land, is less clear. It could have been in the best interest of some cornmoners to be members of a tongkonan because such membersâip could connect them to a saroan, bringing fairy predictable opportunities to work on other people's land in exchange for food and some of the produce (see below). dramaticaily over the last 100 or 200 years. Presently, even descendents of the slave class own or establish tongbnan stnictures (see below) (Hayden 2000, ad). Since the @od of Dutch nile over Tana Toraja, Tongkonans have been a£Eécted by various social and economic changes. The traditional role of the tongkonan as a centrai economic entity appears to be diminishing due to the ment emphasis on individual house and prestige item ownership as opposed to collective ownership. Possessions that previously would have been considered corporately owned by the tongkonan members are now often owned by individuah (Ames 1998: 195,258,308). However, the Tongkonan is still the major sponsoring unit for large feasts in Tana Toraja. The status of a tongkonan has become less dependent upon the amount of paddy owned by the heage. Economic oppominities outside of Tana Toraja have prompted many to emigrate and remit money back to their tongkonan. These remittances have allowed tongkonan members without extensive paddy fields to help undenvrite very elaborate feasts thereby enhancing the status of their tongkonons and themselves (Volkman 1985: 135-139). Class restrictions related to tongkonans no longer seem to be adhered to in coutemporary Tana Toraja. In Sa'dan Matallo, where in the pst the, it was forbidden for slaves to have tongkonans, one cm see tongkonans owned by people who were traditionally of slave class. More over, it is not uncornmon for these tongkonans to have theu exterior walls decorated with carved and painted designs that were traditionally reserved for the tongkonans of the noble classes. The physical structures of the tongkonans have aiso changed in many instances. Now, it is common to sec modern additions added onto tongkonans, such as a modem Iowa level built just below the traditional habitation level. Furthermore, designs cmed on the exterior walls of tonghnans tend to be much more elaborate than they were about 40-50 years ago when the originalpa' susu cdgstyle with lines and geometric shapes prevailed (Agusthinus Galugu, Personal Communication).

The Household Cluster (tondok) The word tondok can refer to any number of settlement types, ranging hma sirnpIe household cluster to a nation It is a flexiile tenn that appears to be used in much the same way tbat '%orne"is used in English. 1will use the term tondok hmto refer to a cluster of houses, consisting of a number of tongkonans reIated to an original tongbnan within the household cluster dong with rice granaries and 'private" bouses inhabited by related families unable to establish or inherit their own tongkonan (Hayden 2000, n.d.). A household cluster could also consist of slave residences senriag noble families. These slave house structures were oflen located behd the tongkonans and pnvate houses of their noble owners (e.g., as observed at Rantewai in Bdusu). Tondoh could be comprid of anywhere hmtwo or ttiree to about fi@ households. In northem and central Tana Toraja, tongkonans and private houses in a household clustw were for the most part situated in a tidy row facing rice grmaries that are also arrangecl in a row (Figure 2.7). However, among the tondoh observed in Simbuang and Marnasa (located just to the West of the present-day boundaries of Tana Toraja), the tongkonans observed faced the same generai diition, ofkm towards a nce granasr, but îhey were not arranged in mws and were situated in somewhat of a patchwork fashion. Among the tongkonans of a cluster, there was typically an original tongkonan and other tonghnuns that had branched off of the original (Hayden 2000, n.d.). Branches of original tongbnons wmfmed when mernbers of the original tongkonan established new ones (Nooy-Paîm 1979: 22). Each "branch" tongkonan had its own land, which was sometimes derived hmthe original tongbnan land. Al1 residents of the cluster were members of the original tongkonan as well as each other's "branch" tongkonans and in this way they appedto represent a social, politicai, ami econrnnic unit similar to the dalas in the simple chiefdoms of the Trobriand islands. Dalas were ûaditianally maIl villages of about 65 TrobRanders who together fonned a corporate lineage group that collectivety owned agicultural lands (Johnson and Earle 1987: 21 7,2 18: Weber 1976). In northern Tana Toraja, cornmoners and sometimes field slaves appear to have iived in household clusters of their own, spatially segregated hmnoble household clusters (hmtens of meters to over a kilometer hmnoble tondoh). Today, some of these commoner and slave household clusters are marked by tongkonan structures and are arranged in much the same way as noble tondoks, however, Iittle is hown about what the configuration of these ciusters was in pre-Dutch times (Nayden 2000, ad.). In northem Tana Toraja, there aiso appear to be tondoks that could be referred to as 'hyai" or chiefly. The chiefly rondoh in the Sa'dan and Balusu areas generally consisted of a rongkonan founded by apuang (chiefwith royal heritage), a few private houses (2-4) of closely related families, peiiiaps 2-4 slave households, and 5-1 1 rice granaries (alung),which had a combined capacity of 50,000 to more than 100,000 bundles of rice (20,000 litres of husked rice). The nce granaxies faced the tongkonan and private houses. Because each successive puarog established a new tongkonan when mamed, the location of these settIements as seats of chiefly political authority tended to shifi every generation. Settlements with a similar pattern as these probably occurred in the Makale', Sangalla, and Mengkendek districts of south-central Tana Toraja as well. In the traditional districts of northern and southem Tana Toraja, here also appear to have been tundok settlements celateci to defensive des. in the district of Sa'dan Matallo, the AnduIan tottdok was traditionally administered by the person who was in charge of assisting the puang (see below) in defensive matters, and in tondoks such as Lali'rnanuk in Palawa and Buntu Kandora in Meugkendek there appears to have been at least one tongkottart located in or near a defensive forîification (bet 'reng). In Mamasa and parts of southwesteni Tana Toraja (including Simbuang), tondokr are typically larger than those in other areas, consisting of a more nucleated settlement of about 20-50 households. These settlements are denser than those in central Tana Toraja; aud in Simbuang, mmy of them were palisaded up until 1990. These dase and paiisaded Settlements that were at one time surrounded by walls made of trees appear to be constnicted with defensive concerns being paramout, which would correspond to the history of conaicts and invasions that the mahad experienced in the past (Hayden 2000, n.d.). In the Simbuang area, there also does not appear to be the separation of classes into separate househoid clusters as in northern Tana Toraja nor does there appear to be any class divisions at aii. Household clusters in Tana Toraja appear to have been anministered by an ambe ' tondok. In Inan, for example, the ambe 'tondok of the only active tongkonan in îhe tondok had authority over the whole tunduk in cases of disputes, labor organization, and rituais involving the entire rondok.His authority as ambe ' tondok of the tongkonun essentially extended to matrers involving the tondok as a whole. In times before the Dutch, tondoh throughout Tana Toraja may have typicaily had oniy one or two ambe ' tondoh with a similar role as the one in Kanan (Hayden 2000, ad.). Presumably the ambe ' tondok with authority over the entire tondok would also have resided in the original or dominant tongkonan of the tondok as was the case in Kanan. The administration of commoner and slave household clusters in pre-Dutch times is less clear. It is conceivable that decision-making authority in commoner tondoks resided with the to matua (eldets) living within the tondok, as was presumably the case in commoner tongkonans. Perhaps elders had a similar role in slave tondoh as well. When the Dutch irnplemented their administfative system within Tana Toraja, many tondoks, at least in the norlh-centrai and south-centrai parts of Tana Toraja, were moved hmlocations on the dopes and on the peaks of ridges, hills, and mountains to locations closer to paddy fields on or near the vailey fioors (Kennedy 1950: 180). According to some individuals, al1 rondoh were moved at this the, which makes it difficult to detennine precisely where a particulai. tondok would have been situated in the past tirne. However, in Simbuang, there are no indications hmthe people living in the area that the houses were ever moved. In fact, Stanislaus Sandarupa recalled seeing the former location of a tondok in the Makale area of south-central Tana Toraja on the top of a mountain (about 2500 m. above see level) in which there were stones, marking the location of house compounds, laid out in a similar fashion as in Kanan. The people living in the area claimed that in the past tirne, the rondok consisteci of 21 houses. This would imply that the tondok settlement pattern present in Simbuang was not only present in the past time, but more widespread than it is today. In north-central Tana Toraja, there are aiso many tondoks that are claimed not to have been moved (far) at any time in the past. One example is apuang tondok in Sa'dan Matallo where 4 stones were erected and various plants planted (one of which is now a tree 15 meters high) on the occasion of four separate house consecration feasts, al1 of which were said to have occurred before the Dutch arrived. The layout of this tondok and other "royal'' tondoh that were claimed to never have been moved is much the same as the standard tondok pattern in northem Tana Toraja, with tongkonans and private houses aligned in a row facing a row of rice granaries. Many, but not dl, of the eatly c~yai"tondoks in the Sa'dan and Balususu areas were also situateci on hillsides with the tondok king almost completely surrounded by fairly steeply sloped gt.ound (presumably for defense) as in han. To the wrtb of Tana Toraja, in the territory of the Bade speaking people of Central Sulawesi, a similar pattern aiso appears to have been present in pre-Dutch times. Adriani and Kmyt (1950:164, 165) noted that before the Dutch began to directly impose their administration in that area (1905-1907) and forced people to move their villages to lower elevations, villages were lacated on mountain tops as well. These settlements containeci 2-10 houses (40-200 inhabitants) of relatai individuals that were either arranged in a row or in a patchwork type of pattern, dependkg on the terrain. As in Simbuang, they also appear to have ken constructeci wiîh defense in mind, being sunounded by defensive ramparts and a hedge of bamboo with an entrance consisting of a small trap door made of bmb. Evidently, they were only inhabited by domestic animals and olderpeople on a regular basis, as most people lived in houses close to their paddy fields during the agricultural season (Adriani and hyt1950: 164,165). Today, the official administration of rondoh appears to be largely subsumed by dtlsuns, which are desa (township) subdivisions (there are usually about 4 or 5 dusuns within each desa) with populations of about 50-200 each. Both dusuns and desas are administrative units created &et the arriva1 of the Dutch with uncertain traditional Torajan equivalents (see be1ow). The tondok settlements in Simbuang are generally of the same population size as present-&y dusun uni& of political organization and Kanan is now considemi to be a dusun. In other areas, dusuns seem to consist of pups of derneighboring tondoh (household clusters) and since tbe establishment of diable security in Simbuang in the past 10-20 years, ihere bas also been a trend to estabiish smaller more dispersed rondoh within dusun areas in Simbumg, Presently, dusuns are headed by a kepalu dusun who is appointeci by the kepala desa (township head) and seerns to have a very limited administrative function (Hayden 2000, n.d). The general impression 1got was that the term dusun (an Indonesian word) was not used to descnie settlements of this size until the formation of the Republic of Indonesia, although drcsun- like divisions withia townships were already in place during the time of Dutch nile. For example, the township of Marante, as observed by Kennedy (l950), was divided into four sections under the Dutch administration. These sections were called tepona tondok ('one quarter of a tondok'). Each tepona tondokin Marante consisted of between 50 and 70 houses and had populations betwem 250 and 400. They each contained multiple tongkonans and appear to have been the equivalent of a single tondok (like Kanan) or a small group of tondoh (smailer household clusters as in central and northern Tana Toraja). The Sarocin In traditionai Torajan society, it appears as though the saroan was a type of agricultural work exchange group. According to Johanis Pabisa, a leader of a saroan in Sa'dan, before the tirne of Dutch rule, saroam rangeci in size from 20 families for small ones to 100 families for large ones. Agustinus Galugu daims that in the past tirne, saroans had between 400-1000 mernbers (Hayden 1999: 15). The word saroan originated hmthe term si saro, which refers to work exchange relationships (see above). Although they represent an important aspect of socio- politicai organization in Tana Toraja, saroans are not present in ail areas of Tana Toraja. They are present and have traditionally been present in the Sa'dan and Balusu areas of the northem part of Tana Toraja, the Rantepao area in the central part of Tana Toraja, and the Makale and Sangaila areas of the southem part of Tana Toraja. However, in the Randan Batu (desa) area in the southwestern part of Tana Toraja and in Simbuang, there are no organizations called saroans, but groups with somewhat similar bctions do exist. As for their hction, sarouns traditioadly appear to have provided and organized labor for various activities (Hayden 2000, ad.). In descn'bing the function of suroans, Volhan (1985:78) stated that in areas with large paddy fields, such as Rantepao or Makale, a saroan would gather to work the fields of the saroan head and other wealthy landowners in exchange for fdand a share of the produce. According to Nooy-Palm (1979: 99, saroans hctioned as mutual aid organktions that wouid help members, in rotation, maintain irrigation works and paddy fields and plant and harvest rice (also Agusîinus Galugu, Personal Communication). Informant testimony gathered for this study indicates that saroans aiso aided members in building houses and probably performed other tasks (such as constmcting village defenses). In addition, saroans played a role in organiziag ritual events and gathered to buiId tongkonans and temporary shelters for feasts (Figure 2.8) (Hayden 2000, ad.; Volkman 1985: 78). In exchange for their assistance on rituai occasions, especially fiuierals, soroan members received a portion of the meat hmthe animals sacciîïced. This division of meat was based on saroun members' class and position within the saroan (see below), with the high-ranking nobles receiving the best portions (Hayden 2000, n.d.; Voikman 1985: 76-82). A person who was an organizer of a fimeral, for example, would invite ail of the saroans that he or she was a member of. Saroan members would then help build the temporary structures for guests and perform other tasks for the fiuieral and in retum receive a buffalo, a portion of a buffalo, or severai buffalo hmthe organizer. During the fûneral, the saroan members would sit together in temporary structures close to the nce granaries, with the noble saroan members sitting on the actual platforms of the granaries (Hayden 2000, n.d.). Presently, saroans will at times sel1 the buffalo they receive at a fûndand use tbe hdsfor projects that will benefit their members, such as irrigation, water or electncity projects, or the construction of local administrative offices, like the kantor desa (village office). Traditionally, Suroans would and still do at times assist each other in various projects, especially large fimeetal feasts, which ofien require much labor and coordination. For instance, noble tünerals fiequently require more than a year of construction, planning, gathering resources, and obtaining labor commitments fiom a large number of people (Hayden 2000, n.d.). In such a case, a saroan (saroan A) may choose to help another saroan (saroan B) with the construction of ternporary shelters for a berai in which saroan B is involveci in the organization of. in exchange, saroan B may give meat to saroan A and would be obligated to help with a funeral sarwn A was organizing. Although a gii? may not be technically requinxi to compensate for such assistance, some kind of gifi (especially meat) was commonly given, as it would be insulting not to give a gift in such a situation. When sarorrn B would recipmcate with assistance in a project undertaken by saroan A in the ftture, a gift of qual value or more would be expected to be given to smnB. 1was told that at the present tirne, at least in the Sa'dan area, it is rare for srnoans to assist each other in the construction of temporary structures at a fimeral and that sumn mernbers do not want to help out with a funeral unless they are guaranteed to receive mat in exchange for their labor. There are some indications as to what the predecessors to saroans might have been like. In Simbuang, for example, there is a traditional si sam arrangement betweea six tondoh in which the labor force of an entire tondok is acranged to help anathet tondok prepare tempotary structures for a funeral within its boundaries. Tondoks also work in conjunction with 0thtondoh for tasks such as road building and irrigation. in each tond& there was ûaditionally a to purenge ' tondok who, according to ùifomants, was elected by everyone in the tondok and was responsible for organizing labor within the tondok. In this si saro arrangement, the tondoks function in a way in which they couid be considered proto-saroans. in relation to this idea that saroans were originally composed of ail members of a tondok, Nooy-Palm (1979: 297) thought that saroan membership was determined by residence in village subdivisions. As bounded geographic areas, it is not entirely clear what constituted a saoran in pre-Dutch times. There are some indications that they covered areas corresponding to the present-day dusun (tondoks in the terminology of this thesis) political divisions (see above). In the desa of Batu No, saroan boundaries are presently the same as those of dusuns. There are three saroans in Batu Alo, each corresponding to a particular durun witbin the desa. In the Sa'dan area, the saroan of Sangkombong Two is presently comprised of more than 50 tongkonans scattered thughout Sa'dan and other areas in northem Tana Toraja. However, the saroan originated hm4 tongkonans located within Sa'dan Maliibong and subsequently included more and more tongkonans each tirne new tongkonans related to the original tongkonans were formeâ. It is possible that the 4 original tongkonans, al1 located in the same ma, at one themade up an area similar in size to a present-day dusun or rondo&of some form. In Simbuang, the tondoks that fûnctioned in sisaro arrangements similar to saroans were each about the size of present- day duszins. These observations support the notion that sarains were orighally bounded territorial units of the same size as tondoks or dusuns in the past tirne. However, there are derindications that the boundaries of a saroon were the same as those of an entire township (desa-see below) or district (se below) (Agusthinus Galugu, Personal Communication). To add Werconfiision, Volkman (1985: 77,78) found that on Mt. Sesean, members of a particuiar sarm lived in different townships and that sarwns could not be denned as bounded temitories altogether (contra Nooy-Palm [1979], who describes saroans as territorial units). Saroans have gone through some major changes over the last half of the twentieth century and in order to understand their original nature, several additional observations are essential. Traditionally, it appears as though the internat administrative power structure of saroans in much of Tana Toraja can be divided into 2 levels. The top level of power in saroans of northem Tana Toraja appears to be shared by a number of people designateci as to parenge '. To parenge 's are members of the high and are in charge of making al1 of the higher level decisions involved with the organization of saroan labor and the settling of disputes within the saroan (Hayden 2000, n.d.). The position of to parenge ' is not held by al1 high nobles; only high nobles with the required administrative abilities can becorne to parenge '. The to parenge 's do none of the actual manual labor for sarm activities and essentially have the final Say in ail saroan matters (Haydeu 2000, nd.). There are generally 5-10 to parenge ' in a saroan. in theory, al1 to parenge ' have an equal voice in deciding disputes within a saroan, although those representing the most powerfu1 tonghnans are probably more forceful. This arrangement is similar to arrangements that Toby Alice Volkman (1985: 80) describeci in wbich there were multiple (as many as 4 or 5) saroan leaders (which she refers to as ambe 3 who were rich and chernobles with good administrative qualities, within individual saroans in the Mt. Sesean area of northwestern Tana Toraja. The next level of saroan administrative power consists of the to makaka and the pu 'dampi (assistants of the to parenge '). Individuals of the lower nobility filled these positions and thete was traditionally one to ma* and one pa 'dampi dong with a to parenge ' hmeach noble tongkonan of a saroan. The to parenge ', the to makaka, and thepa 'dampi were al1 responsible for organizing/providing labor for saroan activities hmamong their respective tongkonan mernbers as well as cornmonet and slave households affiliateci with theV tongkonans, with the to makaka and pu 'dampi acting as crew chiefs for the workers (Hayden 2000, n.d.). In addition to being a crew chief for workers, t&eto makaka was in charge of the division of meat to saroan members at fimerals and decided who got what portions. The to makaka also arranged and devised plans for events involving the saroan. However, none of these decisions made by the to makaka could be implemented without approval hmthe to parenge '. appear to coincide with a territorial basis for membership. Based on the above information and the ktthat nobles often have membership in multiple soroans, a plausible situation would be that residency within a saroan domain would make a person a member of tbat surouri and that one could be a member of other saroans if was related to members of those saroans (or was a member of tongbnans in other saroan domains) and posessed the requisite weaith. Saroan members were entitIed to receive a share of meat at feasts which the saroan helped sponsor. It also appears that people could not have proper weddings, fimerais, or burials unless they were members of a sarmn (Hayden 2000, n.d.). in exchange for this, rnembers had to invite al1 members of their saroans to fiuierals they organized and provide them with meat gifts as well as participate in al1 of the tasks the saroan undertook as a group. It is also possible that at fherals in which they host, saroan members give water buffdoes or pigs to fellow saroan membem who organized fùneral feasts in the past, although it is not clear hmthe data collected whether or not this was practiced. A family not participating in saroan activities could theoretically be asked to pay a he(Nooy-Palm 1979: 297) or leave the tondok, although this was said never to have happeneci (Hayden 2000, n.d.). When a member of a saroan died, a share of al1 of the water buffidoes and pigs sacrificeci were given to the sarm and divided arnong al1 its members. If the deceased was a member of multiple sarwns, then the amount given to a particular satmn depended upon the person's rank within the saroan (Hayden 2000, n.d.). Presumably, the higher one's tank in a saroan, the larger the amount of meat wouid be given to that saroan at the member's fùneral feast. This was considered to be a fom of repayment for al1 of the meat the person, while living, received as a saroan member (Vokan 1985: 79). The economic contributions necessary for membership in saroans would have aliowed only members of the noble classes to be active members of several saroans. The benefits of being a high-ranking member of a sarm were both economic and political and were magnifieci for those able to be a high-ranking member of multiple saroans. At the present the, rich nobles usuaily have membership in 6-10 saroans and the benefits available to economically and politically ambitious nobles probably prompteci many nobles to be members of several saroans in the past times as well (Hayden 2000, n.d.). A noble couid become a hi&-ranking member of a saroan that was not their home saroan if they were rich enough, had good organizational and leadership skills, and had kin in another saroan who would sponsor them (Hayden 2000, n.d.). From an econornic standpoint, apart hmthe benefits of obtaining large amounts of meat at feasts, saroan membership provided access to a good source of labor, especially for those with membership in several saroans. This wouid be particularly important for those owning large paddy fields, requiring a Iarge lhrforce for maintenance, planting and harvesting. Politically, being a toparenge ', for example, gave one much power in traditional Torajan society. The toparenge' was able to mobilize many people for economic production, road building, other building projects, and political disputes (presumably including defense in pre-Dutch times). Being a to parenge ' in multiple saroans appears to have been one of the few means of power and influence beyond the local tondok level in past times. This sort of power was most likely very usefùl in acquiring, exploiting, or expanding paddy fields. Conversely, it was beneficial for saroans to attract nch and capable members. Such members could provide political help and iduence as well as the opportunity for the saroan to attend large ceremonid events hosted by economically and politically successful members. A rich and powerfui member benefited the saroon by defending saroan political, defensive, and economic intmsts at the regionai level. Even at the present tirne, saroan rnembers can influence local politics by creating blocks of votes in order to put preferred candidates or saroun to porengnge' into office. The benefits accrueci by saroan members of commoner class were apparently not as great as those of higher-ranking members. Politically, the positions that commoners held in saroans do not appear to have wielded much influence within or outside of the saroan. It could be that for cornmoners, saroans represented a type of social and political "safety net" that could be reliecl upon in tunes of scarcity or conflict. Aside hm portions of meat received at fwierals and the food received while working the land of noble saroan members, the major economic benefit of saroan membership for cornmoners would have ken the share of the rice harvest received when wotiang the fields of noble sarmn members. Fuahermore, samspresumably would have pmvided consistent and predictable opportunities for cornmoners to engage in these work-for-rice arrangements. This would have been especially important for the vast majonty of commoners, who held insufncient land to be self-sufncient (certainly in terms of rice and possibly in tems of other crops as well). Another important factor that would have prompted commoners to homemembers of saroans is the fact that without membership in a saroan, one could not have a pmper wedding, fiuieral, or burial, and individuals could probably not defend their own interest against depredations of greedy, powerfùl nobles (Hayden 2000, n.d.). Today, dong with other changes that have occurred in ment tirnes (see below), commoners apparently have gotten together to form saroans of their own. In doing so, certain cornmoners can at least pretend to raise their social standing by taking hi&-ranking positions in their own saroans. Over the course of the twentieth century, the role of the saroan has changed. While previously saroans provided and organizd labor for agricultural work, their main fiinction at the present time is the organkation of ceremonial events (Hayden 2000, n.d.; Volkman 1985: 76-82). This is due to a nurnber of factors including the mechanization of agriculture, wage labor, the ability to hire workers, increased fmily weaith levels, the abolition of slavery, the use of fertilizers, and the introduction of high-yielding rice varieties (Hayden 2000, n.d.). These fxtors have essentially made the saroan obsolete outside of ritual contexts by largely removing the need for saroan organization and labor in agricultural contexts. However, despite lirniting the role of saroans, these factors dong with population growth have led to a proliferation in the nurnber of saroans in Tana Toraja, with commoners even joining together to create their own saroans (as mentioned above). The inmase in the number ofsaroaris as well as the dimiaished de of sarons are pmbably key factors in explainhg the apparent decrease in the number of members in each saroan, the range of which is now about 50 to 100 in comparison to ranging possiôly up to 1000 rnembers in former times (Hayden 2000, n.d.). Decreased membership sue in a lwger number of srnuans can aIso be explained by the fact that many saroans have split in the past thirty years. People who had relatively low positions in saroans, but who had signincant tesources would sometimes cause disputes within a saroan that would lead to division. Such a person would then try and attract disedhchised members of the sarwn to join in the formation of new saroan in which that person would make themselves the fo parenge ' (Agustinus Galugu, Personal Communication). Thus, the creation of new saroans appears to be one way that economicaliy successfid cornmoners can change th& status or even class. Despite the changes, saroans remain an important aspect of mainstream Torajan society as can seen by the fact that al1 of the northern Torajan households interviewai for this shidy claimed membership in multiple saroans. Also, the fact ttiat the role of saruuns has been significantly reduced outside of ritual contexts does not imply that the fünction of the saroan has become insignificant. Sorne of the fiineral feasts of today entail the slaugbter of bundreds of water bufTalo, the construction of relatively large complexes of ternporary sûuctüres, and thousands of guesîs. The organization of such events is no small undertaking. Moreover, saroans have been able to remain active outside of ritual contexts by selling some of the live animais they receive at feasts in order to fiuid local irrigation, community building, or community services (Hayden 2000, n-d.). Lemhmg (township or subdQMct) In pre-Dutch times, at least in some areas, there appears to have been a unit of politicai organization at the level of subdistrict. This level of organization cm be refend to as the lembang. Altiiough there is no general consensus on whether or not the tenn lembang coincided wit.this level of organization in pre-Dutch times, it is widely used today to describe this level in past times and has been used by other authors as well (e.g., Nooy-Palm 1979). In the context of traditionai Torajan society, 1 refer to lembungs as subdisüicts, because, althougb they can be better defined as townships in contemporary terms (see below), they would have represented the intermediate level between the local tondok 1-1 and the district level of organization. However, it is also possible that saroans could have bctioned at this intermediate kvel. Whatever the case may have been, the ptesence of an intermediate level between the local bel(tond&) and the district Ievel of ~rga~zationwould have resulted in a 3- tiered political hiemhy in some areas in Tana Toraja This situation may have created a relatively "cornplex" chiefdom levd of sociai organization, which requires the presence of two leveIs of pditical hierarchy above the local tevel as opposed to the simple chiefdom, which requires the presence of only one levei above the Iocal level (EarIe 1978; Earie 199 1; Johnson and Earle 1987; Wright 1984). Social inequaiity based on fairly strict desof inherited status such as those present in Tana Toraja, especially in the districts of north-central and souih-centrai Tana Toraja, is also typical of complex chiefdoms as is the presence of specialized settlements related to chiefly power and sites relateâ to defensive bctions. However, in the phtchtimes, the population within the Totajan chiefdoms may not have been as high as the level typical of complex chiefdoms, which usually have populations in the tens of thousands (Earle 1991: 3; Earle 1978; Steponaitis 1978; Wright 1984; Johnson and Earle 1987). in 1930, more than twenty years after the Dutch began their direct control over Tana Toraja, populations in the districts of Sangalla,' Ma'kale, and Mengkendek were al1 about 16,000, while populations in the districts of Sa'dan and Balusu were each about 6,000 (Nooy-Palm 1979: 20). It is debatable as to whether populations of comparable sizes existed in these districts before the anival of the Dutch. Nonetheless, considering that between 1930 and 1975, populations in Sangalla,' Ma'kale, and Mengkendek increased iiom 29% in Sangalla' to 100% in Ma'kde, it seems likely that Sangalla,' Ma'kale, and Mengkendek al1 had populations of at lest 10,000 in pre-Dutch times (assuming that the growth rates within the districts between the beginning of the Dutch administration in 1906 and the census of 1930 would not be greater than the growth rates between 1930 and 1975). Where it existed, the lembang probably represented a group of tondoks and saroans. Nooy-Palm (1979: 62,63) identifiecl a lembang as a community with the following characteristics: 1) the governance by a common set of laws; 2) the circumscription of several villages (tondoh) or bua ' (which she defines as a temtory in which the inhabitants perform a bua 'pdang ritual [type of agricultual New year celebration] together) within its boundd; and 3) the presence of a titular leader (indo ' lembang or ma 'dika lembang) who administered the lembang. in Sbbuang, Kanan dong with five other tondoks fomed a lembang in which the tondoks cooperateâ with each other in si saro arrangements for feasting, work projects, and probably defense in the past. They also had a feast, masuru tondok, which involveci the entire lembang and occurred every 3-4 years, The lembang in Simbuang did not appear to have any formal leadership or organizational structure though. In fact, there were few indications that there was any fomal leadership or elabrate organizationd structure above the local tondok level in that area. However, Kanan is the habitua1 location of lemhng feasts and they are organized by the ambe ' todok of Kanan. This seems to put Kanan at a lower level of socio-political complexity typical of simple chiefdoms and perhaps even more in line with what has been describeci as a Big Man society (see below) (Johnson and Earle 1987). Political organization in central Tana Toraja was clearly more complex. For example, in the district of Baiusu, there were three subdistricts known as the anak tallu (the childcen) in the past, with each one having had one particular ambe ' tondok (with

M) special title) who organized rnatters within the anak tallu. Each of these anak tallu appears to correspond to a lembang. Accordhg to informants, the ambe ' tondoh of ail three anak tallu together chose the puang (chier) of the district of Balusu. The modem-day equivalent of a lembang is probably the desa. The desa is an administrative unit of the Indonesian goverment. In Tana Toraja, desas typically cover areas of 10-20 square kilometers and usually cansists of about four or five dusuns. Each desa is govemed by a popularly elected kepala desa (village or township head). The word desa is often ûanslated as a village. However, in Tana Toraja, desas are probably better defined as townships in that they are usually composed of about four or five nucleated dusuns or a large nurnber of smaller household clusters where there really are no nucleated dusun settlements. District The district probably cornprised the highest level of political organization in traditional Torajan society prior to the exploits of Pong Tiku and Pong Maramba,who purportdy gaineci control of considerable areas largely through the control of coffee trade routes and the use of fiearms in the latter part of the nineteenth century (Volluna. 1985: 26,27). Under Dutch rule, there were 32 districts in Tana Toraja and these were supposedly based on the traditionai boudaries of Torajan districts (Nmy-Palm 1979: 3- 6). However, there are indications that the Dutch may have altered the traditional situation through the consolidation of districts (e.g., Sa'dan-see below) and the creation of districts where they may not have existed previously (e.g., Simbuang). There were conflicting accounts among infamants as to how districts were organized, what they were calied, and whether or not any level of political organization at the district level actually ever existed in pre-Dutch times. Names claimed to have been traditionally used to refer to districts included ha', kampung, and lenibang. Each district was led by a chief known as the puang, si ambe, Repala bua ', or ma 'diRa (Hayden 2000, n.d.). The first puang (lord) in Tana Toraja is claimed to have been the puang in Sa'dan Matallo in northem Tana Toraja, who became apuang 15 generations ago. According to genealogies, members of this puang's family intermanied with the royal family of the Luwu kingdom to the east of Tana Toraja (Hayden 2000, n.d.). Each new puang in Sa'dan Matallo was said to have been elected by members of both the upper and lower nobility. in Baiusu, according to uiformants, thepuang was chosen by the ambe' tond& of the upper nobility who dealt with the internai administration of the anak talh (subdistricts-see above). Thepuangs in districts of southern Tana Toraja, such as Sangaila, were apparently chosen by members of the more immediate "royal" family. In al1 cases, it appears as though havingpuang ancestry was necessary in order for a person to become apuang, with wealthy and administratively talented individuals likely being the ones that were chosen. in general, thepuangs of Sangalla, and presumably thepuangs in Mengkendek and Makale, were said to have been more autocratic than those in the north. This conceivably rnight have been due to greater vulnerability to Bugis attacks that seem to have led to the fonnation of the all lu lem bang na defensive confideration of the three territories (Makale', Sangalla, and Mengkendek) (Ames 1998: 57; Nmy-Palrn 1975: 64; Andaya 1981 : 14). However, there are also indications that when districts to the north became vuinerable to outside attacks, more powerfulpuangs appeared there as well. The puang in Baiusu, for instance, appears to have not had much power until the 19Ihcentury, when the Ne' Matandmg becarne thepuang and built several forts to defend agzinst the Bugis. Warfare also seems to have led to the emergence of specialized war leaders @ong), who built defensive fortifications and organized populations for defensive purposes (Hayden 2000, ad.). This pattern of strong leaders ernerging in times of warfare is typical of chiefdom-level societies as is warfare in general (Caneiro 1981; Earle1991). Beyond organizing defensive matters, it is not entUely clear what the role of the chief was in most ateas. In Balusu, thepuang organized the defense of the district and arranged the construction of forts, but his role beyond that was not clear. In Sa'dan Matallo, thepuang appears to have had a variety of administrative functions. There were said to have been three high noble assistants (related to thepuang) of thepuang of Sa'dan Matallo: 1) the to berani (responsible for defensive arrangements in consultation with the puang); 2) the to me 'narang (who assistai thepuang in the resolution of disputes); and 3) the to sugi (a wealthy person who the puang would have distniute food in times of shortziges). Apparently, the to berani even had semi-autonomous control of his own tondok (lcnown as Andulan) in Sa'dan Matallo. In addition to political power, there appear to have been significant economic benefits for puangs. in Sa'dan Matallo, for example, thepuang was apparently able to summon a large labor force for a variety of activities. In the puang tongkonans of Sa'dan Matallo and Balusu, the economic benefits of being a puang are quite clear in the large nurnber of rice bams associated with these tongkonans (the Kollo Kollo Tongkonan in Balusu had 10 rice granaries which together hold about 100,000 bundles of unhusked nce [20,000 litres of husked rice]). In Sa'dan Matailo, the feasting system was also favorable for the puang who apparently received live buffalo and pigs at feasts in addition to large cuts of meat (a leg of a water buffaio and sometimes a whole pig) at ail fiuierals within the district. Geographically, districts in pre-Dutch Tana Toraja seem to have been a little larger than desas but smaller than present-day districts (kecamatan), which can cange in size between 35 km2to more than 700 km2. This makes sense in tenns of the number of kecamatan today(l5) compareci to the number reportedly to have existed in the past (32). When infamants attempted to mark the traditional boudaries of the districts of Sa'dan Matailo and Balusu, they were larger than the desas of the area but considerably smaller than the kecamatan Sa'dan Balusu, which encompasses both traditional districts. Within each traditional district, such as Balusu, there seems to have been various tondoks and soroans as weli as lembangs (see above). As already noted, since the time of Dutch mie many changes have been made in the organization of districts. When the Dutch arrïved, they apparently used traditional forms of political organization, while consolidating Tana Toraja into fewer districts. For example, the Dutch made the traditional pngof Sa'dan Matallo thepuang of both Sa'dan Matallo and Sa'dan Malimbong (in pre-Dutch times, there were separate puangs in Sa'dan Matallo and Sa'dan Malimbong). Presently there are 15 (kecamatan), as previously noted, in the Indonesian administration of Tana Toraja. The heads of the kecamataw are knom as kepala ke cantutu or camat and are appohted by the administrative head (bupati) of the tegency (kabuputen) (Hayden 2000, n.d.). Summrry Essentially, the higblands of Tana Toraja supporteci a traditional economy based on wet rice agriculture as weli as a relatively high degree of socio-political complexity. Traditional Torajan society was for the most part bas& on strict des of inherited statu. Politicdly, îhere were areas (e.g., Sa'dan & Balusu) of Tana Toraja that appear to have approached the complex chiefdom level of politicai organization, with two levels of politicai organization above the village level. Most of Tana Toraja does appear to have been at least at the simple chiefdom level of complexity before the arriva1 of the Dutch. However, there is also considerable variation within the region. In the most productive rice growing areas of north-central and sourti-central Tana Toraja, soroan organizations developed appareutly as a meaus of satisfying the organizational and labor needs of tbc wet rice agricultural system and political centralization. In the agriculturally less productive areas of southwestern Tana Toraja, such as the Shbuang and Randan Batu areas, these organizations do not appear to have developed. The level of traditional socio-political complexity is also not as great in these areas. In Simbuang, class distinctions are not well defïned and perhaps were never present at dl. Sirnbuang was pmbably not at the chiefdom level of political organization in pre-Dutch times. How these différences are manifesteci in the feasting systems of Shbuang and central Tana Toraja is something that will be explored in the following chapters. Figure 2.1: Map of Indonesia

Scale: 1:21,ûûû,ûûû Adapted fmm Ames (1998) Original Source: Government of Indonesia, Biro Pusat Stritistik Figure 2.2: Map of Sulawesi

Scaie: 1:4,ûûû,ûûû Adapted fmm Ames (1998) Original Source: Government of Indonesia, Biro Pusat Statistik Figure 23: Map of Tana Toraja

Scale: 1:500,000 Adaptai from Ames (1998) Origlnal Source: Tana Toraja Daiam Angka, 1992, mtorStatistik Figure 2.4: Bulo Geneaology Figure 2.5: To~~gkonan

Figure 2.6: Carvings on Front of a Tonghncur Figure 2.7: Tondok in Central Tana Toraja (Tongkonans on Left Side; Rice Granaries on iüght Side)

Figure 2.8: Temporay Shelter at a Funeral Feast Chapter UI Kanrn Fe-

This section is devoted to a descriptive summary of traditional fmts in the tondok of Kanaa. As noted in the previous chapter, Kanan and the rest of Simbuang diffa Çam the cenlral part of Tana Toraja in terms of the iraditional socio-political conditions, the environment, and the economy. Because of this, 1will presmt some gendbackground on the envirocment, economy, and traditional socio-political context of Simbuang and Kanan before descniing Kanan feasts. SImbirang Simbuang is a distnct (kecamatan)coveruig a land area of about 373 km2 in the extreme southwest corner of Tana Toraja Up until about five to ten years ago, the area presently hwnas the kecamatan of Simbuang was a part of the kecamatan of Bonggakaradeng, which is now to the imrnediate east of Simbuang. Although it has a short history as an administrative district witbin Tana Toraja, Simbuang appears to have traditionally been an area with its own distinct customs. Geographically, Simbuang is generally high, dry and somewhat thinly populated compared to areas of central Tana Toraja As for population, in 1998, the total population of Sirnbuang was 12,300, wbile the population density was about 33 persons per square kilometer. In cornparison, the population density was 153 persons per square kilometer in Sa'dan Balusu in north-central Tana Toraja and 169 per square kilometer in Sangalla' in south-central Tana Toraja in 1998 (Badan Pusat Statistik Kabupaten Tana Toraja 1998). The elevation of Simbuang ranges hmless than 1Oûû meters to more than 2000 meters, while the agricuiturally more productive regions in centrai Tana Toraja range in elevation between 500 and 1000 meters. Raiafall in Simbuang averages less than 1500 millimeters per year, whereas riainfail in central Tana Tomja averages between l5ûû to over 3500 miiiimeters in the mountains northeast of the city of Rantepao. In terms of agricuihire, the production ofwet rice in Simbuang is quite smaU compared to wet rice production in kecamataiss of centrai Tana Toraja Iin Simbuang, 609 hectares were %mg used for wet rice cultivation and the average production of wet cice per hectare of land was 3.5 tons in 1998. In cenûai Tana Toraja in 1998, the amount of land used for wet rice cultivation ranged between 1,751 hectares in Sa'dan Balusu (total land area in Sa'dan Balusu is 127 km2)in north-cenbal Tana Toraja, wiîh a production of 4.30 tons of wet rice per hectare, to 5,047 hectares in Sanggaiagi (total land area in Sanggalangi is 181 km2)in south central Tana Toraja, with a production of 5.18 tons of wet rice per hectare (Badan Pusat Statistik Kabupaten Tana Toraja 1998). These differences in tmsof wet rice production are evident in the landscape around Kanan. There, rice paddy fields are present only ou small hillside terraces as îhe terrain is quite mouatainous without a large river valley floor like the Sa'dan in central Tana Toraja. While the production of wet rice in Shbuang is relatively modest, swidden agriculture is much more prevaient in Simbuang than it is in centrai Tana Toraja. On the mountain slopes above the terraced rice paddy, swidden pbts dominate the Simbuang landscape. On these plots, people mainly grow and corn with taro, peanuts, and beans being planted to a lesser degree. Coffee is also grown as a cash crop in Simbuang. In the desa of Pongbembe, where Kanan is located, about twenty to fi& metric tons of coffee is produced each year. Kanan The tondok of Kanan is a drcsun of the Pongbembe' desa located in the central part of Simbuang. It is situated at an elevation of about 1500 meters on a about 200 meters above the south bank of the Nosu River and is smunded by large stands of bamboo and trees (Figure 3.1,3.2), On the hillslopes below Kanan on the noah, northwest, and northeast sides of the tondok, coffee is grown, while terraced rice paddy fields are present to the suutheast. Kanan is made up of 3 l houses arranged in a patchwork fashion (Figure 3.3). The population of Kanan is about 170, residing in 30 of the 31 houses (one house is empty) in the tondok. There are two tongkanans in Kanan (tongkonan indo and tongkonan ambe ') from which ali of the households in Kanan are said to decive. However, at the present time only the tongkonan ambe,' where the ambe' tondokresides, can be considered to be . . ûuiy active as a focal point for tondok arlministrah've and ritual activities. Conceming the pre-Dutch period political system in Kanan, it is not entirely clear what sort of organizational scheme was in place. Accordmg to some authors (Lanting 1926; Nooy-Palm 1979; Tandilangi' 1968), the Simbuang area was traditionally a region consisting of six lembangs (subdistricts): Lindangan, Makodo, Mappak, Panangan, Sima, and Sirnbuang. The principal chief of the six lembangs, the ma 'dika, resided in the lembang of Shbuang. According to Nooy-Palm (1979: 65), the ma 'dika 's title was institutionaiized by Parisi, a man who came hmMamasa (a region to the immediate west of Tana Toraja which shares many cultural similarities with Tana Toraja). This organizational system appears to have possessed at least one common characteristic of chiefdom level societies in that it had organized leadership above the local level. However, field data gathered for this study indicates that Kanan was not part of such a complex system of political organization. According to informant testimony hm Kanan, hanwas traditionally part of a lembang that included six different tondoh (Balatana, Buangin, Kathbangan, Kanan, Pongbembe,' and Tanete). Accodig to Ne' Boyong, the ambe ' tondok of Kanan, there was no traditional fom of organized leadership above the level of the individual tondoks within the lembang, although the iondoh seem to have formed an alliance. Because there was no particular name given to denote this lembang, one can only speculate as to whether or not it was actually subsumed by one the of the above lembangs under the jurisdiction of a principal chief. It seems quite possible that the organizational scheme describeci by Nooy-Palm (1979) and othen may have been something created after the Dutch had already begun to alter the politicai Iandscape of Tana Toraja. It is also possible that, if the system was present in pre-Dutch times, Kanan and its lembang were not a part of the system at dl. Whatever the case, it at Ieast appears likely that Kanan may have been a dominant center for the lembang of which it was a part. There are indications that Kanan is the habitua1 location for the ma ' surru tondok and ma ' bu& 'sang lembang feasts involving the entire lembang. When the Dutch implemented theV organizational system on the Simbuang area, they made Ne' Boyong (the present ambe ' tondok of Kanan) the to parenge 'of twelve diffèrent desas. As a result, Ne' Boyong was responsible for organizing matters among ailof these desas implying that the ambe' tondok of Kanan could conceivably have been the principal leader in the area, even though his power was evidently not instiîutionalized until the Dutch period. The organization and coordination of the separate tondoks of Kanan's lembang was rndested in a si saro (iabor exchange) arrangement in which the tondokr would get together and cwperate in road or path-building, imgation, and other projects requiring a sigaificant amount of labor, such as rernoving rocks hmrice paddy land. 0th times tondoks within the lembang also Uaited for certain feasts, such as the ma 'suru tondok (see below), and joined together to build temporary structures or perfotm other duties required for setting up a fwieraI in one of the six tondoh. Before the time of Dutch administration, there was a toparenge ' tondok in each tondok, who was said to be the individual in charge of organizing labor within the tondok. According to Ne' Boyong, the tu parenge ' tondok was elected by al1 of the people in the tondok. In addition to organizing the labor of bis londok for lembang-wide arrangements, the to parenge ' tondok would organize labor for projects with which a patticular household within his tondok needed assistance, mch as irrigation, removing rocks hma nce paddy field, and house building. The household in need of assistance would provide food for those working and provide labor, along with al1 of the other households in the tondok, when another household needed help in the hture. This arrangement was called si saro sang tondok and still operates in Kanan today. If a household were to refuse to take part in a si saro sang tondok pmject, their rice paddy field could theoretically be harvested and kept by al1 of the other households in the tondok. At the present tirne, Ne' Boyong, the ambe ' tondok of Kanan, appears to take on many of the roles of a toprenge ' tondok, such as coordinaîing the irrigation around Kanan, although repairs to the irrigation canal are said to be organized by the people ushg the water and not necessarily the ambe ' tondok. As an ombe ' tondok, Ne' Boyong is also in charge of mediating disputes withh the tondok and appears to have the final say in any activity or decision involving the entire tondok. He does not get paid for his leadership position, but he does receive a larger share of mat than other attendees at feasts in Kanan. In many respects, the to purenge 'tondok or ambe' tondok appears similar to Big Men or Despot leaders in and the lembangs appear to be much like village alliances. Socially, in Kana and the surrounding area, thete do not seem to be many class distinctions. In Kanan, every household intervieweci for this study was related and clairned to be of the to ma 'dih(a word refdgto noble or high noble in other areas of Tana Toraja) class. As there was only one class represented in Kanan, it is possi'ble that the word to ma 'dika was not used to signify a bigh noble or even noble class in Kanan. However, there are at least some indications of class diffaentiation in the Simbuang . A certain simple beral in Simbuang consisting of a one to two night duration and the slaughter of one pig and one Wdowas denoted as being for slaves, aithough it was also said to be for the poor (apparently of any class) and infants. Al1 of the other funerals were said to be only perfonned by individuals of the to ma 'àika class. Perhaps this is an indication that there were slaves in the area at some time in the past. In any event, slaves (to Raunan) and ro mu 'diRa were the only classes mentioued while discussing the different levels of fiuierals in Simbuang, painting to the likelihood that traditionally there were no more than two classes pment in Simbuang as opposed to the four classes present in areas like Sa'dan, Balusu, and Sangalla.' The relative lack of social stratification in Kanan compareci to central Tana Toraja is reflected in reckoning. Descent groups in Tana Toraja are orientateâ toward a founding ancestor, who founded the tongkonan that is considered to be the social and religious center of the kin group (Nooy-Pah 1979: 22). In rnarriage, the descent lines of both the wife and husband usually receive equal emphasis, especidly for noble marriages (Nooy-Palm 1979: 24). This is reflected in the fact that individuals inherit membership hmboth their mother's and father's tongkonun. However, titles, such as ambe ' tondok, of noble rongkonans typicaiiy are inherited patrilineally (Ames 1998: 85; Nooy-Palm 1979: 26,27). In central Tana Toraja, kinship limes are traditionally kept track of in written genealogies. Today, it is still very commn for people to keep copies of their family genealogies in central Tana Tomja, and the genealogies of more prominent families can be very large (Nooy-Palm 1979: 23). The importance of keeping track of genealogies makes sense in view of the traditional presmce of multiple class distinctions based on inherited status in central Tana Toraja. For example, genealogies can represent the proof of a person's position as a high noble. GeaeaIogies dso can be manipulated by individuais who wish to augment their social status. In han,the virtual absence of class distinctions based on Uiherited status makes geneaiogies relatively unimportant. Geneaiogies are generaily not well reinernbered and individuais do not use last narnes in Kanan, With îhe apparent lack of social stratification and politicai complexity characteristic of central Tana Toraja, the tondok of Kanan, uaiike tondoks in central Tana Toraja, does not appear to have been part of a chiefdom in pre-Dutch times. As noted above, there does not seem to have been any organized leadership abuve the tondok level 6ththe lembang of which Kanan was a part. Without organized leadership above the local (tondok) level, Kanan and its lembung lacked a key characteristic (a level of political hierarchy and leadership above the local level) of simple chiefdoms (Earle 1978; Earle 1991; Johnson and Earle 1987; Wright 1984). Although there were connections with neighboring tondoks in the fonn of the si saro arrangement and inter-tondok feasts between Kanan and neighboring tondoh, these tondoh were not organized collectively with a common administrative figure acting as a chief with a higher position of authority than the heads of the individuai tondoks. There was also no settiement hierarchy that tends to correspond to a political hierarchy in which the village of the chief would act as a political and perhaps ceremonial center, although Kanan was an occasional ceremonial center of sorts for its lembang (Johnson and Earle 1987: 217). Socially, a ranked chiefly class that tends to be associated with chiefdoms in which the chiefs represent an elite class differentiated hmthe rest of the population does not appear to have existed in Kanan (Earle 1978: 2-4). Most of these characteristics persist in the contemporary Kanan sociopolitical structure with an overlay of Indonesian bureaucracy and judicial hework. Based on the data acquired in Kanan, the traditional socio-political system in the Kanan area can probably best be tmedwhat Hayden (1995) refers to as a "despot tramegalitarian" society. Despot societies are characterized by direct ownersbip of produce by individual families who store fdsurpluses as a hedge against shortages and for small-scale exchange. Frequent conflict and egalitarian @ot-luck) feasting are also characteristic of these societies. However, surpluses in despot societies tend to be minor and sporadic (Hayden 1995: 28,29). Societies in the eastem highlands of Papua New Guinea are considered to be typicai despot communities (Hayden 1995: 28-30). The land of the eastem Papua New Guinea highlands is not as weli suited for the cultivation of taro, the principal crop cultivated prehistorically, as land in the big man çocieties of the western Papua New Guinea higblands and surpluses are mail in the eastern highlands. Warfare has traditionally been endemic in the eastern Papua New Guinea highlands and seems to have infiuenced the traditionai settlement pattern, which was characterized by palisaded and nucleated villages (Feil 1987: 9,60-63,65). The despot leaders of these types of communities had central roles in warfate and peacemakùig (Hayden 1995: 30). In an environment higbiy charged with warfare, the despot leader ensured security and built a following through "..domination, intimidation, and audacity" (Feil 1987: 99). These leaders are portrayed as mainly concemed with maintainhg the unity and security of smail groups. They generally niled and attracted followers by fear and intimidation (Feil 1987: 103-1 11). The conditions in Kanan bear some similarities to ihose of despot societies. The land is not well suited for agricultural production and surpluses are small. Defense appears to have been a major concern for Kanan in the past and there were accounts of the tondok having been raid4 by the Bugis for coffee well into the twentieth century. Defensive concems also appear to be reflected in the settlemeut pattern of Kanan and nearby tondoks, which are nucleated, palisaded, and said to have previously been smunded by walls made of trees (a wall around Kanan was present until1964). The am& ' tondok of Kanan, Ne' Boyong, can be described as an authoritarian leader who has the hl say in al1 matters involving the tondok and appears to be mainiy concerned with order and unity within the tondok, which are characteristics generally atûibutable to despot leaders, Although it is not cornpletely clear as to what the socio-politicai situation was like in pre-Dutch tirnes in Kanan, it does appear as though the area around Kanan was socially and politically more chamteristic of a despot ûansegalitarian society than a chiefdom society. Owing in large part to its isolation, hanhas been considerably las directly affécted by the modem influences that have transformecl Tana Toraja since the theof Dutch de. In han,there was still no paved or other mad passable by motor vehicles ünking Kanan with the rest of Tana Toraja at the thedata was collectecl for this study. The wage economy is essentially non-existent in Kanan and all of the households practice subsistence fdg.Most of the cash coming into the tondok cornes hmthe sale of coEee (for 5,000 Rupiah per litre) that is pwnby individuai households and must be carried by horseback to the viilage of Nosu about six hours away. A few households receive money hmrelatives who work outside of Kanan and one household reportedly sold chickens while another household sold cassava and corn in addition to coffee. However, there were only two households out of a total of tbkty that had money sent to them by successfiil relatives and only four households that reportedly pmduced more than 100 kilograms of coffee per year. Barlering stiU occurs in Kanan as well. I recorded one instance in which a man claimed to have exchangeci a certain amount of cassava (more than 100 large baskets) for four pigs. The relative lack of outside influences on Kanan is also reflected in the religious make-up of the tondok. Out of the thirty households in Kanan, in only two were there individuals whose religious afliliation was not aluk to do10 (the indigenous animistic religion of Tana Toraja). This is in wntrast to most of the rest of Tana Toraja, which is now predominantly Christian. In tbe districts of central Tana Toraja in 1996, between only one and seven percent of the total population claimed aluk to do10 as their religious affiliation (Kantor Statistik, Kabupaten Tana Toraja 1996:69). Feasting Fds Before proceeding with descriptions of the different types of fwts traditionally perfonned in Kanan, it is appropriate to discuss some of the feasting foods in Kanan and the rest of Tana Taraja and how they differ Erom foods consumed on a daily basis. Perhaps the most easily identifiable feasting foods in Tana Toraja are pigs and water buffaloes. Water buEaloes in particular are reserved for the most lavish of feasts in Tana Toraja (primarily fiinerals), while pigs are slaughtereâ at a wider variety of feasts. The meat of pigs and water bu£fâloes was ûaditionally not consumeci by any class outside of feasting contexts mayden 2000, n.d.; Nooy-Paim 1979: 11). Chickens are also a common feanire at feasts in Kanan and central Tana Toraja and they do not appear to bave been consumed by al1 classes except on feasting occasions traditionaliy. This is particularly apparent in Kanan, where chickens are relatively expensive and seem to only be eaten on special occasions (Le., feasts). is consumed at some feasts in Kanan and the rest of Tana Toraja as well and there are uo indications hat it is eaten outside of feasting contexts. Thus in temx of animal protein sources, it seems as though only fish was traditïonaiiy consumed by the general public outside of feasts. Rice is a food that is eaten in al1 of the traditional Torajan feasts, except by the close relatives of the deceased individual at a funetal (see below). Tûere are certain types of rice, such as black nce (pare ' ambo) and yellow rice, that appear to be reserved for feasts in Kanan. A special variety of sticky nce laiown as pare ' bu 'tan is reserved for some fatsin Kanan and the rest of Tana Toraja as well. Although nce in general does not appear to have been ûaditionally oniy eaten on ntual occasions in Tana Toraja, it was probably oniy consumed by the land-owning nobles on a regular basis. Without having regular access to nce, fdsgrown on swidden plots, such as maize, sweet potatoes, and manioc, undoubtedly were important everyday foods for the slave and commoner classes (see Chapter II). ûther feasting fdsinclude dipaton, which are cakes made of rice Bour and sugar and are served at ma ' sarak and wedding feasts (see below). While maize consumption is certainly not reserved for ritual occasions, a certain type of cornmeal known as bara dale ' is consumed by close relatives of the deceased at fimerals in Kanan. In temis of feasting beverages, paim wine (tuak) is commonly sewed at large feasts, such as fuflerals and house consecration feasts, in centrai Tana Toraja. KwnFeasts There are numerous feasts perfonned for a variety of occasions in Kanan. in my discussion of these feasts, various aspects of each feasts will be dealt with including: 1) the number of people that usually attend the feast and their relation to the feast host; 2) the duration of the feast; 3) the types and arnounts of foods prepd for the f~t;4) who provides food and who receives food as @fisto take away, 5) whekfwt invitations or gihare obtigatoriiy recipmal: 6) the economic scale in terms of the food and labor invesûnent for the feast; 7) the occasion upon which the feast is performed; and 8) the inferreci practical bction of the feast (e-g., work recniitment, solidarity, promotion, etc.). Due to kirlarge sale and multitude of exchange relationships they entail, beral feasts wiil be discussed in pater detail than other feasts. The foiiowing list of feasts is baseû on data coiiected hminformants in Kaoan. Although it is extensive, it may not be exhaustive in terms of aîl of the traditional Kanan feasts. Due to the ktthat information was requested on fatsthat had been held in the pst ten years, some traditional feasts that are held very infrequently or have lapsed in importance may not have been recorded. Regardless, 1am confident that the feasts describeci beIow include ail of the most frequently performed feasts and are representative of the vast majority of Simbuang feasts.

Table 3.1: Simbuane Feast Summarv Table soidaritv Number and Types of Feasîs Animds Sliughttred Manuk apa Rice Fertility 6 Chickens and 4 Pigs Feast Perfomwd Pnor to Hoeing Field.

Rice Fertiiity 1 Feast household Perfod Pnor to Planiing. Ma 'belung Rice Fertility 100's 1 and 2 Pigs pare ' Fcast Perfomied When Rice Begins to Fom Grains. Fertiiityfor^: Feast 1 1 1 Ma 'sumorrong Tondok 1 Chicken and 1 Pig sanq tondok curin Fcast. Mang ara Curing Fcast 10-100+ of Chickens and - Children Chiidbuth 10's-100's 1 Chicken and I Pig Feast. A Chüd's 3 Chickens and 1 Pig 1-1 0's (most likely) First Birthday and Fht Haircut, Wedding Feast 100's 2 Pigs Ma 'sarak Feast FIeld 100's 1 Pig wllen Husband ad Wife EstablisIl Their Own Houschold. Ma'- Lembang 100's 10-100t Chickens and 6 tondok Curing Feast. PikW Occasion Totai # of Number and Types of Atîendees Animils Slanghtered (kg.)

Feasé 1 1 I Ma 'pa'pon ( New House 300 1 6 Chickens, 2 Pigs,- and 1 400 1 Consecration 10 Do@ I+ I+ Totd # of Numkr and Types of Total Amount of Rice Attendees Aainarils Slriughtered (kg.) Feasts

] banua 1 Construction.

Total # of Nmber and Types of Total Amount of Rice Feasts Attendees Anlmob Slaughtered (kg.) Ma ' rambaki Stage 1 of 100's 1ûû+ Chickens and 1 Pig 100's House Cleansing t1 Feast ~eGes. I Burake ' 1 Stage 2 of 100's lOOt Chicicens and 2 Pigs 100's

Feast $crics. Mangnisi hlla Stage 3 of 100's lOOt Cbickens and I Pig 100's

1 Feast series. I 1 Ma 'sumowona- 1 Fiousehold 10's-100's 1 1-2 Chickens and 1-3+ 1 40-100's , Song banua Curing Fcast. Pigs Ma 'pakande ' Household <10+ 1-2 Chickens 1 Pig 10's-100's denit) 1 Curing Feast. Ma 'pokande ' ( Part of IO? 1 Pig 10's to mate ' Curing Feast I - Honoring the ( ~cceased. Ma ' sunt kale' 1 Household 5-6 Pigs Curing Fcast.

!lo's? 1 Pig and 0-1 Water *O-IO'S? for Infilllts and Buffalo and "0-1û+ Dogs

lOO's- O Chickm, 12-24 Pigs, 2- *IO'S-100's For Noble 1,000's 6 Water Buffialoes, and Class. 1 "0-1WDog 1 Dumg pitu Funeral Feast 1,000's ( 24t Pigs, 7-8 Water ( *10'~-100's For Noble 1 Cb. Duann- kasera 1 Funerai Feast 1,000's 1 24+ Pins, 9-10 Water 1 *IO'S-100's For Noble ClasS. Tallu kasera FunCral Feast 1,000's 36 Pie, 12-15 Water *10'~-1OO's For Noble Buffaloes, and "0-IO+ Dogs Promotional Oecasioa Total # of Numkr and Types of Totd Amount of Rice 11 Anendees Ani& Sliughtcred (kg.) (continued) 1 1 Funetai Feast 1,000's 36+ Pigs, 16+ Water *IO'S-100's For Noble Buffaloes, aad %IO+ 1 Cb. Doss C 1 1 1 1 1 ^- For some portions of the duang pitu [Uadand presumably orher types of tùncrals, dogs are slaughteted and some individuals in an an chimfd m have provided dogs for fimeds (duangpitu) &the past *-It appears to bc forbidden to eat cice fM the main part of fuwrals in Simbuang. However, there are two rites perfomd as a part of dumgpitu fuuerals in wbich close membcrs of the dccaased's family eat ncc after buryi~~gthe deceased. It is ükcly that similar rites with nce alter buial are performed as a part of other types of Simbuang fiwrals as well.

House Feasts Ma 'Pa 'pn The ma 'pubon feast is a new house consecration feast. A ma 'pubon feast had been held at a new house (Household 11) in Kanan within a few months prior to the the data was collected for this study. For the feast, the household provided two large pigs, four hundred kg. of rice, ten dogs, six chickens, cigarettes, and betel. Three hundred people were said to have attended the feast. In certain respects, the ma 'pubon feast appears to be a promotional feast. The fact that HousehoId 11 provided a relatively large amount of rice and meat @y Simbuang standards) for this feast seems to indicate that the feast was a display of the househotd's economic success. The presence of dogs also implies that there may be a work component to this feast as well. Perhaps the dogs were a reward for those who contn'buted labor for the house construction. For a ment mang papa banua work feast (see below) dogs were slaughtefed and elsewhere in Southeast Asia, dog meat is eaten by workers and others who need strength (Clarke 1998). Mang Papa Banmi This feast is held when a new roof is constnicted on a house. In addition to there having been three houses built within the last few months prior to this study, many tin roofs had replaced what were presumably old wood slab and straw roofs of traditional houses in Kanan. Because of this, there were severai occasions upon which a Mangpupa banua feast had occurred recently somewhm in the tondok. For the Mangpapa bunua feast, the owner of the house provides at least one pig (there were one to four pigs provided at ment Mangpapa banua feasts in han)as weU as a large amount of rice (fiom nfty to two hundred kg. for recent Mangpapa banua feasts in Kanan). In one case, a household claimeci to have provideci one pig, two dogs, and one chicken for a Mangpapa banua feast. The number of people atteading these feasts in Kanan ranged hmabout one hundred to three hundred. Those attending were said to have been made up of Kanan residents as well as relatives of fie host household fiom nearby villages. The guests included individuals who would help build the new roof. In one case (Household 1l), the workforce for the roof construction was reportedly oniy made up of famify rnembers hmKanan who were organized by the household head and not the ambe ' tondok. Some infamants claimed that only guests that did not work brought rice (about one kg. per guest) in kurin fanas (earthenware containers for cooking rice) for the feast. Others indicated that every guest brought nce to their Mangpapa banua feast. in any event, everyone who attended (having provideci labor or rice) was fed a share of the rneat and rice. The practical purpose for perfoxming this feast is most obviously work recruitment. It is quite common in Tana Toraja for labor to at least be partiaily compensated for with a feast or a meal. Roof construction requires labor hmoutside of the household and in order to ensure that one can muster up enough people to help build a roof, a feast of some sort would appear to be necessary. The notion îhat these are work recruitment feasts is supported by the indications tbat those who worked did not bring rice to the feasts. In those cases, one would oniy need to work in order to receive rice and meat at these fats. There appears to be an element of promotion involved in mang papa banua feasts as weu. There was variation in the number of pigs provided by households who had hosted these feasts and a mangpapa banua feast could represent an opportunity for a household to promote their success by slaughtering a lot of animals. The work recruitment and promotionai aspects of mangpap hnua fats are characteristic of a type of feast that Dietler and Herbich (200 1: 241) bave termed a %ork feast," which refers to a feast in which people provide labor for a pmject lasting at least one day in retum for food and drink provided by the feast host. These types of feasts are typicai of agrarian societies and used in situations in which a large work group is required @eyond what cmbe provided by a single household), such as house construction or road building (Dietler and Herbich 2001: 244,246). Dietler and Herbich (2002: 246) also note tbat in addition to attracting labor, "work feasts" also fiinction as a means for household promotion through the hasting of a large feast. Mu' krake' sang hnua The ma ' burab 'sang banua is actually a sequence of tbree feasts: 1) Ma ' rambuùi: 2) Burake' Putundara; and 3) Mangnisi Kalla- These feasts are perfomed me tirne after a house has been bui1t in order to drive out bad spirits hmthe home. The most complete account recordeci for this study was for the Ma ' rambaki, which was perfomed at households in Kanan in 1997 and t 999. The ma ' burake ' feasts are also said to be held for the entire tondok (ma ' hrake' sung toridok) and lembang (mu ' burake 'sang lembang) with the same basic rites as those described hm. However, there were no accounts or other details recorded for the ma ' burake 'sang tondok or ma ' burake ' sung lembang and they appear to be rarely perfonned. Stage t :Ma ' rambuki. This feast spans one night and one day. It is hosted and underwritten by a single household (with support hmextemai family?) and is said to theoretically involve (or at least be open to) al1 residents of the tondok in which it is held as well as residents of other tondoks, both family members and non-fady members alike. For a ma ' rambaki feast he1d by household 2 in Kanan in 1999,700 people attended, UscIuding ambe ' fond& hmnearby tondoh. The owners of the house in which a ma ' rambaki feast is perfonned provide a pi& ten chickens, and a large amount of rice (in 1999,100 kg. of rice were pmvided for such a feast by Household 2). On the first night of the feast, hundreds of chickens are kiiied and eaten by al1 those attending. Each fdlythat attends brings one chicken and some rice (ptesumably one to two kg.). The fht night of the feast involves a ritual priestess (to ma ' nah)(hvo were present for the ma 'rumbdi in 1999), assistants of the to ma 'nuh(four were present for the 1999 ma 'rambuki), and four ritual dnmuners (to ma 'gandang)who drum two gandangs (b-O skin dnmis). The to ma 'naka and assistants kiii ten chickens (provided by the owners of the house) as ritual offerings inside and outside of the bouse. These chickens are oniy to be eaten by the to ma haRa, thek assistants, and the rituai drummers of the two gandang (bufWo skin drums). The next day, a pig (provided by the household hosting the feast) is cwked inside the house and shared with everyone attending the feast. Stage 2: Burakeputundara. Tbis feast occurs one to tbree years after the ma ' rambaki. It Iasts one night and one day and can involve hundreds of guests hmwithin the tondok and hmneighboring tondoh as well. On the 6rst night, hundreds of chickens (each attending household brings a chicken) are killed and eaten by al1 of the guests. The host household provides twelve chickens that are used as ritual offerings. Presumably, the host household also provides large amounts of rice as in the previous ma ' burake ' stage. The next morning, two pigs, provided by the host household, are killed for two ritual dancers, who perform a dance involving a buffalo homed headdress, Shields, and armor for this feast, as well as the to ma 'naka, and the to ma 'gandang (d=W Stage 3: Mangnisi Kalla. The mangnisi kalla also comprises one night and one day. Guests include people hmwithin the host household's tondok as well as hm neighboring tondoh. Each household represented at the feast is said to provide one chicken. ûn the first evening, eight chickens provided by the host are killed as offerings. A to ma 'naka priestess blesses the chickens for this rite and two gandang drums are drummed by four to ma 'gandang dnunmers. Only the to ma 'naka and the to ma kanuizng eat the meat of the eight chickens used as offerings. The next morning, one pi& pmvided by the host, is killed and the meat is given to the to ma hah and the to ma 'gandang. Upon performing this feast and subsequently completing the sequence of ma 'kake sang banua feasts, a special citual basket can be put in the house. This is said to bring blessings and raise the prestige of the house. The series of ma ' burak ' feasts contain both promotionai and solidarity reinforcing elements. The relatively large investment in terms of pigs, rice, and chickens reqW for completing the series of these feasts impiies a promotional bction as does the fat that the feasts also involve dancers, musicians and ritual specialists who ail receive compensation in the form of meat. Upon completion of the &ai ma ' burake ' feast, mangnisi Ma,of ma 'burake' fats, the prestige of the house is said to be raised, which cIearly points to a promotional fiinction of these feasts. Solidarity enhancement can be seen in the fact that al1 attendees of these feasts apparently bring cfiicken and rice to the feast giving the nia ' burake ' sang banua feasts a potluck character.

Rice Feasts (Ma 'afuk pare? Manuk apa The manuk apa is a tondok-wide feast that is said to hclude the vast majority of banresidents. It is perfomed in ûctober, before hoeiag for rice planting commences. Six chickens are killed as offerings to gods and four large pigs are killed and cooked in kurins (large metai hsused for cooking rice, vegetables and mat at feasts) and pu piongs (barnboo cylinders). The money used to purcbase the pigs for the manuk apa feast is collecteci from al1 households in the tondok by an individual chosen by the ambe ' tondok. The collective financing of pigs on the part of the entire tondok and the participation of the vast majority of tondok residents indicates that enhancing the solidarity of the tondok is the practical function of primary wncern in this feast, Mangamba This is a small feast that involves individuai households only (household head, wife, and children -possialy including manîed children) and occurs just before the swing of seeds. For this feast, one chicken for every field (lembu)owned by the household is killed and eaten with some nce (presumably about one kg.) inside the house. The chicken for this feast is not prepared in a special way and any kind of rice can be used. The feast also does not require the services of a rituai practitioner. It is forbidden to perfonn the mangambo and presumably ali of the other rice feasts within a year of a related? person's death in the tondok, The practical fiuiction of the mangambo feast appears to be to enbance the solidanty of the household or immediate family members as it quite simple and involves only household members. Ma' belungpare or me sun The niaabelungpre is held when the rice begins to fonn grains (five months after planting). The feast lasts one day and is said to be attended by the entire tondok. A to ma 'hdaritual practitioner is also present and perfioms a rite. For the fat, one red chicken and two pigs are kiiled on the east side of the tongkonan ambe ' in Kanan. As with the manukapu, money for the pigs is collecteci hmail of the households in Kanan by an individual chosen by the ambe 'tondok. According to one informant, 25,000 Rupiah are contributeci by each household for the pigs. The meat of the pigs is reportedly eaten in a central location and some meat is taken back to the individual households. Like the manuk ap, this feast aiso appears to mainly bction as a solidarity enhancing event for the tondok in that the feast is theoretically open to al1 residents of the tondok and al1 tondok residents contribute to the hcingof the pigs for the feast. Me sur The only details available conceming this feast indicate that it occurs afler rice has been harvested and is probably similar to the other tondok-wide rice feasts or is a simple household celebration. Otber Aericultural Feasts Ma' tuyu dale' This feast essentially follows the sarne format as the mangambo feast. It is petformeci just pcior to the planting of maize seeds and is held by individuai households and involves household members only. For the feast, one chicken is typically killed, and eaten with some rice. The ma ' tuyu dale ' can reportedly be performed even if a household does not have a chicken to kill for the feast. This feast, like the mangambo, appears to fhction as a solidarity-reinforcing event for the individual household. Curinn Feasts Ma' sumorrong This is a curing feast that is performed by a household (banua), tondok, or theoretically by an entire lembang (aithough it is said never to be done at the lembang level). At the household level, the reasons given to perform this feast include illness of a household member, death of a household member, or economic misfortune. The ma ' sumowong sang banua feast (ma 'sumorrong feast at the household level) begins with a procession of tondok residents (procession is theoreticaliy open to al1 tondok residents, but more likely includes representatives of al1 or most of the households and not the entire population of the tondok), the host household members, and a to ma 'hda to a hiil, apparently located just to the south of Kaniin. Rice (one kg. provideci by each household) is said to be carried with the procession dong with a ceci chicken (manuksela). The rice, which includes white, yeiiow, and black rice, is organized by color and placeci on special palm leaves (daun ke' bere '). The red chicken provided by the host household is killed and presented as an offerùig in a rite perfonned by the to ma 'kada. At the conclusion of the rite, everyone then proceeds to the house hosting the feast where the to ma 'kada kills a pig (also provided by the host household), the meat of which is eaten by al1 guests present (residents of the tondok dong with fnends and datives hmother tondoh), Ali of the guests bring one kg. of nce in a kurin tana (earthenware container used for cooking rice). Based on accounts of previous ma ' sumorrong sang banua feasts, the host household provides anywhere hmeight to fïfty kg. of rice for this feast. Most houseûolds who had perfonned tbis feast in the past provided just one red chicken (manuk sela), although some reportedly provided two chickens. It was comrnon for a household hosting a ma ' mmorrong sang banua to provide one pig, but there were severai cases in which households reportedly did not provide any pigs for a ma ' sumorrong sang banua they hosted. There was also a case in which a household (Household 19) provided three pigs for a ma 'sumorrongsang banua they hosted. Although the normal pattern was for there to be guests fitom other tondoks in addition to those hmKanan (totaling more than one hundred guests) attending and bringing rice, there was one case in which a household (Household 22) hosted a ma ' mmorrong sang banua that reportedly included only guests hmKanan who made no contributions of rice for the feast. However, there are indications that this may have been a different type of ma ' mmorrong feast (see ma 'pakande ' dewata below).

At the tondok level, the ma ' sumowong sang tond& (ma ' sumorrong feast at the tondok level) is said to follow the sarne basic format as the ma 'sumorrong sang banua. The feast itself is held at the alangpuang (noble's rice gcanary), which is located just beside Household 21 on the south side (Figure) and is the designated location for certain tondok-wide feasts. The ambe ' tondok organizes the ma' sumowong sang tondok and the entire tondok is said to provide the money to buy the pig for the feast in addition to providing the rice. The same number of people are said to attend the ma 'sumorrong sang tondok as the ma' sumorrong sang banua. Both the ma ' sumorrong sang tondok and ma ' sumorrong sang banua feasts contain elements indicating that they are coucerneci with solidarity reinforcemeut. The ma 'mmorrong sang tondok appears to function in large part as a solidarity enhancing event for the iondok. Al1 of the households in the rond& are theoretically involved and pool money together to buy the pig for the event. The ma ' sumumongsang banua also has a potluck element in that dl households attending the feast provide rice and the host household does not make a terribly large investment for the feast (at times not even providing a pig). This seems to indicate that the ma ' sumomng sang hnua feast fiinctions as a solidarity enhancing event for the fondok as well. However, the ma ' sumorrong sang Banua does appear to be an event that is potentially pmmotional. As noted above, there was a case in which a household (Household 19) provided thpigs for a ma ' sumomng huafat, a fact which seems a bit conspicuous considering that it does not appear necessary for a household hostiag a ma ' sumowong sang huafeast to provide any pigs at dl. The ma ' sumomng appears to be perfomed at the tongkonan level as well. A ma 'sumorrong in 1993, was held at the tonghnan indo in Kanan, Al1 rongkonan membeis are said to have pooled together to provide a pig for this event and more than one huudred people attend& the feast. This type of ma ' sumowong fatappears to contain both pmmotional and solidarity elements in that it can act as a promotional event for the tongkonuri and its mernbers as well as an event that can enhance the solidarity of iungkonan members in that they coiiectively undenmite the feast. It is not clear as to whether or not a tonghnan-orienteci ma 'mmorrong fatsuch as tbis one is differentiated hmthe ma ' sumorrong sang tondok by name, but it does appear to represent a distinct type of ma ' sumorrong feast. Ma 'pakmde' dl This is a type of ma 'sumorrong with the same basic fonnat as the ma ' sumorrong sang hnua (Le., one or two chickens are killed on a hiii and one pig is killed at the host household), the oniy difference being its smaller sale and the fact that guests hmother houses corne but do aot coattiaue anythiag to the feast. There was a case in which a household head (Househld 22) claimed to have perfomed a ma ' sumuwong feast that involved two chickens and eight kg. of rice. The people aîtending this feast were hm Kanan only and did not pmvide any rice. This may have been an example of a ma ' pahnde' dewuta feast althou& it was not specificaily caiîed that by the informant. This type of feast would appear to be a soiidarity4riented event for the tond& close family members, or just a shgie household, although the data is insufacient to make any firm conclusions.

Ma' puhiide' ta mate' This rite is performed as a part of the ma ' sumorrong feast for a case in which a person in the lembang has died within a year preceding the feast. It involves the killing of a small pig at the house of the deceased petson by the household (presumably related to the deceased person) intending to perform the ma ' sumorrong feast and must be doue before the household can perform the ma 'sumorrong fatproper. For example, if a household fmm a neighboring rondok in the lembang were to perform a ma ' sumorrong feast in a year when a person died in Kanan, the household hmthe neighboring tondok would need to kill a pig at the house of the deceased person in Kanan before performing the ma ' sumorrong in their own rondok. At the tirne of this study, 1 witnessed the end of such an event in which mernbers of a household hmthe tondok of Pongbembe' (where they planned to perform a ma ' sumorrong feast) killed and cooked a pig in fiont of a house (Household 8) in Kanan where there was a person who had died duriag the previous year (presumably a relative of the household fiom Pongbembe'). There were only about ten people present for the event, two or three hmPongbembe.' It appeared to be a relatively low-key affisir involving only the household hmPongbembe' and Kanan Household 8 and was marZred by the drumming of a gandang dmby small children at Household 8. AIthough it was not specificdly described by informants as a rite odyperfomed by those related to the deceased, it seems unlikely ibat everyone in the lembang (related or unrelateci to the deceased) would perfom this special rite at the household of the deceased petson prior to hosting a ma ' suniorrottg feast. In any event, the performance of the ma 'pahnde ' to mate ' clearly appears to fiinction as a solidarity and alliance fostdg event at least between the two households hmseparate tondoh and perhaps between the two tondoks as a whole. Ma' suru k&'

me ma 'amkale 'is a type of ma ' ~urufeast, which are generally related to fertility, held in tirnes of bad personal health, bad harvests, or other misfortune and cannot be performed while rice is still growing in the fields. The ma 'suru kale ' is a the day long ritual that is in many ways an elahrated version of the ma ' sumorrong feast in terms of the duration and amount of meat involveci. On the ktday of the feast, one pig is killed and presented as an offering dong with a small amount ofpare' bu 'tan (nce for ritual occasions that is not grown around Kanan and must be purchased hmthe outside) at a speciai ritual locale called the bamba, which is situated outside of the tondok near an irrigation canal. This rite is called the ba ba pemali. A to ma 'kada blesses the pare ' bu 'tan and the pig. The meat hmthe pig is given to people hmother tondoks (none of the meat is given to attendees hmthe host's tondok) who take it back to their respective tondoks, and a special part of the pig is designated for the to ma 'kada. Mer the bu ba pemali, on the first night of the ma 'suru Me', the ma ' dulang rite is performed. For this rite, another pig is killed and offéred with a little pare ' ûa 'tan at the host's house. Attending the event are people hmthe host's tondok and neighboring tondoks as well. A to ma 'kada performs the rite and receives a special portion of the meat. The rest of the meat is given to al1 of the guests. Each guet brings with hem nce in kurin tanar (about one kg.) on the occasion of the ma ' dulung. For the second day of the ma ' suru kale ' (the ma 'pembutuan),one pig is killed on a hiil outside of the tondok (actuai location depends upon the family). Attendees include family members of the host as well as others hm the host's tondok and neighboring tondokr. A to ma 'kada blesses the pig dong with one kurin tana of reguiarpare ' kutu nce. On the evening of the second day, the ma ' kesalla rite (a rite to confess bad things to gods in order to change them into good) is performed. For this, the host household and the guests who attendeci the preceding rite (the ma ' pembutuan) gather at the host's house, whm a fernale pig (doko or bai birang) is killed and eaten with rice by aii of the guests. The mcr ' toring rite is performed on the third day and is the Iast rite of the ma 'mmMe ' feast. This is held at the host's house. One pig is killed and its bldis put on the foreheads of al1 the memben of the host farnily by a tu ma 'hdapriest. The meat of the pig is cooked and eaten with rice by ail those attending the feasî, which hcludes members of the host's family as well as other guests tkom the host household's tondok and neighboring tondoh. On ail of the days comprishg the ma 'suru kale' féast, guests hmother households in the host's tondok as weli as those hmother tondoks are in attendance. Al1 guests are said to bring rice (presurnably one kg.) on each day of the feast. The host is usually in charge of providing the pigs, aithough they can be provided by others on the host's behalf (see bekw). A household head (Household 1) in Kanan gave an account of a ma 'surruMe ' that his household had hosted in 1970. According to the informant, two hundred people attended the feasî, which included members of the household head's family hmKanan as well as members of the informant's wife's family hmtondok Katimbuang. Some of the pigs for this feast were actually provided by the host's brouier and sister, but there was no specific repayment obligation only the general obligation to help his brothers and sisters when they needed it. The oniy other account of a household in Kanan hosting a ma ' surru kule ' was three years prior to this study by Household 8. The ma 'suru kale ' appears to most resemble a promotional feast. The feast is quite costly and relatively rare (there was only one account of a ma 'suru kale ' having been held in Kanan within the past ten years ptior to this study). It requires the slaughter of six pigs and the services of a to ma 'kuda ritual specialist for three days, which represents a substantial expense for a household in Kanan. The fact that family members of the host dl have blood hma pig placed on their foreheads on the third day of the feast impiies a concem for family solidarity as well. Also, the fact that meat hmthe pig killed for the ba ba pemali rite on the ktday of the feast is carrieci by the attendees hm0th tondoks back to theu respective tondoh implies that there may be an alliance building element to this feast between the host household and those hmother tond&. Mang ata @angataran) sang tondok This is a curing feast for children involving the entire tondok. There are indications that this feast is performeâ when there is an outbreak of chicken pox, small pox or possibly for siclmess in generai among the children in the tondok and that it takes place every five to seven years, pmbably in conjunction with minor epidemics. The mang ata sang tondok is said to be held at the alangpuang (noble's rice granary) (located beside Household 21) in Kanan whenever it is performed. For the feast, every household with children provides at least one chicken for each child in the household. There are other indications that every household, regardless of whether or not there are chilàren living in the house, provides at least one chicken dong with some rice. Some people bring eggs as well. One informant claimed that there were three hundred eggs at a mang ata sang tondok that took place in 1999. Pigs, collectively purchased by groups of households, are also said to be a part of mang ata sang tondok feasts. Apparently, there were four pigs at the 1999 feast, which included people hmKanan as well as nearby tondoks. A to ma 'kada is not present at mang ata sang tondok feasts and, according to one Uifomant, the ambe ' tondok leads a prayer. However, there is other testimony indicating that Kollang, a ritual specialist in Kanan who assists a to ma 'kada for certain rites as well as conducts rites himself, is the one who nuis the proceedings of the mang ata sang tondok. Violin and flute players apparently (ma ' sulin and ma 'gesi respectively) perform at mang ata sang tondok feasts as well. Mang ata sang banua This feast apparently follows the same format as the mang ata sang tondok, except for the fact that it is hosted by one particular household. In one instance, a person (Household 2 1) who hosted a mang ara a little more than a year prior to this study, claimed to have provided one pig, more than ten chickens, and fifty litres of rice for the feast. Each person attending his mang ata sang banua evidently brought a chicken. For a mang ata heId in 1999 at a household (Household 7), th= were a total of forty chickens representing forty children. The household head hosted the feast, because his child had the chicken pox. However, to cloud the issue conceming mang ata feasts at the household level, one household indicated that there was only a mang ara sang tondok and not a mang ata sang banua feast. The mang ara feast appears to be performed as a solidarity-reinforcing event for the households of the tondok when it is collectively underwritten by the entire tondok (in the cases referred to as mang ata sang tondok). This is evident in the participation on the part of al1 of the households in hanwith children (which is virtually every household in Kanan) and the potluck aspects of the feast, which seem to make the feast a tnily communal event. In cases when individual households host mang ata fats, it seems to be a potentialiy promotional event. The feast hosted by Household 21, consisting of more tban ten cbickens, one pig and fi& Litres of nce provided by Household 21, represents a substantial investment for an individual household, It is possiile that when hosted by a household, the mang ata feast operates as a promotional event of sorts for the host household's children. However, the rest of the feast apparently follows the same format as the mang ata sang tondok, which indicates that it would also be a solidarity-oriented event to a certain dem. Ma 'pasomba The ma'pasomba is another curing feast performed when a child becomes ill. The ma 'pasomba is a relatively simple ritual that is only done at the household level and involves only household members and a rituai practitioner, who performs a rituai using one egg as an offering. By al1 indications, the ma 'pasomba appears to be a solidarity enhancing event for individual households as it is very simple and oniy involves household members (i.e., members of the immediate family). Life Cvcle Feasts Ma' kurrui The ma ' kurrui feast is performed when a chiId is hm. The household hosting the event (the household in which the woman gives birth, which tends to be the woman's place of residence) provides a chicken and a pig. lf the family cannot afford a pig, they have a second feast in which they kill a pig at a later the. Al1 of the people in the tondok are said to be able to attend a ma' kurrui and they bnng rice. A ritual practitioner pedorms a rite for ma ' kumi feasts and on the occasion of a ma ' kumi, a kabombangan (a looped ornament made of palm leaves) is attached to the cenûai post of the house where the baby was hm. A ma ' kurrui fatis also perfonned when a buffalo gives birth. in this case it occurs at the household that owas the buffalo. As with the ma ' kumi for a human baby, the attendees bring rice and theotetically anyone in the tondok can attend, while the host provides a chicken and sometimes a pig (depending upon haucing). As with other fertiliîy-related feasts, it is fotbidden to petform any ma' kumi feast within a certain period (p~sumablyone yeat) dera person dies in the tondok. However, this proscription may apply oniy to those related to the deceased person. The ma 'brui feasts for humans and buffaloes appear to have a certain promotional aspect to them. They couId tepresent opportunities for a household to enhance the prestige of their child or buffdo by providing a particularly large pig or more thm one pig for a feast. However, accounts of the feast given by informants oniy referred to it as a feast involving just one pig pmvided by the host household. In this Light, the ma 'kurrui feast, for human babies at least, seems to function as more of a solidarity enhancing event. The pig provideci by the host household for aU residents of the tondok who wish to attend and bring rice could represent an event that hctions as a means of solidifying the household's ties with the rest of the tondok (likely depenàing upon the size of the pig however), a measure that would be appropriate for a household that just added a new member. Mu' suru bon' This is a feast that takes place on a child's first birthday. It is said to ensure that the child is de,blessed, and grows up. The ceremony lasts one night and one day. On the first night, three chickens and somepare ' bu 'tan rice are presented as offérings in the chiId's family household. One of these chickens is offered to the ancestors, one to the creator @uang matua), and one to the guardian (to ma ' kambe 3. On the next moming, one smail pig is killed and the child's hair is cut. This rite is called the pa Muran. A to ma 'kuda is not needed for any part of the ma ' suru bati feast, but instead Kollang (assistant to ma 'kada Living in Kanan) perfonns the rites. Only Kollang and those living in the household are said to participate in this feast, although some infonnants reportedly had guests hmwithin and outside of Kanan come and bring rice to ma ' suru bati f'asts hetd at their households. When a ma ' suru bati feast is performed, according to one informant, a kabongbongan is attached to the central post of the house. The relatively small scaie of the feast in terms of investment as well as the fact that it appears to only involve housebold members indicates that the feast is a solidarity-enhancing event for the househoId. Weddings Traditional weddings in Kanan and the neighboring tondoks are held at the house of the bride's parents, last one day and one night, and involve the slaughter of two pigs. The bridegroom and his party (presumably family members and fneads) arrive in the afteniom of the wedding. When they arrive, a pig is killed in the back of the house of the bride's farnily. Other testimony indicates that both pigs are killed in the evening of the event. In Kanan, KoUang (the ritual practitioner in Kanan) blesses the pigs that are slaughtered at weddings. At some point in the proceedings, the bridegroom's par@and the bnde's family agree to the mmiage termination penalty (somba). The somba denotes the arnount to be paid by the partner who is responsible for ending a marriage to bis or her husband or wife. According to one informant, the divorce penalty in Simbuang was previously a minimum of one haif of a buffalo and a maximum of one buffalo. Today, the maximum payment is said to be one buffalo and the minimum three-fifths of a buffalo. Most people in Kanan who disclosed the temination penalty for their marriage reported it as being one bflalo. In one case it was said to be two buffaloes and in another it was one buffalo to be paid by the husband if he left and one pig to be paid by the wife if she were to leave. For most of the accounts of weddings in Kanm and neighboring tondoks, the bride's parents provided twu pigs for the feast, about one to two hundred kg. of rice, as well as nce and diparori (cakes made of rice flour and sugar). However, according to one informant, it is presently custornary for the bride's parents to provide one pig and the groom's parents to provide one pig for weddings, although traditionally the bride's family provided both of the pigs. Accounts of the number of guests attending weddings ranged hmfour hundred to six hundred. The guests commonly included fnends and family members hmthe tondoh of the bride and groom and other neighboring tondoh as well as the ambe ' tondob of neighboring tondoks. Guests customarily brought rice, dipatori cakes, and coffee to weddings, but there was one instance in which an informant claimed that the guests at his wedding in the tondok of Sararnbo (his wife's family's village located outside of han's lembang) did not brhg anything to the wedding. There was also an occasion in which one individual (the household head of Household 13) claimed to have brought a pig to the wedding of one of his first cousins in the nearby tondok of Katimbuang. This was a Christian wedding, however, and there were no instances recorded of individuais having &en a pig as a contribution for a traditional wedding, unless they were the bride's or groom's parents Wedding feasts are clearly a type of alliance feast between the bride and gmom's family. The large number of guests, including the presence of ambe ' tondoh hm different tondoh, and the relatively large amount of food provided by the bride's fàmily Unplies a promotional fùnction for these feasts as weii. In this way they could represent an opportunity for the bride's family to promote its success (and the potential socio- econornic success of the newlyweds) through the undemithg of a large feast which includes the presence of important and influential guests (e.g, ambe ' tondoh). However, in cases in which both the bride's family and the groom's family each provide one pig for the wedding, it appears as though more emphasis would be put on solidarity between the two families than promotion on the part of one family. Ma' sarak Most of the data coUected regarding this feast indicates that it is performed when a husbaad and wife move out of the house of the wife's or husband's parents, as it is cornmon for a young couple in Simbuang to live in the house of the husband's or wife's parents for some time until they establish their own house. However, other testimony indicates that this may not be the only occasion upon which to hold a ma'sarak feast. One informant recounted a ma 'sarak which was held on the event upon which a man brought his wife (the informant's daughter) to her family's house der getting manied. in this instance, a ma ' sarak feast was held at the house of his wife's hnily. Whatever the occasion, the ma ' sarak feast reportedly always involves a pig and about fi@ to one hundred kg. of rice. Diputon rice cakes appear to be included in many ma ' sarak feasts as well. The pig is cooked behind the house of the husband or wife (depending on which house the husband and wife lived in). in most accounts of these feasts, the pig and a large portion of the rice was provided by the young couple, dthough for the ma ' sarak that reportedly took place on the occasion of the man bringing his wife to her family's house, the pig was said to have been provided by the wife's parents, who kept the pig's head. The number of guests present at ma ' sarak feasts appears to range between about one hundred and five hundred. The guests include mainly family membm hmthe husband's and wife's respective tondoh as weii as neighbring tondoks. Guests usually bring mal1 amounts of rice (one kg.) and, in some cases, diptori cakes. The ma ' sarak fat, like the wedding feasts, appears to hction mainly as a solidarity-building event for the families of the wife and husband. The participants of this feast consist primady of members of the two families. These participants al1 provide food for the feast and in this sense the ma ' sarak could operate to solidathe comection between the two familes. When the feast is held upon the occasion when the wife and husband leave the househuld of the w8e's or husband's family, the ma 'sarak also seems be promotional in a certain respect. On these occasions, the financing of the feast by the husband and wife could fiuiction as a way of estabüshing and pmoting their new household. lem ban^ Feasîs In this category are feasts that involve the six tondoh (Kanan, Balatana, Katimbangan, Pongbembe, Tanete', and Buangin) of the entire lembang. In this category 1am including fatsthat are a collective effort on the part of al1 of the tondoks for which each tondok contributes on a more or les equal basis. The focus of these feasts appears to be on the Iembang as a whole and not on a particular household or lineage and in this way lembang feasts différ hother particularly large fatsinvolving participants hm the entire lembang, such as funerais. Ma' surir tondok The ma' suru tondok is said to be perfomed when there are bad harvests in the area. Some claimed that it was held every three to four years, while others indicated that it occued about once every ten years. Two to ma 'kada rituaI practitioners perform rites at the ma ' mm tondok and theoretically everyone living in the lembang, or at least representatives of most households in the iembang, which includes Kanaa, Buangin, Tanete,' Balatana, Pongbembe, and Katimbangan can attend the feast. Each individual household that participates in the ma ' suru tondok feast brings nce and, in some cases at least, chickens. From each tondok, one large (denoted as being at least one meter in diameter or at least 40 kg.) pig is provideci for the feast. Al1 of the households of each tondok reportedly pool their 6nances together to obtain these pigs. Apparently, this event always takes place in Kanan. However, one informant claimed to have attended a ma' sunr tondok in Pongbembe' at the alang Rasih turusan (said to be the special location for ma ' suru tondok feasts in pongbembe') in 1999. In any event, when the feast is held in Kanan (as was the case in 1998) the pigs are killed, cooked, and eaten near the river (most likely the Nosu River just to the north of Kanan). Informant testimony also indicates that at least some portion of the feast is held at the alangpuang (noble's rice granary) in Kanan. Rice barns am the traditional seats of honor at feasts in Tana Toraja and it is probably only the highest ranking individuais that eat at the ahngpuang rice barn during the ma 'SMU tondok feast. Ma' suru sang lembang Thete was one account of this feast having occurred at the tondok Rea in a ncighboring lembang in Simbuang. The ma 'suru sang lembang was said to involve all of the tondoh of that lemhg and appears to have a similar format as the ma 'suru tondok. It is quite possible that what was described by informants in Kanan as the ma ' suru tondok is actually the ma' sum sang lembang. At any rate, it is clear that a feast involving the coordinatai organization of al1 of the tondoks in the lembang, each of which makes equal contributions to the feast, does exist in the Kanan area. Ma' buntke' sang lemhng This is another feast said to involve the entire lembang and claimed to always be held in Kanan. It apparentiy follows the sarne basic format as the ma ' burake ' sang hua,but there were no accounts of it having occmed recently and it appears to be obsolete or rarely perfonned. Ma' sumorrong lembang The ma ' sumorrong lembang is another lembang-wide feast that is said to follow the sarne format as the other ma ' sumorrong feasts. This feast is evidentiy obsolete or very rarely performed as well. It was even said to never be performed at dl. However, it is a named feast and therefore must have been perfomed at some time in the past. The practical hction of the ma ' suru tondok feast, and probably the other lembang feasts as well, is most likely alliance building and alliance reinforcing among the tondoks of the lembang. The equai contriiutions of food hmeach tondok in the lembang as well as the fact that ail households in the lembang can theoretically participate in the ma ' suru tondok implies that the primary concern of this feast solidarîty-enhancement. The existence of feasts that fûnction to enhance the solidarity and alliance of the tond& in the lemhg would be appropnate in an environment in which defense appears to have traditionaiiy been a primary concem. Perhaps the ma ' buruke sang lembang and the ma 'sumorrong lembag were perfonned on a reguiar basis when defense and warfare were more of a concern than they are today. Funenl Feasts Funerals are generaiiy the largest feasts pedtonned in Kman in terms of the duration, numbex of guests that attend, and the number of animals that are slaughteted Funds are also significant in tmsof the exchange and debt relations that they generate through the giving of animais as gifts to those who organize funerals (see Chapter IV). There are a variety of diffecent types of futlerais held in Simbuang. Various levels of funeral feasts are disthguished hmeach other according to the number of buffaloes and pigs that are slaughtered in them as well as theu duration. The different typa of Simbuang fiuietals are as follows: 1) The simplest fherals in Simbuaug are one to two night rituals that involve the killing of one pig and one buffalo, or even no buffaoes at dl. Tt is not completely clear as to what the name of the simpIest funeral is, but f is said to be perfomed for poor people and infants that have died. There are alsa indications that it was done for slaves. According to one infamant, ttiis type of funeral takes place more tban twenty times a year in al1 of Simbuang, aIthough fiinerals with no buffaloes are said to be very rare occunences. 2) The next Ievel of fiinetal is the dipetailu. The dipetallu is a three to five night ritual for which at least two buffaloes and twelve pigs are slaughtered. This funeral is perfonned by nobles (to ma 'dika)and is said to be held about ten to fifteen times per year in Simbuang. 3) At the next tevel, there is the duang pitu fimeral. Ai1 of the fimerals at tfiis levei and higher are grouped into a class of fiinerals known as dipandang. Duarig pitu hds1st fourteen ni@ and involve the slaughter of seven to eight buffaloes and twenty-four pigs. Informant testimony also indicates that at least twenty-eight pigs are killed for this fiuierai. The duangpiîu is said to be perfonned about two times per year in Simtiuang, reflecting the high costs of these events and the economic marginality of the region. 4) The duang hera fiuierai spans eighteen nights. Nine to ten buffaloes and twenty-four pigs are slaughtered for the duang Rasera and it occurs about once a year in Simbuang. 5) The ta& hera is a twenty-seven night rituai for which between twelve and nfteen buffaloes and thirty six pigs are slaughtered- The fallu bera is not performed very ofien; it was iast perfomed in Simbuang about twenty years ago. 6) The aluk sukh is the bighest level of all of the Simbuang fiuierals. It spans more than twenty-seven nights and entails the slaughter of at least sixteen buffaloes and more than thirty-six pigs. An al& suRRu fiuieral was last held in Simbuang in 1996. However, these are the rarest of al1 of the fiineral types. Ne' Boyong, the ambe ' tondok of Kanan, who was eighty swen years old at the tirne this data was collected, claimed to have only seen two aluk sukin his iifetime and the most buffalo he had ever seen slaughtered at any beral in Simbuang was at an aluk suhberai that took place sixty-five years ago in which twenty-six buffaloes were slaughtered. At fwierals of al1 levels in Simbuang, large numbers of guests are present. According to uiformant accounts of funerals they attended or organized, the number of guests at fiuierals ranged hmhundreds for some dipetallu iùnerals to more than one thousand for duangpitu, duang kaseru, tallu Rasera, and other dipetallu fiinerals. The guests, if related to the deceased, ofien provide pigs and sometimes buffaloes for the fiineral. Buf'faloes and pigs brought by guests or, more appropriately, feast supporters represent giAs for members of the organizing committee, which consists of close relatives (usually children andlor siblings of the deceased) who make arrangements for the fimeral and usually provide water buffaloes andor pigs for the feast. These gifts for organizing committee members create a debt to be paid back in kind at a fimeral in which the person who gave the animal is an organizer or at that person's îùned. Dogs are also said to be provided by some family members of the deceased at funerals, but dogs do not appear to operate in the same way as pigs and buil'aloes in tems of debt. A more detailed description of the composition of the organizing committee as weli as the dynamics of the gift exchange at fiuierals will be presented in the andysis in Chapter 4. Those who are unrelated to the deceased and unrelated to members of the organizing committee dybring about one to two kg. of bara riale ' or nothing at al1 to fiinerals. Bara dale ' is pounded maize that resembles cornmeal der being prepared. It is cooked in Rurin tanas and eaten at fimerals instead of rice, which is appmtly not permitted to be eaten by family mernbers of the deceased until after burial. Most of the people who claimed to have brought nothing to a fimerai indicated that they did help out with the feast in some way, such as working in the kitchen, Importantly, while family rnembers do not always bring pigs to funerals, non-relatives or distant relatives of the deceased at times bring pigs as gifts with which they can establish debt relationships with organizing members of the funeral codttee. The meat of the animais at a fiuieral is divided among the family members, members of neighboring tondoks that help set up the feast in the si saro arrangement (for duangpitu and higher-level fimerais), the ambe ' tondoh who customarily receives the largest portion of meat, and other participants who have contributed to the funeral or to whom debts are owed. In particular, families who contribute animals to funerals aiso get some portion of the meat back. Those who contribute a pig to a funeral, for example, keep the head, heart, and one leg of the pig for themselves. The pmcess involved in the setting up and cornpletion of a beral feast can be quite lengthy. When a person dies, close relatives of the deceased person discuss the fùneral arrangements with the ambe ' tondok. At this meeting (ma ' rapu), the ambe ' tondok and the close relatives of the decdperson decide on when and where the funeral will be held. The ambe ' tondok then informs individuals who mamed into the tondok hmother tondoh, who subsequently tell the ambe ' tondoks of their respective home tondoks that a beral will take place and ihe ambe ' tondoh of these tond& then organize people within their tondoh to help out with the funeral. This is essentially how the inter-tondok si saro arrangement operates for fiinerals. There are a number of rituals involved in the fuaeral process hmthe tirne a person dies as well. These include feasts auxiliary to the main beral feast. An integral part of the process leading up to at least sme types of fiinerals is the ma ' daya (singing for the dead) ritual. This ritual is held at the dead person's house and is attended by close family members and anyone else who chooses to attend, even people hmother tondoks. The ma ' dayrr is performed nightly for a perid of about one month during the tirne before the fimeral commences. On the occasion of a ma ' duya rituai perfomed during the tirne of this study, there were about twenty people seated on the floor of the hnt mm(guest receiving room) of a deceased person's house (Household 8). In the same mm, the dead person was wrappeà in cloth and placed against what appeared to be the south wall of the house behind a cloth hanging hmthe ceiling. The ritual consisted of chanting doue by male members of the tondok who were lead by the ambe 'tondok. At the ma ' dayo, coffée, tea, cigarettes, and kerupuk (fned manioc crisps), as weli as betel for the ambe ' tondok, were provideci by the host household women. As an example of the lengthy process involved in performing rituals hmthe the of death until burial, what follows is a description of the rites for a duangpiru funeral (a class of fùneral that lasts fourteen nights and involves the slaughter of seven to eight buffaloes and twenty-four pigs). This process undoubtediy varies dependhg on the level of fimeral and the following example should not be cegarded as a universal process for al1 Kman funerals. Upon death, a person's body is put on a chair. On the following &y (ma ' bambangan),close relatives of the deceased lie the body down. The close relatives of the deceased adom the head of the deceased with a buffalo hom headdress if the deceased is a man or a gold head ring if the deceased is a woman. On this day, one buffalo is killed and a to mebalun (priest specializing in rituals for the dead) performs a ritual that includes the dnimming of a gandang dnm. There are also indications that at least one pig is killed and eaten for the ma ' bambangan. The feast for the ma ' bambangan involves only close family members of the deceased. On the following day (ma 'pukayuan), close relatives of the deceased person build a tempocary cofnn and kill one pig and one dog and a to mebalun priest performs a ritual. This feast is attended by close farnily members of the dead persoa and appears to be a work feast for those who built the temporary cofi. As is the case for other woek feasts, those who build the temporary cofh are probably the ones who eat the dog meat. The temporary is closed the next &y (ma 'paparepesan). The to mebaiun priest and close relatives are the only ones premt on this day as well. Four days later, &er a total of seven nigbts have elapsed since the person's death, the next rituai is paformed (untamanui gongi pitu). On the htday of the untamanui gongi piru, one pig is killed and eaten and only close family members of the deceased and a to mebalun priest are present. The following &y, a large pig is killed and eaten by members of the deceased's close family who constnict a tempomy structure for the tùnerai. This is evidently a work feast for those building the temporiuy structure and is the last part of the untamunuigongipitu ritual. Mer fourteen nights have expired since the deceased person died, there is another ritual (untamanui gongi dua pitu) that involves only close family members of the deceased and a to mebalun priest. For this ritual, one pig is lcilled and eaten by the close family members of the dead petson in the aiternoon and another is killed aud eaten by close family members of the dead petson the foilowing day. Mer the rite is complete, na Merrites are performed until the Iast days before the fiinetal commences in eamest. At that tirne, the pa 'fanrunrian ritual is p&ormed, for which close family members of the deceased weave a belt for the dead persoa's coffin and one pig is killed and eaten by the dead person's close family members. A io mebalun priest is also present for the rihial. Two or three days after the pcr 'tanrnrian is performed, the pu ' foddoran ritual takes place. On this day, close family members of the dead person take off the temporary binding wrapped around the deceased petson and put clothes on the deceased. The deceased's close family members kill and eat one pig and a to mebalun pnest perfom a ritual on this day as well. Two or thtee days later, the tùneral begins. On the first day of the actual beral, close family mmbers of the dead person take the deceased paon out of the temporary coffin (ma ' baba) and change the dead person's clothes @a' passunan). Two pigs are killed and eaten by members of the deceased's dose family. A to mebalun and to mu 'bukhcitual practitioners are aiso present on this day. On the next day (pu ' tandoran), close family members of the dead petson change the clothes of the dead person again and kill and eat one pig. A to mebalun and to ma 'bu& ritual practitioner are present for this ritual as weIL On the evening of the same day i#I ' tobbong), close family members of the deceased person chant, one pig is killed and eaten by mernbers of the dead person's close family, and a to mebolun priest is present. On the next moniing (ma ' mellatang), a temporary house for the dead person is built by members of the deceased's close family and one pig is killed and eatem by those who built the bouse and evidently other close family members of the deceased in what appears to be a work feast. Later that same day, two mote pigs are kiUed and brought up the paya (building outside of the tondok built for the to ma'kada) after they are roasted. One buffalo is killed at the paya as well. Only close family members of the deceased are involved in this ritual. The next day (ma ' batang) is the main feasting day when the procession of guests (both family mernbers and non-family members) amive with gifts. This is theoreticaliy the only day that involves people other than close family members of the deceased and ritual specialists. On tbis &y, pigs that relatives brought as gifts are killed and eaten by those in attendance. In the afternoon of the same day, one pig is killed and ritually fed to the dead person (tabtrongi). On the next moming, the palladura ntaul is performed in which two pigs are killed and mua,' sarita, and other types of sacral cloths which are displayed only on certain ritual occasions are placed on the temporary house for the dead person. Following the pulladura is the mebaba' rituai that involves the killing of three buffaloes followed by the slaughter of another pig and the ritual feeding (tubbongr? of the meat to the dead person. The burial procession occurs on the next day. Close family mernbers of the deceased take the dead person to the family Iiang (rock-cut tomb) for buriai and perform the pu 'pubrun(ah referred to as ma 'peliori)ritual in which they kill one buffdo and one pig when they return to the tondok. This ritual involves only close family members of the deceased. For the pendioran ritual on the day after the pa 'paRkoran, ail of the close family members' clothes are taken to the river (presumably the Nosu river just to the north of Kanan) to be washed and one pig is killed and eaten by close family mernbers of the deceased at the river. When the family remto the deceased person's house on the same day, they kill one pig in hntof the house in the sossoanamberata ritual. At chat tirne, close family members take rice from the nce granary and cook it with the pig and a to ma 'kada priest performs a rite. Oniy close members of the dead person's family take part and eat the meat and rice for the sossoanamberata ritual. This is the îirst tirne the deceased's tamily members are pennitted to eat cice sbthe death of the deceased person. Family members and the to ma 'hdathen bring one pig to the bamba (specified location outside of the tondok). There, the pig is killed and eaten by members of the dead person's close farnily and the to ma 'akacia performs a ritual. On the next day (ma' bori), the to ma 'Rade joins the fdy membezs back to the ddshouse where one pig is killed and eaten by the family members and the to ma 'hda performs a ritual. It is at this thethat the tu ma 'hda mites a eulogy for the deceased. The time of the eulogy has also been desctiied as the ma' tendong, which is also said to involve singing. That eveaing, the kandian bo 'bo ritual is perfomed in which the family of the dead person kilIs a pig and eats it with rice. On the next day, the children of the dead person kiU one buffalo (this ritual also called kandian bo 'bo). mer data indicate that there is some variation in the funeral process described above. For a fwieral involving the slaughter of four buffaloes and twelve pigs (a dipetallu-ievel funeral) and a duangpitu funeral (Le., a fourteen night long fimeral in which seven to eight buffaloes and twenty-four pigs are slaughtered), the first day of each funeral @a' karopoRan) was descnbed as an event attended by close family members, including al1 of those who brought pigs to the fimeral as gifts. In both cases, the event included pigs, killed in the hntof the house. For the dipetallu berai, thirty to fi@ baskets each of manioc, maize, and taro, and two ritual practitioners were also said to be included in the event. At the prr ' karopokan for the duangpitu fiuieral, four pigs were provided by the household hosting the event. The pu ' karopokan for the duangpitu evidently had one hundred guests while the one for the d@etalluwas said to have included two hundred guests. The close relatives of the deceased reportedly alsa bring dogs and slaughter them on this occasion. The meat of the dogs is then given to the general public, not the family members. The slaughter of dogs implies that there may be a work component to this feast in which the workers are the ones who eat the dog meat. As previously noted, dog meat is assaeiated with strena and eaten by worker in other parts of Southeast Asia and appears to be eaten at work feasts in Tana Toraja as well. Another rite performed as a part of the fimeral process is the ma' doyong. For the ma' doyong, three ced cloth bags are hung on the central post of the deceased petson's house. One bag contains coins and a plate with food offerings, one bag has a cup iu it, and one bag contains betel. These items are all buried with the dead. The necessary investment in terms of the number of buffiiloesand pigs (any feast involving the slaughter of a buffalo in hanrepresents a great investment) required for the entire beral process, especiaüy for the large fuaerals, indicates that there is a strong element of promotion in Simbuang funerals, The fact that there are digrnent levels of Simbuang fiuierais also implies a certain amount of statu is associateci with each type of funeral, with the berals of the highest order conferring the most status upon the family hosting the event. The rarity of the large fiinerals, such as the one rquiring the slaughter of sixteen buffaioes and more than thirty-six pigs (aluk sh),which apparently had only been performed twice in the area mund Kanan in the sixty-five years prior to this study, suggests that a high degree of status codd be conferred upon a family hosting the grandest of the Kanan fwierals. However, the vast majority of the rituals making up the beral process involve only members of the deceased's close family and a citual practitioner and, in this way, appear to operate as a means of reinforcing the solidarity of the deceased's family. Thus, there appears to be a duai practicai function in these events: 1) to promote the success of the deceased person ami especially the deceased person's surviving family and 2) to augment the ties between the deceased's close family mernbers. Other Death-related Feasts Ma 'peyundi The ma 'peyundi is held to augment the death status of an individual and occurs some theafter the hueral. It appears to be perfiomed to aid a deceased relative in their jomey to heaven through the slaughter of additional buffaio and pigs in the person's honor. In an account of a ma 'peywndi rituai held in Kanan in 1935, there were two buffaioes, one srnall pig, and eight large pigs kiki, The large pigs were presented as offerings for ail of the souls of the family. The buffàioes were killed and cooked in the hntof the host household and the pigs were kiUed and cooked in the back. The one hundred attendees included many residents of Kanan and family members hmother tondoh. One of the bufEaloes was provideci by the great-grandson of the deceased, Ne' Boyong, and the other was provided by the son of the deceased, which he inherited from the deceased. All of the pigs wete given by the children of the deceased petson's sister.

Ma 'pople Like the ma'peyundi, the ma'popoele is held in order to augment the death status of an individuai. It is aiso done some time &et the fimerai for the deceased and is only performed if there were no bufÎaloes sacrüïced at the deceased person's funetal. There were not many details provided regarding this feast, but it appears to be held for the same emic purpose as the ma 'peyundi in that the sacrificing of buffaloes in the deceased person's honor will aid them in their journey to heaven. Both the ma 'popoele and ma 'peyundi are, Like fùnerals, clearly promotional events. These events give families the opportunity to enhance th& status and the death status of their deceased relative by adding another ritual and the slaughter of more animals to a previously held berai. This would obviously be considered very important for families that were unable to provide a buffalo for a family member's fimeral as is the case for those perfonning the ma 'popoele. The ma'peyundi, which, unlike the ma' popode, cmbe performed by a family that wishes to augment a previous beral for a deceased relative with the slaughter of additional buffaoes and pigs, would represent an event, in addition to the fùneral, in which a family could promote its success and enhance the death status of their deceased relative. Other Feasts Bua' This feast was apparently practiced in former times in Kanan, although Ne' Boyong, who was eighty seven years old at the time of this study, claimed to have never seen it performed. It was reportedly performed when a person became wealthy and it was held at the person's tongkonan. The bua ' involved the entire tondok and lasted more than one year. in preparation for this feast, premenstrual girls were ûained for three to four years in singing and for spirit contacts during which tirne they could not leave their house. The bua ' feast clearly hctioned as a promotional event and display of economic success for the household and tongkonan hosting the event. The attainment of wealth was reportedly a reason for pefforming this feast and although the details for this event in Kanan are scanty, the long duration and the fact that it requires intense training on the part of premenstnral girls indicates that it was a very large-scale event. Christian ThanksgMng Feast Aithough widespread thughout central Tana Toraja, the relative lack of in Simbuang makes this feast a rare occurrence around ban. There was only one account of a Christian thanksgiving feast in Kanaa. This feast was held within the past year prior to this study and was hosted by the only Christian household in the tondok (Household 25). For the feast, the host household provided ten kg. of rice and two chickens. Many people in Kanan reportedly attended, but brought nothing. However, it is fair to assume that far fewer than the entire tondok attended this event considering the amount of food involved and the fact that Household 25 is the only Christian household in Kanan. The practical function of this feast appears to be related to solidarity. Perhaps it was a solidarity event to strengthen the connection between Household 25 (a relatively young household) and the other households attending the feast. in central Tana Toraja, Christian thanksgiving feasts are potluck events that are clearly concemed with solidarity. Summary The ecological conditions in Ksnan clearly contrast wiîh those in central Tana Toraja. The environment is not as weU suited for wet-rice agriculture, the ûaâitioaal socio-political system is notas cornplex, and the area has been less affected by modem influences. There is a wide range of traditionai feasts that are still being performed for a variety of occasions in Kanan. Al1 of these feasts differ in tms of the number of guests, reciprocal obligations, and the arnounts and types of food involved. There is also variation in terms of what guests typically bring when attending the fais. In the following chapters, traditional Kanan feasts and the feasting behavior of individual Kanan households will be analyzed in tenns of the practical social, political, and economic advantages that cm bc obtaind through feast participation. The analysis will also focus on how the iraditional social, pîitical, and economic contexts in Kanan are manifésted in the feasting system and how the feasts of Kanan and central Tana Toraja reflect the contrasts between the two areas. The aim will be to dethewhat factors prompt individuals ta participate in feasting and what fùnction feasts have for the society at large in Kanan and central Tana Toraja. Figure 3.1: View of Kanan From the Nortb

Figure 3.2: Kanan Houses Figure 3A Map of Kanan

Kanan plates and cups ate used solely for everyday household meals, then the distribution of plates and cups should be roughly equd to the number of people living in households. In this analysis, quantities of feasting-related items per household were 6rst compared. Quantities of these items were then examined in terms of reported household feasting behavior. Scattergram were created in order to analyze the relationship between the presence of feasting-related material culture in households and the nwnber of feasts reportedly hosted by households, The information elicited fiom infonnants concernai the number of fmts hosted in the ten years prior to this study. Because of this time depth, households that had been established within the past five years were omitted fmm these correlation analyses. Among the households included in the analysis, data on feasting behavior is based on infonnants' recollections of past events and it is quite likely that not ail feasts hosted by Kanan households in the past ten years were recorded due to incomplete mernories of these events, tbus most andyses/correlations should be viewed as general approximations of relationships rather than precise relationships. As feasts often are very sdl,involving only the household and perhaps a few family members fmm outside of the household, the number of large feasts hosted by households was also compared separately to quantities of household feasting material culture. For this purpose, a large feast is defined as a feast that includes one hundred or more guests. In this analysis, hosting large feasts is deemed a better index for comparative purposes based on the notion that if material indicators of feasting behavior are to be found, they at least should be present in households that host large feasts on a relatively more fiequent basis. In order to turther examine the relationship between material culture and feasting behavior, feast grades were created in which feasts were divided up accotdiag to what the host household provided for theu feasts. The three feast grades are as follows: 1) Grade 1 feasts (feasts at which the most expensive animds provided by the host are water buffdoes) 2) Grade 2 feasts (feasts at which the most expensive animal provided by the host are pigs) 3) Grade 3 feasts (feasts at which the most expensive anirnals pmvided by the host are chickens) As noted above, there should be a stronger potential for identifying material culture related to feasting in households that host large fesists than in those that do not. As pigs and water buflkioes are a more telling indicator of large feasts (e.g., fiuierals) than are chickens in Kanan, Grade 1 and Grade 2 feasts are the focus of this analysis. Also, it should be noted that informants' recollections were more complete when asked about how many and what type of animais were slaughteced at feasts as opposed to other details, such as the number of guests present. This is not surprishg considering the fact that these animais constitute fonns of weaith and are the basis for debt relationships (see Chapter m). Households were divided into groups accordhg to how many Grade 1 and Grade 2 feasts they had hosted in the past ten years. These groups consist of the following: Group 1 (households that had hosted five or more Grade 1 or Grade 2 feasts in the past ten years), Group 2 (households that had hosted tbree to four Grade 1 or Grade 2 feasts in the past ten years), and Group 3 (households that had hosted less than three Grade 1 or Grade 2 feasts in the past ten years). The mean number of items per household in each of these groups was compared and chi-squared tests (with a .O5 level of significance) were conducted in order to determine whether or not the variability in the amount of relevant material culture items between the household groups was statistically significant. Plates and CUDS There tends to be an abundance of plates and cups used at feasts in Tana Toraja. As both are usai in the setviag of fdsand beverages at fats, it should be the case that the more plates and cups there are in a particular househoId, the more feasts the household hosts. In ban,when looking at the number of plates per household (Figure 4.1)' variation is quite apparent. The range among households is between zero and ninety-one with a mean of 13.6. This distribution contrasts sharply with the number of persans living in Kanan households, which ranges behveen two and eleven, with a mean of 5.5. The contrast implies that these plates serve a purpose beyond daily food conmption. Examining the relationship between the number of plates in householàs and household feasting behavior, a gmeral trend correlating household feasting behavior and plates appears. In the btscattergram (Figure 42), in which the number of plates in households is correlated with the number of feasts hosted by households in the past ten years, there is a very weak positive correlation represented between feast hosting and the uwnetship of plates. The scattergram illusttating the correlation between the number of large feasts hosted by households and the number of plates present in households shows a somewbat stnonger relationsbip, but stiU a fairly weak positive correlation (Figure 4.3). Examining the number of plates in househotds in terms of the household pups, the mean number of plates per household among households that had hosied tlme to four feasts in which the largest animal provided was a bmoor pig in the past ten yem (Group 2) (14) is considerably more than that among households that bad hosted at least five (Group 1) (7.7) and among households that had hosted less than three (Group 3) (10.5) of these large feasts in the pst ten years (Figure 4.4). Chi-squared tests (with a .O5 level of significance) indicate that there is a sîatistically significant variation between the number of plates present among Gmup 2 households and the number of plates present in both Gmup 1 and Group 3 housetiolds. According to this data, households that host large feasts the most frquently (Group 1 housebolds) are not the households that own the most plates. This is a countetintuitive result tbat will be explored in more detail following the discussion of cups. Shifüng the focus to cups, the number of cups per household in Kanan ranges between three and ninety-two, with a mean of fiiurteen cups per household, which is almost identical to the mean number of plates per household (13.6). Not surprisingiy, there is a strong positive conelation between the number of cups and the number of plates present in Kanan households. As is the case with plates, there is a stronger positive correlation between the number of cups per household and the number of large fwts (feasts with at least one hundreà guests present) hosted in the past ten years (Figure 4.5) than there is between the number of cups per household and the number of al1 kinds of feasts hosted in the past ten years (Figure 4.6). Turning to household groups, the results for cups are again very similac to those for plates. The mean number of cups per household among Group 2 households (17.2) is considerably more than the mean nimiber of cups per household among both Group 1 (7.7) and Group 3 (1 1.1) housetiolds (Figure 4.7). Chi-squated tests (with a .OS level of significance) show that a statistically significant variation exists when comparing the number of cups in Group 2 households to the number of cups in Group 1 households and Group 3 households. The results of this analpis of plates and cups in households and household feasting behavior do not entirely reflet expectations. Although there is a gend positive correlation between the number of cups and plates in households and the number of feasts hosted by households in the past ten years, the fact that housebolds which had hosted the most large feasts (Group 1 households) did not have the Iargest number of plates or cups compareâ to other households is somewhat counter to expeclations. In fact, the households which had hosted large feasts (in ternis of animals provideci) most frequently in the past ten years had on average fewer plates and cups than households which had hosted the fewest large feasts in the past ten years. One possible factor that may account for this could be sample size. Group 1 is comprised of only three of the total number of households (twenty one) that make up the household groups (which does not include households that had been established within the past five years), whereas there are six Group 2 householâs and twelve Group 3 households. To account for the mal1 sample size, Groups 1 and 2 were combito form Consolidated Group 1 and compared to Consolidated Group 2 households (which consists of al1 Group 3 households). As expected, the mean number of plates (1 1.9) and cups (14) per household among Consolidated Group 1 househotds is greater than the mean number of plates (10.5) and cups (1 1.1) per household among Consolidated Group 2 households (Figures 4.8 & 4.9). However, the variance is mhor and, according to chi- squared tests (with a .O5 level of significance), the difference between both the number of plates and the number of cups among Consolidated Groupl households and Consolidated Group 2 households is statisticaüy insignificant. The lack of Iarge numbers of plates and cups in households that host a lot of large feasts could also be related to the maintenance of traditional feasting practices. In Tana Toraja, 1was told that it was traditional practice for items such as banana leaves for serving food and bamboo cups for drinking to be used at feasts. Bamboo cups are still used for drinking at feasts and on one occasion in Central Tana Toraja, 1ate food served to me on a banana leafat a feast. The use of these perishable items in lieu of plates and cups could still be common among the more traditional households in Kanaa. The fact that Group 1 households invest more into the feasting system than other households could be an indication that they are more traditional than other households. Ames (1998) found that changing values in much of Tana Totaja have led many to use their hanciai cesources for purposes other than feasts, such as their children's education. Being more ûaditional, Group 1 households may maintain the traditional practice of using perishable items for serving food at feasts and not need to keep as many plates and cups as other households. However, when examining the data, it is difficult to make any hconclusions about îhe traditionality of Kanan households if it is assumed that the more traditional the household, the less likely the household is to need excess plates and cups. Considering religious beliefs, for example, ail households but two adhere to the traditional Aluk to Do10 religion and the two that do not are not included among the households that own a large number of plates and cups. The numbers also do not add up when one examines the ages of Kanan household heads and assumes that the older the household head, the more traditional the household and the les likely the household needs excess plates and cups. Among Group 1 households, none of which possessed a combination of at least ten plates and ten cups, the ages of the household heads (n=3) ranged between forty and fifty years old with a mean of 43.33. This mean age is considerably younger than the mean age (62.33) of Group 2 heads of households possessing at least ten plates and ten cups (n=3) as well as the age (65) of the head of the household (Household 8) in which the largest number of plates (91) and cups (92) were found. The ages of the household heads (n4) in Group 3 households which possessed ten or more plates and ten or more cups ranged between 25 and 65 with a mean age of 48, also older than the mean age of Group 1 household heads. Thus, if age and religion are related to traditionality, then it appears as though the more traditional of the Kanan households do not necessady retain the practice of using primarily perishable items for food servhg at feasts. Ifwe look at the position of the household heads in the tondok the assertion îhat the more traditional households do not possess high numbers of plates and cups due to th& use of perishable materials at feasts appears even less valid. The ambe 'tondok (Household 3) and the local ritual practitioner (Household 18), both of whom have major traditional ritual roles, also own relatively high nwnbers of plates and cups (20 plates and 15 cups owned by Household 3 and 17 plates and 14 plates owned by Household 18). Altetnatively, the impact of the cash economy could be a reason why those who do the most feasting in Kanan are not the households owning the most plates and cups. Households that have become involved in the cash economy more than others may not necessarily be the households that do the most feasting, but their cash income enables them to buy larger quantities of plates and cups than other households. In order to examine the possibility that cash income is a stronger factor accounting for the presence of cups and plates in households than feasting behavior, it is necessary to look at the dationship between household hcome and the ownership of cups and plates. The clearest way of determinhg the potential income of households is to look at coffee sales ami cash contributions hmrelatives. The sale of coffee constituted the major source of cash in Kanan. Because coffee was being sold at a rate of RpS,000 per kg at the tirne of this study, the total yearly potential income (in Rupiah) of a household can be fairly accurately (assuming accurate reporting answers) measured by multiplying the annual household coffee harvest (kg) by 5,000 and then adding to this product the total cash contributed to the household by family members living outside of Kanan. When comparing the total yearly potential household income to the number of plates per household, a generally positive correlation between income and the number of plates per household is apparent (Figure 4.10). The presence of cups in households and yearly potential income show a similar correlation. There are some other possibilities that could explain the lack of a correlation between the huenthosting of large feasts and the ownership of high numbers of plates and cups. Perhaps certain households purchased a lot of plates and cups at a previous thewhen they were more actively hosting large fats (hence requinng more plates and cups) than they have been in the past 10 years, It may also be the case that plates and cups represent a new fonn of status display being practiced by certain households that have become relatively successful in the cash economy. This is an inûiguing possibility, however pIates and cups are dynot kept in view of people visiting households &tchens are located in the back of households) and the fact that some people who own large amounts of cups and plates store them away ia cupboards makes this an unlikely possibility. Perhaps excess plates and cups are needed by households that entertain guests hmoutside of the tondok in situations other than feasts. The kepala desa of Pongbembe' had an excess of plates and cups that were utiiized when we stayed in his home. There were indications that guests were not uncornmon in his household as there was a kepla desa hmanother desa staying at the house for a pendof time when 1was there. Also, two of the mms in the house were equipped for housing guests. in this particular situation it is likely that plates and cups were considered necessary as guests were relatively common, although it is dso quite likely that the Repula desa also participated relatively heavily in the feasting system. In Kanan, there is no one that would appear to have as much of a need to be prepared to entertain guests as often as the kepala desa of Pongbembe.' Nonetheless, Kanan households with relatives in prominent positions (i.e., positions in the Indonesian government or private industry outside of Tana Toraja) could have more of a need to be equipped to entertain guests than other households. This apparently is not the case, however, as eight out of the total of fifieen Kanan households with relatives in prominent positions are households that do not own at least ten plates and ten cups. None of the above factors aione appears sufficient to explain the poor relationship between the ownership of cups and plates and feasting behavior. What may be the most reasonable explanation to account for the uneven distribution of plates and cups among households, aside hmthe smail sampIe size and economic &tors, is loaning. Buffaloes and pigs can be loaned to individuah who need them for feasts, afthough this is said to be rare. Plates and cups can also be loaned to those who need them for feasts they are hosting. As noted above, it is common practice for people to provide plates and cups for feasts hosted by other households in Tana Toraja. Two scenarios are possible for Kanan in this regard. It could be the case bat households with very high counts of plates and cups also are very active in lending these items. In ihis case, Household 8 (with ninety two cups and ninety one plates) would appear to be the most active in this loaning and bomwing activity. Alternatively, due to the ktthat Household 8 was in the process of performing rites for a fimeral feast, the presence of these plates and cups in the household could be the result of Household 8 bomwing these items hmother households. if these were bomwed hmthe three households that were the most active in hosting large feasts (Household 20, Household 25, and Household 26) tbis would explain the low counts of plates and cups in those households and why the positive relationship between feast hosting and the ownership of cups and plates is weaker when the households that host the most large feasts are acwunted for. It would also make sense for those households most active in the feasting system and the debt relationships associateci with it to be the ones loaning out plates and cups (perhaps due to indebtedness to contributions hm Household 8 to the feasts they had hosted). Unfortunately, we did not anticipate the above results while in the field and did not gather data to evaluate the importance of loaning. Pots and Woks As is the case with the number of plates and cups in households, the number of pots present varies considerably between individual households, ranging between one and ten with a mean of 4.7 pots per household (Figure 4.1 1). In spite of this variability, when the number of pots in households is correlated with the feast-hosting data of households, the results are inconclusive. There is a weak negative correlation between the number of pots in households and the number of feasts hosted by households in the past ten years (Figure 4.12), and there is neither a positive nor a negative correIation between the number of pots in households and the number of large feasts (feasts at which one hundred or more guests are present) hosted by households in the past ten years (Figure 4-13), However, raw numbers of pots per household may not be the best indicator of feasting behavior due to the fact that a large number of small pots could acîually represent less cooking potential than a dernumber of larger pots. For example, three pots with diameters of 40 cm would represent more volumetric cooking potential than say seven pots with diameter of 10 cm. in consideration of this, the cumulative diameters (cm) of al1 of the pots in households were combined to create a cumulative pot diameter index for each househohi. When examinhg the cumulative pot diameter of households in tmsof the nmber of feasts hosted by households in the Fast ten years, the= is a very weak negative correlation between the two variables (Figure 4.14). Jn tmsof the cumulative pot diameter of households and the numkof large feasts (feasts with at least one hundted guests present), there is a very weak positive correlation between the two variables (Figure 4.15). Turning to the household groups, the mean cumulative pot diameter of Group 1 (households tôat have hosted five or more feasts in which the largest animal pmvided was a pig or water buffalo in the past ten years) households is 83.3 cm, Group 2 (households that have hosted three to four kasis in which the largest animal provided was a buffialo or a pig in the past ten years) households have a mean cumulative pot diameter of 125.3 cm, and there is a mean cumulative pot diameter of 103.8 cm among Group 3 (households that have hosted less than three fmts at which the largest animal pmvided was a pig or water buffao) households (Figure 4.16). According to chi-squared tests (with a .OS level of significance), there is a statisticaily significant difference between the cumulative pot diameters of groups 1,2 and 3. A discussion of these results follows the examination of large pots and woks. Due to the variation in pot size, it was also deemed usehl to examine the diameters of the largest pots in households. Large pots are certainly useful at feasts as they allow for the preparation of a large amount of a certain type of food to be prepared at one the. Ptesumably, households would pnmarily use such large pots for occasions in which it is necessary to cook in volume, such as feasts. However, when the largest pot diameter of households is analyzed in tenns of the feast-hosting behavior of households, a relationship between the ownership of large pots and feast-hosting by households is not apparent. When the diameter of the largest pots in househoIds is compared with the number of feasts hosted by households in the past ten years, there is a weak negative correlation (Figure 4.17). There is also a weak negative correlation between the diameter of the largest pots in households and the number of large feasts (feasts at which one hundred or more guests are present) hosted by households (Figure 4.18). In tenns of the diameters of largest pots in the household groups, the mean largest pot diameter among Group 1 households was 28.3 cm., for Group 2 households it was 34.2 cm, and Group 3 householàs had a mean largest pot diameter of 32.5 cm. Figure 4.19). The variation between the largest pot diameters of the three groups is not statisticaily significant according to chi-squared tests with a .OS level of significance. Woks were not as numerous as pots in Kanan households. There were no households that owned more than two woks and woks were not present at ail in nine of the households. Due to the small number of woks present in households, it is best to analyze woks in ternis of the size of individual woks and the cumulative diameter (cm) of all woks in households. The diameter of the largest woks in households correlates positively with the number of feasts (al1 feasts) (Figure 4.20) and the number of large feasts (feasts at which one hundred or more guests are present) hosted by households in the past ten years (Figure 4.21). Although these are not strong correlations, they are more encouraging than those for the diameters of the largest pots in Kanan households. Similarly, there are positive correlations between the cumulative diameter of woks in households and the number of feasts (dl feasts) (Figure 4.22) and the number of large feasts hosted by households in the past ten years (Figure 4.23). An analysis of woks among the household groups also appears to show a relationship between feasting and woks. The mean cumulative diameter of woks in Group 1 househoids (households that had hosted five or more feasts for which the largest animal provided was a pig or water buffdo in the past ten years) was 55 cm, whereas it was 26.7 cm for bath Group 2 (households that had hosted three to four feasts for which the largest animal provided was a pig or water buffalo in the past ten years) and Gmup 3 househoIds (households that had hosted less than three feasts for which the largest animal provided was a pig or water buffaio) (Figure 4.24). The variation between the cumulative wok diameter of Group 1 households and Group 2 and Group 3 households is statisticaily significant accorâing to chi-squared tests (with a .O5 level of significance). The mean diameter of the larges? wokr present among Group 1 households (45 cm) is also larger than that of Group 2 (21.7 cm) and Group 3 (21.25 cm) households (Figure 4.25). The results of chi-sqdtests (with a .O5 level of significance) show that the variation between the diameter of the largest woks in Group 1 households and that of Group 2 and Group 3 households is statisticaily sigaificant as well. There certainly does appear to be a relationship between woks and feasting behavior in Kanan. As noted above, there is a general trend for the households that host the most fats, especially Iarge feasts, to own the largest woks as well as the largest wok surface area (cumulative wok diameter). What is puzzling is the lack of any relationship between the ownership of pots and the hosting of feasts by households. Ifwoks can be corrdated wiih feasting behavior, it seems as though pots should be as well, considering that botb are used in food preparation at feasts. If the distribution of woks and pots among Kanan households is not detennined by household feasting behavior, perhaps it is related to household population, with larger households needing more wok and pot surface am for feeding more people on a daily basis. Kwe look at household population, the= is a much stronger positive correlation between household population and the cumulative diameter of woks in households (Figure 4.26) than there is between household population and the cumulative diameter of pots in households (Figure 4.27). However, the correlation between the population of households and the number of large feasts hosted by Kanan households is sûonger than the above relationships between household population and cooking vessels (Figure 4.28). The best explanation for the dichotomy between the relationship between pots and fwting behavior and woks and feasting behaviar appears to be attriiuted to the &&ion of these items in everyday use. in conducting the material culture surveys, it was not uncommon to see multiple pots used simultaneously. At the same tirne, it was ofien the case that a wok owned by a household was not in use. The fact that nearly one-third of al1 Kanan households (n=9) did not own any woks also seems to indicate that woks are not normaily needed in everyday food preparation. As pots are necessary for boiling water and the preparation of everyday vegetab1e dishes and broths, tôis is not surprising. Chicken and fi& are often cooked in woks, but these appear to be eaten infiequently and primarily for srnail feasts; chickens are relatively expensive in ban,costing Rp 25,000 (about USD $3.50), and fish must be purchased hma market Iocated a day's waüc round-trip hmKanan. Prestine items and Otber Fersth-Related Items There are not a lot of traditional prestige items associated with feasting in Kanan. Items such a wooden kundian dufangpedestaled bowls, smaU (about 20 cm in diameter) piiidan porcelai.bowls used for ritual offérix~gsat feasts, woven sarortg belo ceremonid hats (about 60 cm in diameter) wom by important female family members at feasts, gandangan water buffalo skiu dmplayed on a variety of rihial feasting occasions, sanla ancestral cloths (usually made of cotton) displayed at funerals, doke 'ceremouial spears (iron tip with wooden shaft) displayed at feasts, rungan war helmets with wden water buffalo homs used in the performance of ritual dances at ma burake ' feasts, and the water buffalo homs that adom the exterior of traditional houses, which represent water buffdoes slaughtered at past feasts. The most exclusive of these items are the doRe,' gandangan, rungan, pindan, and sarong belo. In contrast, kandian dulangs were present in virtually every household, many of which owned significant numbers of these items. From an archaeological perspective, most of the traditional Kanan prestige items are made of wood or animal skins and would not be conducive to preservation in an archaeological context in the tropical highland climate of Simbuang, except for the porcelah pindan bowls and the iron points of the doke ' spears. Due to the fact that the presence of prestige items in Kanan households was usually very infiequent, meaningful comparisons between the presence of these items and feasting behavior could not be made. However, as noted above, kandian dulang pedestaled bowls were present in almost every Kanan household and counts of these bowls as well as other items used in the context of feasts, such as ketües, setving trays, large metal kurin cooking drums, and earthenware hrin tana cooking pots were analyzed. There does not appear to be a relationship between feasting behavior and the ownership of ihese items however. The numbers of kettles, large metal cooking drums, and senring trays per household are small and household variation does not correlate positively with bousehold feast-hosting. There are larger numbers of kurin tanas and kandian dulangs in households, but there is not much inter-household variation in the ownership of these items and where there is variation, it does not appear to be related to feasting behavior. Kandian dulangs and kurin tanas are both traditional feasting items that appear to be passed down through the generations. Kandian dulangs do not appear to be used as fresuently as they were in the distant past and many of the hndian dufangs 1observed in households did not appear to have been used for quite some tirne. However, hnn tanas are still used in daily food preparation, particularly to cook nce and this may explain why their presence in households does not appear to be related to feasting behavior. Bouse and Rice Granary Size In keeping with the concern for identwg the material signatures of feasting bebavior and agriculturaUy-based wealth, house and granary size are potentially usefiil indicators of these variables. If the size of household stnictures can reflect in any way the level of feasting a household is engaged in, then this information could be helpful in archaeological situations where there is a lack of preserved material culture remains. In Tana Toraja, this is particularly important due to the fact that many of the items used traditiondly at feasts are perishable (e.g., banana leafs and bamboo). House Size There is considerable variation in the size of houses in Kanan. House sizes range behveen 16 m2 and 58.75 m2 with a mean of 30 m2. When house sizes are cocrelated with the number of feasts hosted by households in the past ten years, there is a fairly weak positive relationship (Figure 4.29). There is an even weaker positive correlation when house sized is analyzed in terms of the large feasts (feasts at which one hundred or more guests are present) hosted by households (Figure 4.30). Tuming to the household groups, there are indications that there is at least some relationship between house size and household feast hosting behavior. The largest mean house size occurs among Group 1 households (households that had hosted at least five feasts for which the largest animal provided was a water buffdo or pig in the past ten y=) (37.33 m2)foliowed by Group 2 (households that had hosted three to four feagts for which the largest &al provided was a water baalo or pig in the past ten years) (33.59 m2) and Gmup 3 (29.33 m2)households (households that had hosîed less than three feasts in the past ten years for which the largest animal pfovided was a water buffdo or pig) (Figure 4.3 1). The ditTerence between the house sizes of Group 1 households and Group 2 households is insignificant according to a chi- squared test (with a .O5 Ievel of signincance) as is that between Group 2 and Group 3 households. However, there is a statisticdy significant ciifference between the size of Gmup 1 and Gmup 3 bouses and there is a statistically si@cant variation when Group 1 and Group 2 house sizes are combined and compared to Group 3 house sizes. Conceming house size and household wealth, there are four major econornic indicators that must be taken into account: rice harvests, coffee harvests, the ownership of pigs, and the ownmhip of water buffaloes. Because isolating one factor can be misleading, these economic indicators have ken combined in this analysis. The quantities of both the nce and coffee harvests have been combined and compd to house size as have the combined nwnber of water buffaloes and pigs owned by households, A household wealth index has also been created and analyzed in terms of house size. This index is a monetary value (in Rupiah) repmenting the toial value of a household's pigs, water buffaloes, annuai rice harvest, and annual coffee harvest.

Household wealth index = Sum of the estirnated monetary values (in Rupiah*) of a household's pigs, water buffâloes, muai rice harvest, and annuai coffee harvest. *III2000, approximately 7,200 Rupiah=l US Dollar.

The cash values of the household wealth index are based on estimated costs of livestock, rice, and cash crops obtained in the field, with coffee valued at Rp 5,000 per kg, rice at Rp 1,000 pet kg, spotted water buffaloes averaging about Rp 20,000,000 per animal, black water buffaloes averaging about Rp 5,000,000 per animal, and pigs averaging about Rp 500,000 per animal. The cost used for the spotted water buffdoes is an average of estimated costs for a variety of different types of spotted water buffaloes. An average cost for spotted water buffbloes was estimated due to the fact that data collected in the field does not include the specinc types of spotted water buffaloesowned by households. Also, the costs used for pigs and black water buffaloes are averages of costs that vary according to details not recorded in the field, such as the size and age of the animal. As a result of examining house sue and household wealth, there does not appear to be a signincant relationship between the two vananables.Aithough there is a weak positive correlation between the sum of the annuai household rice and coffee harvests and house size (Figure 4-32), there is a weak negative correlation between the sum of the ownership of pigs and water buffaloes and house sue (Figure 4.33) and neither a positive nor negative correlation between the household wealth index and house sue (Figure 4.34). A discussion of these resuits follows an examination of rice granary size. In central Tana Toraja, households tend to store rice in one or more rice granaries facing the house. In Kanan however, there are no households that own more than one rice granary and many households share granaries with other households. In order to keep cornparisons coherent, only the households that do not share granaries are exa-ed in this anaiysis. Capacities of household rice granaries in Kanan range between 1O0 hundred and 1,000 kilograms of rice, with the mean being about 448 kilograms. The relationship between feast hosting behavior and rice granary capacity appears to be stronger than that behveen house size and feast hosting behavior. There is a weak positive correlation between the nuber of feasts hosted by households in the past ten years and the capacity of household rice paries (Figure 4.35) and a slightly stronger correlation between the capacity of rice granaries and the number of large feasts (feasts at wbich one hundred or more guests are present) hosted by households (Figure 4.36). As for the household group data, the mean rice granary capacity arnong Group 1 households was 500 kg compared to 450 among Gmup 2 households and 380 among Group 3 households (Figure 4.37). According to chi-squared (with a .O5 level of significance) tests, the difference in the rice granary capacities of Group 1 households and Group 2 and Group 3 households is statistically significant. A chi-squared test (with a .O5 level of significance) also indicates that the variation between the nce granary capacities of Group 2 households and Group 3 households is statistically signincant. The relationship between rice granary capacity and household weaith is similar to that of house size and household wealth. There is a weak positive relationship between rice granary capacity and the sum of annual household rice and coffee harvests (Figure 4-38), but a weak negative relationship between nce granary capacity and the ownership of pigs and water buffaloes (Figure 4.39) and between rice granary capacity and the household wealth index (Figure 4.40). The results of the analysis of rice granary capacities and house size are encouraging in that they show some general patterns, particularly with regard to feasting behavior. House size does correlate positively with household feast hosting and the households that have hosted the most large feasts in the past ten years (Group 1 and 2 households) tend to have larger buses than those that have hosted the fewest large feasts (Group 3 households), although this is very weak and possibly due to intervening variables as well as the inherent impreciseness of the data. The pattern for rice granary capacities is similar. What rnakes the case stronger for rice granary capacity is the fact that there is significant variation in granary capacity as one looks at the capacity of granaries among al1 three household groups. The capacities of rice granaries among Group 1 households are significantiy larger than those of Group 2 households and the granary capacities of Group 2 households are significantly larger than those of Group 3 households. In other words, large feasts are more Erequently hosted by households with larger nce granaries. Conceming household wealth, it makes seose that the rice and coffee harvests correlate better than any other household wedth indicator with both rice granary capacity and house size. Rice and coffee harvests, which are based on the ownership of paddy land and coffee plants, represent a more stable fonn of wealth than water buffaloes and pigs. An absence of water buffaloes and pigs in a household could be the result of recent feasting participation for which a household used the water buffaloes and pigs they owned. Similarly, the presence of water buffaloes and pigs in households could be the result of preparations of an upcoming fatfor which a household must acquire pigs and water buffaloes (often via bomwing or purchase). However, the fact that the positive correlations between household rice and coffee harvests and houx and rice granary size are weak and the fact that there are no positive relationships evident between housebold wealth and house and rice granary size when other economic variables are taken into account shows that house and rice granary size are probably not the best indicaton of household wealth. This couid be due to fluctuations in family wealth over tirne. Assuming that weaithy households wouid cotlstruct relatively large houses and nce granaries when establishg a new household, the fact that many Kanan houses are old and appear to have been inherited could also account for the lack of a strong relationship between household wealth and house and rice granary size. For example, households that have recently become wealthy through participation in the cash economy may live in smailer houses with smaiier nce granaries that have been passed dom hmprevious generations who were not as successfùl economicaily. Feasting and Honsehold Economics A large part of this study is concerneci with deteminkg the practical social, political, and economic benefits of feasting. As has been demonstrated in previous chapters, feasting cm entail a considerable ecoaomic investment. Rice production is only one component of the economic uaderpinning of feasting and it is perhaps not surprising that it is only a partid cornlate. One of the cornerstones of Torajan feasts are the debt relationships established between individuals through the giving of animals as gifts at feasts and the loaning of animals for others to give as gifts. There are certain benefits that can be accrued through these debt relationships beyond just receiving a retum @fi. In central Tana Toraja, for example, 1recorded a case in which an individual loaned a large amount of rice to a first cousin. The final cost to be repaid for the loan was one water buffalo, but in the mean tirne, the lender was holding and harvesting a certain amount of his cousin's rice paddy land as collateral. The debt was evidently not established in the context of a feast, although there are no indications that such a similar arrangement could not result ftom a feast-related debt. Indeed, feasts in Tana Toraja can be used for aggrandizing purposes. As has been noted by Voban (l985), individuals have attempted to elevate their social standing in north-central Tana Toraja by hosting large feasts and engaging in the associated debt relationships. This behavior is not confined to Tana Toraja. Yan (1996) has demonstrated how the feasting system in nual northem China has been used by individuals to increase their socid, politicai, and economic standing. In Kanan, it is very diflîcult to determine the social order as there are no class distinctions among the residents and no hierarchy of social positions that exist in the sarom of central Tana Toraja. From the data colîected, it is not possible to determine specific social and plitical advancement possibilities that can be gained thtough feasting in Kanan Society. Howevm, there is certainly some degree of mnomic différentiation between Kanan households, which makes it possiile to explore the issue of economic benefits gained through fmting. The benefits derived hmpeople with whom one has established a debt relationship wuld come inditectly in the fonn of assistance with a variety of things, such as harvests and disputes over land or resources. In this section, the relationship between the economic standing of buseholds and the degree households participate in feasting is examineci. If individual households do indeed accrue economic benefits fiom feasting, then there should be a positive conelation between the degree a household invests in feasting and the economic standing of the household. In this section, household wealth is analyzed in terms of household feasting behavior. As was done in the analysis of rice granary and house sue, the four key elements of Kanan household wealth are examineci: annual household rice harvests, annual household coffee harvests, ownership of pigs, and the ownership of water buffaloes. The essential component of the traditionai Kanau subsistence economy is nce. However, coffi harvests are also key as they ceptesent the major source of cash for Kanan households. When the annual household total of these two harvests (kg) is combined and correlated with the number of feasts hosted by households in the past ten years, one can see a positive relationship (Figure 4.41). The sûongest correlation yet in this entire study however is between the number of large feasts hosted by households in the past ten years and the sum of the total annual coffee and rice harvests (kg) of households (Figure 4.42). An examination of the annual coffee and rice harvests aniong the households cornprishg Group 1, Group 2, and Group3 reveals that a larger combined total of household coffee and rice harvests does not necessarily indicate a greater degree of feasting investment. The mean sum of the total coffee and rice harvests (kg) among Gmup 2 households is 325.67 compareci to 260 for Group 1 households (those households that had invested the most in feast-hosting in the past ten years) and 162.36 among Group 3 households (Figure 4.43). According to chi-squared tests, Group 2 households have a significantly larger annual sum of coffèe and nce harvests than both Groupl and Group3 households and Group 1 households have a significantly larger annuai sum of coffee and rice harvests than Group 3 households (those households that had invested the least in feast-hosting in the past ten years). Water buffaloes and pigs are essential elements of the feasting system as they are the prized animais slaughtered. They also can be converted into sigdicaut amounts of cash ifsold, with some water buffàloes worth well over Rp 1,000,000 (USD $140) (Rp 16-20,000 for specid breeds of albino water buffaloes). However, Kanan households that own the largest numbers of these animals are not necessarily the households that host the most feasts. This is likely due to the dynamics of herding, use, sale, and gift giving. Unlike rice and coffee, which produce relatively stable mual harvests, large domesticated animais accumulate slowly over time and then can be disposed of en masse for major events. There is a weak positive correlation between the combineci number of pigs and water btdMoes in households and the total nurnber of feasts (al1 feasts) (Figure 4.44) and the nunber of large feasts (Figure 4.45) hosted by buseholds in the past ten years. Although there is some variation when compiuing the mean sum of the number of pigs and water buffaloes owned by Group 1 and Group 2 households, thm is little variation between the mean sum of pigs and water buffaloes owned by Group 2 and Group 3 (Figure 4.46). Moreover, chi-squared tests (with a .O5 level of significance) indicate that there is not a statistically significant variation in the ownership of pigs and water buffaloes between Group 1, Group 2, and Group 3 households. However, rice, coffee, and domesticated animals are separate components of economics and feasting potential. Each by itself is only a partial conûibutor to feasting potential. A combination of these components should display a stronger association. The relationship between household economics and feasting appears to be strongest when we examine the household wealth index (the product of the sum of the nurnber of pigs and water buffaloes owned by households and the sum of the annual household rice and coffee harvests (kg)). The wealth index of households correlates positively with the total number of feasts hosted by households (Figure 4.47). The sttongest conelation in this entire study occurs between the wealth index of households and the number of large feasts hosted by households (Figure 4.48). The household group data show similar results as the mean household wealth index of households among the groups fot Group 1 (853.33) was considerably greater than that of both Group 2 (662.4) and Group 3 (235) (Figure 4.49). Chi-squared tests ùidicate that the household wealth index of Group 1 households is significantiy greater than that of Group 2 households and that the household weaith index of Group 2 households is significantly greater than that of Gmup 3 househoIds. As a result of exploring the relationship between household wealtb and feasting, it cm be stated wiîh some certaiaty tbat the wealthier a household is, the more likely the household is to invest murces into feasting or perhaps conversely, the more feasting, the wealtbier the family becomes. Although the indications are not that strong when exatnining the sum of the annual coffee and rice harvests and the sum of the number of water buffaloes and pigs owned by households separately, when these are cornbined, a telatively solid relationship between household wealth and degree of household feast- hosting is apparent. Tbis is mt surpnsing considering htthese wdthresources can portray a misleoiding picture of hadldwealth when looked at in isolation. For example, a household with an annual coffee harvest of fi@ kg, translating into Rp 250,000, may not appear very wealthy in relation to other households when the nce and coBee hawests are analyzed, however, if that household also owns four water buffalo, translating into a total of Rp 4,000,000, the situation is quite different. The positive relationship between household wealth and degree of feasting participation does not necessarily mean that households get ncher by investing more into feasting. But it does indicate btthece must be sume expianation for the fact that the wealthier people are, the more they fat. Funeral feasts that are attended by hundreds of guests and require the slaughter of muitiple water buffdoes provideci by the host and other members of the fheral organizing cornmittee certainly appear to serve a function beyond honouring a deceased relative and reinforcing social and family ties. it is quite iikely that the larger Kanan feasts and the debt relationships they entail provide a venue for social, economic, and political advancement possibilities similar to what appears to be the case in central Tana Toraja Surnmary In summary, this survey of Kanau households has yielded some positive results. There dennitely is a positive relationship between the degree of feasting investment and the wealth of households, suggesting the existence of potentid economic benefits in the Kanan feasting system. There is at least a general trend for households owning more woks, cups, and plates than 0thhouseholds to also feast more tban other households. Feasting cm be correlated to some degree with house and rice gmnary size, with a tendency for larger rice granaries and houses to belong to households that feast more than others, However, the results of this analysis have shown that the relationship between economic and materid culture variables and feasting behavior, especially in the case of material culture, is often weak. In the case of plates and cups there are intervening variables, such as participation in the cash economy and loaning, that appear to affect the distribution of plates and cups in households and account for the relatively weak relationship between the ownership of plates and cups and feasting behavior. The fiequent use of pots and infiequent use of woks in everyday food preparation appears to be a factor explaining why the relationship that exists between the ownership of pots and household feast-hosting behavior is weaker than the relationship between the ownership of woks and feasting behavior. In other words, the use of woks appears to be more limited to feasting than use of pots. The overall absence of strong relationships between material culture and feasting behavior is also likely due to the fact that feasts are ofken small or infiequent in Kanan and many reports of feasts over 10-year periods may lack precision. Feasts that include only an individual household and perhaps a few other hmily membm are not likely to require the use of large numbers of pots, woks, plates, and cups. Large feasts quiring more of these items occur infrequently in han. There were more households that had hosted less than three feasts involving the slaughter of a pig or water buffalo in Kanan in the past ten years than households that had hosted more than three of these large feasts. In contrast to the situation in Kanan, Clarke (1998) observed a situation in which feasts, large, moderate and small, appear to be a more frequent occurrence among the Akha of northern Thailand. In Clarke's study, some of the household feasting material culture correlated much more strongly with feasting behavior than is the case for Kanan, suggesting that the degree of feasting within a society as a whole can affect the reliability of potentid material indicators of feasting behavior. In Akha society, there is a much larger magnitude of variation of feasts, indicating the more fiequent occurrence of fats in cornparison to Kanan. For example, up to 13 small feasts to honour ancestors are petfonned by individual households each year among the Akha (Clarke 1998: 34). In ~~~ theare no such reguiarly scheduled feasts pdormed for the ancestors and there was no household that repartedly held close to that number of feasts of any type in a given year. Among the Akba, who have a much more developed lineage structure and lineage names (in Kanan, there are no Iineage names), there are also more medium-shed (lineage-based) feasts that appear to be geared to economic secufity in a pacified context. in comparison, feasts in Kanan are relatively infiequent and tend to be either small (involving mainly individual households) or large (involving the entire tondok and often membecs of other tondoh), perhaps reflecting a concern for inter-village defense alliances and intra-village security in a traditionally relatively hostile regional context (see Chapter m).

Figun 4.2 Scinngnm Illriltnllng thr C~imtktwnn th Numbor of Piatm Pnuint in Hwwhdds and tho Numkrof FatsHostod by Houwhddr in Pnt 10 Ymn Fiqun 4.3 Saurrgm IllustnUng ttm Comk(lm âatwm th Numkr of Piatm Pnwrilin Houuhdd~and th, Numkof Lug. Fr#tr (100 + Quats) Hastrd by Hwwhdcb in th. PIlt 10 Ymn

Flgum 4.5 Satqnmllurlmtlng Ihr Camialbn Wtww the Numbof Cupa in HwrrCiddr and th Numbm d higr Fomîs Hoaîod by HOUII)IOIds in tho Put 10 Ymn

Ffgun 4.g IYiin Numkrof Cup, Par Houwhdd Among Cansolidatod Omup 1 and Conrdldrtod Oroup 2 Hm

Rgum 4.15 8eithrqnm Illustmüng thm Comktion Botknth, Cumuîathn Diamdu of Ail Pd8 (cm.) in HOuwhdds and th. Numkr of Largo Fm(106, Ci-) Hastrd by Hourihddi in th Plit 10 Ym Fbun4.16 MunCumuklhn Pot Oknnkr knong Oroup 1, Qmup2 and Oroup 3 Houuhdds O 10 20 30 10 50 60 70 Dimutwdtb~ Pot Figura M.18 SatGignm iiluntntingth. CornMion hWomth. Dûmotudüm Wgat Pot In HouwnddrrndthoUunikrof~F~Hodnlby Houwnoldr IntlwFW10Ym

O 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 cum- Wdt Oinwbr (an.) Flgun 4.23 Sattwgnm Illustrating tha Camlatlon BmWmn thm Cumulrthm Dhmtwof Ali Woka (cm.) In Houirhddt uid thNumbor of Lrrp FNlb(100 + Ouab) Hostd by HoUWhddl in tha Put 10 Yun

ugum 4.27 Seinrrgnm Illusidlng thm Camlrllon ûaîwœn ln Numkr of PIopk RosMlng ln Houwhdd, and üm Cumulritv, Pot Dhmtw (cm.) of Homohot&

Figura 4% Scattorgnm Illustmtlng th@ CorrdrUon Bitwsrn the Capacity of Houuhold Rlw Gnnrriri (Kg. d Rico) and th. Numbar of F@8& HoWby Howrholds in the Pnt IOYears

O 400 600 800 1000 1200 Rka 8im Caprdty (kg. of rice)

Figun 4.37 M#n RlaBim Ciprcity (ka. of rîœ) &nong Group 1, Orwp 2. and Qmup 3 Hwuhm

flgm 4.41 Swîtorgm, Illustmüng thComkElon Cktwnn th Sum of thYmrly Haunhoiâ Coiho and Rica Hamrtr urd thNumborof F#rtr Hostod by Houwhdcb in thPmt 10 Ymn

O 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 Sutn ofth, Nunkr of WaW Bu(hlœs and th. Numôu of Pi-

Figun 4.46 hanSun of thTobl NwkrdWlar Buthlom and Pm Pw Houwhold knong Omup 1, Omp2 and Oroup 3 Hamohoîâs

Chapter V Cornpirison of Kanan and Sa'dan Feasting Systems

In tbis chapter*1 compare the feasting system in Kanan to that of the Sa'dan area of north-centrai Tana Toraja The purpose of this comparison ista attempt to detamine how ciifferences in the feastug patterns of the two areas reflect different environmental and socio-economic conditions. Data on traditional feasts was collectai hminformant interviews in Sa'dan as well as hmfeasts attended throughout centrai Tana Toraja. In addition, data on household feasting behavior and demographics was coIlected hm heads of households in the Sa'dan area. This &ta is summarized and compareci to the feasting data collected hmKman below. Sa 'dan Sa'dan is located in the north-centrai part of Tana Toraja Geographically, Sa'dan is an area between about 500 and 1,000 meters in elevation that receives 3,000 to 3,500 milluneters ofrainfall annually (Figure 5.1). In comparison, Kanan is situated at an elevation of ahut 1,500 meters and has an average rainfall of less than 1,500 millimeters per year. In Sa'dan Balwu, the kecamatan (subdisûict) tbat encompasses Sa'dan, the total area of wet nce under cuitivation was 1,751 hectares in 1998 (total Iand main Sa'dan Balusu is 127 km2),with a production of 4.30 tons of wet rice per hectare. In contrast, th= were 609 hectares of wet rice cultivation in Simbuang (the kecamatan that aicompasses han)in 1998 (totai Iand area in Simbuang is 373 km2)' with an average production of 3.5 tons per hectare. This dichotomy of rice production can also be seen in the traditional rice granaries of the two areas. In Kanau, there was no more than one nce granary associatecl with a singie household, whereas in Sa'dan Matallo, for example, there was a singie tongkonan house with five nce granaries cotiectively holding about 50,000 bundles of unhusked rice (20,000 kg of husked rice). Traditionally, Sa'dan appears to have been politicaliy divided into two terdories, Sa'dan Matallo and Sa'dan Malimbong. Today' Sa'dan Matallo and Sa'dan MaIimbong are each individual desas in the Indonesian administration (Figure). Before the Dutch colonial atlministration of Tana Toraja, both Sa'dan Matallo and Sa'dan Mhbong were separate districtsyeach governed by its ownpuang (chief-see Chapter Iï). The socio-politicai organization of these districts appears to have been characteristic of chiefdom level societies, a level of organization contrasting with that in Kanan, which appears to have been a despot transegalitarian society (see Chapters ïiand m). Sa'duit Feusts The traditional feasts in Sa'dan and other areas in central Tais Toraja tend to be more lavish in terms of the number of animais slaughtered and the rites perfonned in comparison to Kanan feasts. Data on feasts hmboth Sa'dan Matallo and Sa'dan Mahbong was collected in infionnant interviews. The traditional feasting systems of these two areas seem to be almost identical in terms of the specific rites for various types of feasts. This is not surprishg considering that the two areas appear to have been united or at least closely allied at different periods in pre-Dutch times. Most of the feasting data was collected hmidormants in Sa'dan Matallo as household interviews on household demographics and feasting behavior were also conducted in Sa'dan Matallo. Data hm feasts attended in Sa'dan and other parts of Tana Toraja will also be presented in this chapter where applicable and are summarized in Table S. 1. It must be noted that most of these feasts are no longer perfomed in Sa'dan. in Sa'dan, as in other parts of central Tana Toraja, the vast majority of the population no longer adheres to the traditional aluk to do10 religion of Tana Toraja and hence no longer perfoms many of the aluk to do10 feasts. Moreover, it was not possble to interview individuals such as aluk to do10 in Sa'dan who would presumably have had considerable knowledge of the traditionally perfonned aluk to do10 rituais. ïnstead, this data on Sa'dan feasts is based on the mernories of individuals old enough to remember or at least hear of the traditional aluk to do10 ntuals of the area and should not be considered a complete Uiventory of Sa'dan feasts.

Table 5.1: Si'dan Feast Summarv Table

Solidari& *cen Totai # of Number and Types !QeW Rituai Feasts Attend- of Animais Strucîures and - Slaupbttred Moniumats Ma sake 'malaku A curing feast for a 10-20 1 chicken None lob womwbo bas trouble giviug birth. Special Riturl Sîrucâures and Monuments A cucing fcast for Now wben a cbild is ill. Mangambo Iust before rice is An entire None (ody smaii planted. tondok podons ofsticky (la) cice pcovided by each household) Me Sun When tice grains An entire ? start idmgyellow. tondok

Mang ru 'kan tondok 1 household

Mang bunh When ricc granary is alang opened for fust time household 1 after rice barvcst. (2-IO?) Weddiag 50-lOO(?) 2 pigs 1 Mang pare suri A feast Co cure 5-10 1 1 chicken problems with a ricc plantation. ma mnna Boy's circumcision. 1 pig and 1 chicken. (perfonncd in southwestern Tana Toraja and possibly Sa'dan in the past?) Mang tanan Beginning construction of a private house or

Ma' sum 1 chicken reresan manuk days prior to mang ika feast (se belaw) 7 Ma 'surru Performd thrce reresan bai days prior to mang ika feast (see bclow) Ma ' nene ' To bonout 10-50(?e 1 pig. (perïonned in ancwtors. household other areas of and Iineage central Tana members. Toraja and possibly S'adan in the past. Christi;in Giviug thanks to Any numbcr of pigs, Tbanksgiving God aftcr a rice chickem, and fish Feast harwst. (depending upon what people provide). Totai #of 1 Number and Typm. . 1 Spedaî Structures and 1 Attendes 1 of Animais 1 huments 1 Slaugbtend 100-300 1 chicken and 1 pig. None

Ma ' bati, ma ' rio 1 Child's first baircut baine ' (for bopfot girls, (pcrfo& in cocoiiut oil is put on batutumonga and the child's head) on perhaps Sa'dan ihe cbild's t%st in the past) birthday. To mu 'ru A person bas One Tadomn stone recoved ftom an monurneni (according ibor has ta one informant) and conxnitted a serious possïbly a bare ' transgression. I~mporary- mppe'pam(not Ap«uinbas the sarœ as the recovered hman childbirth feast) illness. Ma' bare ' Sanctification of a lûû-I,ûûû+ 101. pigs and One bure ' (temporary 1 iongkonan? 1 chickens. 1 bamboo aiter) To merok 1 Sanctification of a 100-l,OOO+ 1 10c pigs, 10-k 1 One iadomn stone tongkonan? chckens, and 1 monument. I water MaIo tOû-l,oOo+ 1W pigs and Oae carved bamboo tongkonan? chickpns. pole and possibly a tadoran stone monument in some cases. Dimison banc Funerai for puang, 1,- 24+ water buffalws One simbuang barn high nobles, and and 20+(?) pigs. mgalitbic stone ( lowcr nobles. mnumcnt. Runga karga 1 Funeral for 100-1,000t. 8+ water buffaloes None commoners and, at and IW?)pigs.

100t(?) 1-2 water buffaloes. None and commoner and noble babies. Mang f 'ka Post-funeral fast

Ma tomahra (@ionned to ibe west of Sa'dan and possibly in Sa'dan in the gast) Ma 'surra tahg lot pigs. (for C Promotional ûccasion Totd #of Number and Types Spedai structuns~d Attend- of Anid Monuments Slaughtend I 1 To merok (for Foiiowing the 1 i,oo@+ 1 lotpigs. election ofpuang. 1 1 Giving thanks or 1 10-1,000+ 1 Dependhg upon ùurremmanga asking for bfessings. host (IO+ pigs m Som cases) Work Ferists Occasion Total # of Number and Type Speciai Structures and Attendees of Aalmib Monuments I Slaugbterd Bcfore hoeiDg rice 10-20 1 dog. fielâs. I

House Feasts As is the case in Kanan, there is a feast related to the construction of a new house in Sa'dan. According to informant testimony, this feast is cdled mang tunan pamuntu and consists of a rite performed by a bunga lallan ritualist and the slaughter of one chicken. The mang tanan pamuntu is perfomed before the house posts are erected and is attended by the family who owns the house and the carpeuters who build it. This feast appears smdl in cornparison to the feast related to house construction in Kanan, the mang papa banua (house roof construction feast), for which at least one pig is slaughtered and hundreds of guests are present. On the contrary, the small scale of the mang tanan pamuntu in tenns of people participating and animals provided seems to indicate that it is a soiidacity feast for the owners of the house. The presence ofworkers implies that it is also a work feast. However, the slaughter of one chicken appears to indicate that the feast is not perfomed with the purpose of attracting workers. It could be that there is a separate feast for the workers which was not spoken of in interviews. This would not be surprising considering tbat the time spent gathering data on Sa'dan feasts was shorter than that spent gathering data on Kanau feasts. Another likely possbility is that a work feast like the mangpapa banua was perfomed in the past, but is not considered necesmy in present-day Sa'dan, where cash is the typical fom of compensation for carpentry work. h any went, it would be surprishg if there was not a major feast for tens ta hundreds of people at the conclusion of constructing a traditional tongkonan house, although the sequence of three tongkonan feasts to be described below could represent feasts commemorating the construction of a traditional tongbnan. There is a sequence of feasts in Sa'dan that are traditionally performed by the members of a tongkonan some time der the construction of a new tongkonan. Three feasts were descri'bed as making up this sequence: ma ' bate,' to merok, and ma ' surra talang. The emically stated purpose of these feasts is not entirely clear. The completion of the sequence is said to make a tongkonan "complete" and the performance of these feasts is traditionally considered necessary if fbmces pemiit it. The hosting of these feasts, which can be done by nobles and wmmoners, but not slaves, cerîainly does mise the status of the tongkonan and gives a chance for tongkonan members to advertise their economic success. The quivalent feasts in Kanan are the three ma ' burake ' sang banua feasts, which are perfonned in order to drive out bad sprits fiom the house and contain household promotional aspects (see Chapter m). The sequence of traditional tongkonan feasl in Sa'dan is considerably more lavish than the ma ' burake ' sang banua feasts of Kanan. In each of the feasts, there is a aumber of pigs brought to the feasts by tongkonan members and slaughtered. For the ma ' bate ' feast, the htof the sequence, a special bamboo alter (about 10 to 15 meters hi&) structure adorned with ancestral maa ' clotlis and prestige items such as iron kenk daggers is constructed and there are evidently hundreds of guests in attendance who bring chickens and rice along with the tongkonan members who bring the pigs. The next feast, the to merok, lasts about a week and could be the most lavish of the sequence in terms of animais slaughtered and rites performed. The feast starts in the evening with drumming and the slaughter of a dog. Tongkonan members are apparently the only ones who participate on this first evening @nom as ma 'ptamagandang) of the to merok and they bring rice, chicken, fisb, and other food for the feast. Three nights later, a traditional dance competition (mangpairut)between male and female tongkonan members takes place. Chicken and sticky rice are brou@ by tongkonan members on this night and a to minaa 'priest performs a rite. Two days after the mangpairut, the me ' batu is held. For the me ' banc, tongkonan members take a tadoran stone to the hntof the tongkonan and adom it with ancdmaa ' cloths, Tadorans are relatively mal1 stone monument that dystand about fifty cm. to one meter high and tend to be about thirty cm. in diameter (Figure 5.2). There are sevdtadorans standing behind or in hntof nce bams in Sa'dan, although they presently are not erected as frequently as in past times. The tadoran stones are said to have been traditionally retrieved hmareas close to the tongkonan hosting the to merok. For a tadoran erected in Sa'dan Matallo as part of a Christian version of the to merok feast that occurred two years pnor to this study, the stone was retrieved hman area about ten to twenty meters hmthe tongkonan. Traditionally, when apuang erected a tadoran stone, stones were evidently retrieved from a river a considerable distance hm the tongkonan. In such a case, the tadoran would have been carried in a procession involving up to perhaps 200 people (depending on the size of the stone). When the procession arrived at the tongkonan, it was customaq to slaughter a water bufFalo provided by the puang. Homs hmthose animals were later mounted on the hnt of the house as a display of tongkonan success and weaith. The moming after a tadoran is initially brought to the tongkonan, the tadoron is taken behind one of the rice bams of the tongkonan and erected where four flowering plants and trees (tabang, sendana, kangsat, and pondan datu) are planted at the same time. In the evening of the same day (ma ' rande Iondong), a pnest performs a rite at the tadoran involving the slaughter of a chicken. On the next morning and evidently the fuiai day of the to merok, a water buEdo is slaughtered in fiont of the tongkonan and the meat is disûibuted to elder tongkonan members (nenek), who divide the meat and distniute it to the rest of the tonghnan. Theoretically, ail of the tongkonan members contribute to the purchase of the water buffalo. A pig and chicken are also killed on that day. Later in the same day, a procession of pigs hmtongkonm members takes place. At this tirne, there are hundreds of guests (fbiîy members and non-farnily members alike) in attendance who bring rice and chicken. The mat of the pigs is disûibuted to the guests, including saroan sodality groups that are affiliatecl with the tongkonan. I witnessed a similar event for the equivalent feast (mang rara banua) performed in south- central Tana Toraja. At tbis feast, there were tempo- bamboo structures set up for seating the hundreds of guests that wene in attendance. A dance was perfomed in hnt of a ma ' bute' (see above) bamboo aiter erected in front of the fongkonan where a water buffalo had been slaughtered earlier that day. The procession of pigs hmfdy members included about sixty or more large pigs (more than one meter in stomach diameter) housed in miniatm wooden tonghnstructures of various demof elaborateness. 1was told that there was a cornpetition for who could bring the largest pig in the largest and most lavish structure. The meat of the pigs was distributed to the afEiiated saroans in attendance. The final feast of the sequence is the ma surra talang feast. This is the highest- onlm house ceremony, although it does not appear to entail the same tirne and animal expenditure as th to merok. The ma mwa talang, in the context of these house ceremonies (there is another type of ma surra talang to be described below), is a one-day long event thai involves hundreds of guests and the daughter of a large number of pigs provided by tongbnan members. Guests who are not family mabers evidently bring rice and chickens to îhe feast. A stick of carved bamboo is placed near the tadman stone that was erected for the to merok feast, sipiîying that the final phase of the house ceremonies has been completed. Although most informants claimed that the tadoran Stone was erected for the to merok, one informant Uidicated that the radoran was retrieved and erected when the ma surra ralang was performed. According to the infamant, a buffalo was also killed at traditional mu surra taZang feasts. Although these Sa'dan house feasts are of a grander sdethan the ma ' burake ' sang bunua in Kanan, for which today no stone monuments are erected (although there are stones of a similar height in fiont of and betiind houses in Kamn, the purpose of which was unknown to infamants intervieweci) and no more than about five pigs are slaughtered for the entire sequence of feasts, the practical f'unction of these feasts is similar. In ban,the ma ' bumke ' sang huafeasts (see Chapter m) clearly promote the success and status of individual households, whereas in Sa'dan, the large numbers of pigs provided by tonghnun members and the accompanyiag erection of a tadoran stone and bamboo alter give clear indications that the ma ' hte,' to merok, and ma swra tuiang have a similar fiinction for the entire tongkonan as well as the individual tongkonm membets. However, in the Sa Van to meruk feast at least, there appear to be solidarity- reinforcing aspects as weU. The elements of the to merd feast that presumably involve the tongko&n -ers ody, such as the dance cornpetition, as weli as the fact that ali tongkonan members apparently contri'bute to the purchase of the buffalo slaughtered in the to merok feast imply that solidarity among tongkonan members is reinforcd in the performance of the to merok feast. Cornpetition to perhaps increase one's influence in tongkonan flairs could also be a part of these feasts considering the competitiveness displayed in the contributions of pigs on the part of tongkonan members for the similar mang rara banua feast (see above) perfonned in south-central Tana Toraja. Rice Feasts The rice feasts performed in Sa'dan are roughly similar to those in Kman in that they either involve an entire tond& or saruun or an individuai household only and largely appear to reflect a concem for solidarity withii the household or within the saroan or tondok. For example, Sa'dan feasts only involving individual households are srnail, such as the mang owon, which is perfonned prior to planting nce to ensure that the nce jpws and entails the slaughter of one chicken and about 1 1. of sticky rice, much like the mangambo feast in Kanan (see Chapter III). The tondok or saroan-wide feasts in Sa'dan tend to be characterized by a collective effort among (theoretically) al1 households in the tondok to either purchase pigs or provide rice and chickens for the feast. For the mangambo feast in Sa'dan Matai10 for instance (not to be confiised with the mangambo feast in Kanan), aii households are said to have wllectively conûibuted sticky nce, which is shared with other households in the tondok at a feast in the paddy fields when it is time to plant rice. For the me ' sun feast in Sa'dan Matallo, wbich is performed when the rice plants start tuming yellow, two pigs were purchased with money coliected by al1 members of a tondok or saroan and are eaten by the entire tondok or saroan with sticky rice provideci by the individual households. This is similar to the manuk apa and ma ' belungpare feasts in Kanan which both involve the collective purchase of pigs and chickens by ali households living in the tondok (see Chapter ID). There are, however, a few minor differences that appear to reflect the more productive overall agcicultural conditions as well as the more complex socio-political system of Sa'dan in cornparison to Kanan. For example, there are simply more feasts traditionaliy performed in Sa'dan iban in Kanan during the entire pre-plantiug to pst- barvest cycle. Mormants in Sa'dan were able to describe seven traditional rice feasts for the area. However, a to minaa ' citualist in Batutumonga, lacated to the immediate west of Sa'dan Matallo, descn'bed twelve rice feasts for that area indicating that there may have been a similar number in Sa'dan at one tirne. In contrast, there are four traditional rice feasts perfomed in Kanan. The Sa'dan nce feasts include tondok-wide or saroan- wide feasts, such as the me 'Sun (see above), as well as feasts Uivolving individual households only, such as the mang owon. in Kanan, the fewer rice feasts could be attribut4 to the fact that there is not enough available rice in housebofds between planting and harvesting to accommodate a large number of regularly scheduled fats. The fact that there is a feast which is said to bave been petfomed by al1 members of a saroan is also reflective of the different system of social organization in Sa'dan comparai to han. As noted in previous chapters, there are no saroans in Kanan. Moreover, considering that samns involve Iabor pools that have been traditionally utlilized for a variety of activities related to rice production, the suroan-wide me ' Sun feast may have ben, in part, a work feast for sarom labor. Curinn Feasts Many of the curing feasts in Sa'dan appear to be quite simple in terms of the duration, scale, and the expenditure of animais in cornparison to those performed in Kanan. The feasts petfonned to cure sickness in individuals, the ma sake ' malaku lako dewata (performed when a women bas trouble giving bYth) and the me sake 'pia (performed when a child is sick), are both very mal1 feasts invofving the slaughter of a chicken and sticlq rice. Both of these feasts are one-day long and attended by about ten to twenty people, mostly mal1 children (not necessarily xlated) and evidently the imrnediate farnily of the sick person. When a busehold has problems with theu rice paddy plantation (e.g., insects), a rite of a similar size involving a chicken and sticky rice is perfomed by a bunga IaIIan and is attended by a few people (mostly children). The largest of the curing feasts in Sa'dan is evidently the to ma 'ro. This feast is similar in overall lavishness to the ma ' suru kale ' and the ma 'sumorrong feasts of Kanan and is probably grander in many cases, depending upon household or tongkonan resources. The to ma 'ro is perfonned one month after a sick person has recovered from an ilhess and it is also done if a person has CO-tted a transgression (e.g., theft). The feast is held at the person's tongkonan or private house. Hundreds of people hmwithin and outside of the tondok attend. The bst household provides chickens for the feast and visiting family members evidently pmviàe chickens and dogs. It is perfomed in front of the tongkonan or private house where there is dnimming (with gandang water buffaio skin drums) and dancing. At this location, a bunga lallan and to minaa ' (ritualists) also perfiom a rituai involving a chicken and some sticky rice. Only nobles and cornmoners are permitteci to hold a to ma 'ro feast. In her description of various feasts occurrllig throughout centrai Tana Toraja Nooy-Palm (1986: 133) noted that the to ma 'ro was also perfomed following a funeral as an additional rituai to honour a deceased person. According to Nooy-Palm, the scale of the feast varied depending on the status of the individual for which it was performed, with some feasts entaihg the slaughter of pigs and hundreds of chickens, special dances, the erection of a tadoran stone monument, and the erection of a bute' structure ( a tall, temporary bamboo alter-1986: 120-137). Nooy- Palm does not specifjr whether or not to ma 'ro feasts of such a large scale occurred in the Sa'dan area. Howevet, according to one ùifonnant in Sa'dan Matallo, the erection of a tdomn stone was at one tirne an aspect of to ma 5.0 feasts perfomed in Sa'dan Matdo. At the tongkonan of a fomerpuang in Sa'dan Matallo, there were four tadoran Stones standing, one of which was said to have been erected on the occasion of a to ma 5.0 feast before the Dutch occupation of Tana Toraja. As the data on Sa'dan feasts is considerably less complete than that for Kanan fats, it is difficult to ascertain al1 of the aspects of Sa'dan fatsthat are related to practical fiuictions. The simplicity of the me ' sake 'pia and the ma sake ' malah lako dewata imply that a conceni for simply curing an illness was the primary driving force behind the smd Sa'dan curing feasts. Solidarity among household members may also have been enbanced in the performance of these feasts. In contrast to the simpler curing feasts in Sa'dan, the to ma 5.0 shows signs of king much more of a promotional feast, much l&e the ma 'sunt kde ' and the ma ' sumorrong feasts of Kanan. This seems evident in the large number of animais ofien killed, the special dances and music perfonned, and the erection of special structures and stone monuments for high-status to ma 'ro feasts. In this case, the success and status of the individual for which the feast was held as well as that person's tongkonan appears to have been the focus ofthe lavish displays and large numbers of guests. This is in contrast to the ma 'mm hle ' and ma 'sumorrong feasts in Kanan, which appear to mallily promote the individual and the individuai's household and not the entire tongkonan. The to ma 'ro feast may also operate to enhance the solidarity of tongkonan rnembers as there are indications that tongkonan members provide a fair number of the chickens and dogs for the feast, although the data is fairly incomplete with regards to this. Lue Cvcle Feasts There are reportedly only a few Wtional feasts performed to mark certain events related to a person's life cycle in Sa'dan. At birth, the feast performed in Sa'dan Matallo, ma 'pe 'pra, appears to be similar to that performed in Kanan (the ma ' Rumi). The ma 'pe 'para, like the ma ' kumi, involves the slaughter of a chicken and a pig at the house where the baby was boni. Guests attending the feast include family rnembers and fnends who bring both cooked and uncooked rice. According to informant testimony, a special feast does not appear to have been traditionally held on a child's ktbirîhday in Sa'dan Matallo or Sa'dan Malimbong. in Kanan, such a feast is called ma ' suru bati for which three chickens and one pig is killed (see Chapter m). In Batutumonga, located in the hills about five kilometers West of Sa'dan, data on such a feast was gathered fiom a to minaa ' priest. In Batuturnonga, this feast was traditionally only perfonned for the children of high nobles. For boys, this feast is ma 'bati and consists of the slaughter of a pig and the cutting of al1 of the boy's hair except for a srnail patch on the forehead. For girls, a similar feast, called ma ' rio baine, ' is performed. The only difference between the ma ' rio baine ' and the ma ' hti is that the girls have coconut oil put on their heads in lieu of a haircut. Although the haircutting feasts reportedly did not occur in Sa'dan, the fact that they were performed in nearby Batutumonga indicates that they could very well have been performed in Sa'dan in the past. Although there was no account given of feasts related to circumcision in Sa'dan, there is a feast performed in the Saluputti area of southwestern Tana Toraja called ma sunna, which is held for the circumcision of boys about four or five years old (Hayden 1999: 43). For this feast, the upper classes kill a pig and a chicken, but only family members attend. The lower classes do not kiiî any animals or have any special ritual. Where it is held, it appears to be a family solidarity type of feast (Hayden 1999: 43'44). Considering that the data on Sa'dan feasts is undoubteâly incomplete, it is possiile that a feast relateci to circumcision was petformeci in Sa'dan in the past as weli. However, considering the regional variation in the feasts performed in Tana Toraja, sucb an assumption is tenuous at this point. Traditionai weddings in Sa'dan are simple and according to informant testimony appear to follow the same general patteni as traditional Kanan weddings in tmsof the numbn of guests present, their duration, and the number of animais slaughtered (see Chapter DI). The divorce penalty (to be paid by the party causing a divorce), however, is considerably higher in Sa'dan. In Sa'dan Matallo, for example, the divorce penalty is twelve water buffhloes for high nobles, six water buffaloes for lower nobles, three water buffaloes for commoners, and one pig or nothing at ail for a divorce among the slave class. In contra&, the divorce payments reportedly range between one-haif and one water bUoin Kanan. Reflecting the minimal (if any) class diffmntiation in Kanan, these différences in divorce penalties do not appear to differ along class lines as they do in Sa'dan Matallo. The life-cycle feasts of S'adan are very similar to those performed in Kanan. The relatively srnail scale of these feasts seems to indicate that individual or household promotion was not a major concem in their performance. However, there are diff'erences that appear to be related to the contrasts in the social orgam'zation and overall wealth between Kanan and Sa'dan. For example, the haircutting feasts (ma ' rio baine ' and ma ' bati), if they occurred in Sa'daa as well as Batutumongga, would have been reserved for the Sa'dan hi& noble class and would have provided a way for high nobles to distinguish themselves hmthe nst of the population. This could also have been the case for circumcision rituais, if they were perfomed in Sa'dan. As noted above, in Saiuputti, a feast associateci with a child's circumcision appears to only be performed among the upper classes. In Kanan, there were apparently no such class proscriptions (and evidently no real classes) related to the feast commemorating a child's fht birthday and kthaircut (ma ' sum bati) and evidently no feast rnarkiog a child's circumcision. A similar pattern can be seen in the divorce penalties of Sa'dan and Kanan. hi Sa'dau, the penalties for divorce were much heavier, in ternis of the number of animais that needed to be slaughtered, and differed dong class lines with the high nobles having the heaviest divorce penalties. The scale of these penalties is indicative of the more stratified -ety in traditional Sa'dan as well as the presumably greater wealth in Sa'dan. Ah, particularly high divorce payments for the noble classes could reflect a situation in which there was a stmgdesire arnong nobles to deter divorce so as not to break a union between two noble families that could have presumably been socialiy, politically, and economically beneficial for both families involved. Funerab As in Simbuang, funerals have traditionally been the largest feasl in Sa'dan as well as the feasts containing the most elements of promotion (Figure 5.3). Sa'dan funerals ohinvolve more than 1,000 guests who provide pigs, money, water bu£fdoes or tuuk @ah wine). The debt structure created by these gifts is the same as that presented in Chapter üi for Kanan, where gins of pigs and sometimes water biiffaio given to the organizing cornmittee members of a beral (usually children and or siblings of the deceased) constitute a debt to be paid back in kind at a funeral for which the @fi- giver is on the organizing cornmittee. The size of the traditionai fiuierals in Sa'dan is considerabiy larger than those in Simbuang and they appear to be even more promotional with the largest (diruisan hi)requiring the slaughter of at least twenty-four water buffaloes and the erection of a simbuang batu (megalithic stone monument) in honour of the deceased. Funerals of this magnitude were traditionally reserved for the puang (lord or chief of a district-see Chapter II), high nobles, and lower nobles. Scattered throughout central Tana Toraja are rante S (cleared areas upon which deah rituals are perf'onned) where there are several standing simbuang batris, some of which approach five meters in height and higher (Figure 5.4). The reûieval and erection of a simbualtg batu would bave been a significant undertaking in itself, reportediy requiring 1,000 people or more working a week or more as well as the slaughter of many pigs and a water bufYdo each &y for the labor, essentially constituting a sequence of major work feasts (Hayâen 1999: 47,48). In contemporary times, fimeral feasts with well over 24 water buffaloes (sometimes more than 100 water buffdoes) are often pdormed in central Tana Toraja, although simbuamg batu stone monuments are rarely erected now as they are associateci with aluk to dofo religious practices. Due to the lack of adherence to class restrictions on fats and other factors (such as the modeni econumy) it is unlikely that such large fiuierals occdwith the same frequency in past times. Huwever, the widespread presence ofsimbuang barn throughout central Tana Toraja is an indication that funerals of this magnitude were traditionally not a rare occurrence and very probably occoccurred more oAen than the largest fûneral feast in the area around Kanan, which appears to have only been performed twice in the past eighty years prior to this study and requires fewer water buffiaioes (16) than the diruisan baru. Otôer Fersts for the Dead The mang i 'ka is a feast perfomed in Sa'dan Matai10 at some the following a berai. This feast is held when family mernbers deem it necessary to slaughter additionai water butTaioes in honour of the deceased. It is held if the family members of the deceased person have enough resources and includes the slaughter of water buffalo pmvided by close members of the deceased person's family. It is one-day long event and evidently involves the same number of guests that would have attended the beral, but uniilte funerals, guests do not bring pigs, money, or water buffaioes as gifîs. This is much like the ma 'peyundi feast in Kanan that is held in order to augment the death status of an individual and aid them in their journey to heaven through the slaughter of additionai water buffaloes and pigs in the person's name. A feast honoring the ancestors appears to be a common occurrence throughout Tana Toraja and may have alsu been performed in Sa'dan in the past, although such a feast was not descnied by infonnants in Sa'dan. The ma nene ' is an ancestral feast performed by a household or iineage at the ancestral gravesite ailet the rice harvest. The grave is corporately owned by the lineage and is usually a rock-cut megalithic tomb containhg many individuais. For the feast, each family or lineage visits the gravesite and leaves offenngs of food and betel nut to the ancestors in hntof the grave. A pig is also cooked and killed in hntof the grave (Hayden 1999: 43). Ames (1 998: 219-222) describeci a feast perfonned to bless the ancestors cded the ma ' tomaiua. A ma 'tomaiua feast attended by Ames was held near Mt. Sesean located to the west of Sa'dan. The ma 'tomaiua feast apparently is perfonned by households at least once a year (at least that was the case for the household intervieweci by Ames) and is held at the household and not the gravesite. For the ma ' tomahra descniby Ames, one chicken was killed inside the house and one chicken and two pigs were killed outside of the house in front of the rice granary. The meat of the pigs and chicken was evidently distri'buted to everyone living in the village. The fact tbat this feast takes place in hntof the household and involves an entire village implies that an element of household promotion play a part in the performance of ibis feast. Puam Feasts As previously noted, the traditional do-politicai situation in Sa'dan and other parts of central Tana Toraja contrasts with that in Kanan. In particular, the position of ttie puang, who seems to have fimctioned as a district chief, appem to have been unique to central Tana Toraja (see Chapter iü). In Sa'dan Matallo, there were speciai feasts associated with the puang. For instance, when apuang was elected, the newly-elected puang hosted a ma ' surra talang feast for which he provided about ten or more pigs. At this feast, apparently more than 1,000 guests attended with many coming fiom neighboring districts. There reportedly was aiso a merok hosted by apuang derbis election. This feast evidently included the same proceedings as the merok feast describeci in the House Feasts section of this chapter, the only difference king that aii of the pigs, nce and other food items of the feast would have been provided by thepuang and not collectively by a nwnber of difTerent farnily members. The existence of these pst-electionpuang feasts makes sense in temis of the probable need of a newly-elected puang to gamer and solidifi the support of district residents. In Sa'dan Matdlo, the puang reportedly could utilize the labor pool of the entire district for a number of different activities, such as agricultural tasks. In order to do this, a return in the form of a feast of some kind would have undoubtedly been provided by the puang and a pst-election feast could have functioned in a similar way by essentially making the entire district indebted to the puang thereby making it easier for apuang to get the help necessary for a large harvest for example. Similarly, cunceming other members of the nobiiity in Sa'dan Matallo, a pst-election feast couid have been considered a goodwill gesture on the part of the puang as well as a way of expressing appreciation for the support of other nobles (or demonstrating that he had their support to gavern) and a means for thepuang to ensure their future support through the indebtedness created by hosting such a feast, especially considering that all of the major food coaûiiutions (i.e., pigs) would have been provided by thepuang, aithough many uadoubtedly were bomwed hmkin and supporters (as at fiinerals). Other Feasts There are two feasts that are apparently not traditional aluk to do10 feasts, but are performed with relative fiequency in Sa'dan: the Christian thanksgiving feast and the ma ' kurresumanga feast. The Christian thanksgiving feast is held every year der harvest tirne in August. A very simple Christian thanksgiving feast was perfonned during the year pnor to this study at the household of the only Cbnstian living in the Kman tondok (see Chapter Ili). in Sa'dan this feast is understandably quite a bit larger and consists of a number of households gathering at their affiliated church for a pot-luck feast. Each household brings rice, chicken, fish, and other food items that are shared in a communal meal at their church. Ail of the food is said to be a church donation and the feast is performed as a thanksgiving for God. The cornaiunal aspects of this feast are similar to those of some of the rice feasts mentioned above, especially the mang ra 'kan for which households of a tondok provided chickens and rice and collectively purchased a pig for a communal feast fier the rice harvest. The communal aspects of Christian thanksgiving, like the mang ru 'hn,certainiy appear to reflect a concem for solidarity although the group concemed are members of a church and not necessarily the residents of a single tondok. The ma ' kurresumanga could also be considered a thanksgiving feast (kuwesutnanga means 'thank' you in the Torajan language) and the Christian thanksgiving feast may actually be refdta by the same Tmjan name. However, the ma ' kurresumanga feast described here does not have the same communal aspects that characterize the Christian thanksgiving feast. Intervieweci infonnants had recently hosteâ ma ' kurrmmanga feasts for a variety of reasans, such as to ask for blessings for a child attending school, celebrate a famiiy member's complethg a university degree, commemorate a baptism, and to celebrate the remvisit of a family member working in a foreign country. There do not seem to be any niles as far as what food should be provided by the host or what food should be brought by guests of this feast. The food items provided by households that had hosted ma ' kurresunianga feasts in ment years rangeci hman undisclosed number of fish and rice to more thau ten pigs. Guests attending these feasts reportedly brought rice, chicken, fi&, or, occasionally, pigs. The number of guests attending recent ma ' kumesu~angafeasts ranged fiom 30 to more than 1,000. The particularly large ma ' kurresumanga fats appear to reflect a concern for promotion on the part of the feast hosts. This can be seen in the large number of animais slaughtered at some of these feasts and the fact that many of these feasts seem to be held in order to celebrate the success of individual household members (e.g., the completion of a university degree or financial success in an overseas job), thus presumably promoting success of the entire household. Feastine-Related Prestke Items There are a considerable amount of prestige items associateci with feasts in Sa'dan and the rest of Tana Toraja (Figure 5.5). These range hmhndaure glas bead omaments to keris iron daggers to ceremonid bronze serving plates. In addition, thme are personai adomment items displayed at feasts that include gold and silver jewelry, such as bracelets and necklaces. These items co~~trastto the prestige items found in Kanan in their variety, abundance, and the more common use of higher valueci materiais (Le., gold, bronze, silver, glas, and iron as opposed to wd)(see Appendix C). It must be noted however that large feasts at which items would be on display that are nonnally stored away in households, such as jewelry, were not observecl in Kanan. Sa'dan Households There were four Sa'dan Matallo households in which household heads were inte~ewedconcerning such matters as household feasting behavior and household economics. Unlike the Kanan household surveys, materiai culture inventories were not undertaken for Sa'dan households. Due to theconstraints and the fact that Sa'dan households (even some prerhouseholds) tend to have much higher numbers of kitchen- related and prestige material culture items than Kanan households, it was not practical to do materiai culture counts in Sa'dan households. The small number of households intervieweci (N=4) represents an admittedly very mal1 sample, especiaüy when compared to the 100% sample of households that were smeyed in Kanan. However, the sample consists of two traditionally high noble howeholds as weU as two households that were reportediy former slave households traditionally and which are certaiuiy at the lmend of the economic scaie in Sa'dan Matallo. Considering the smaii sample, the data hmSa'dan Matalio obviously does not give as complete a pictute of Sa'dan Matallo feasting behavior as the Kanan data does for Kanan feasting behavior. It is simply presented hmto give an indication of what appears to be the situation in Sa'dan Matallo and how this cliffers hmwhat was found to be the case in Kanan. There was much variation between the interviewed households in Sa'dan Matallo as far as feasting behavior is concemed, with the two wealthier households investing considerably more in feasting than the poorer households. Because most of the aluk to doIo feasts are no longer performed in Sa'dan Matallo, there are not as many occasions during a given year in which a household will host a feast. In consideration of this, it is deemed to be more appropriate to examine household feasting behavior in tems of total investments of animals for feasts hosted and feasts attended. As for the two wealthy Sa'dan Matallo households interviewed, the mean number of pigs provided for feasts attended and feasts hosted in the past 10 years was 96.5 and the meau number of water buffaloes provideci for feasts hosted and attended during that time was 28. However, this is a little misleading as one noble household (Sa'dan Matallo Househoid 1) had reportedly provided 188 pigs and 52 water buffaloes for hosted and attended feasts while the other noble household (Sa'dan Matallo Household 2) had only contniuted a total of 13 pigs and 4 water buffaloes to feasts in the past 5-10 years. This discrepancy could be at least partially attributed to the fact that the household head of Household 1 also appeared to be more involved in the traditional administration of his tondok and such political activity could be asmciated with more debt relationships as appears to have been the case traditionally. It is certainly possible that the household head of Sa'dan Matallo Household 2 does not consider large fatcontributions as important as the household head of Household 1. As indicated previously in previous chapters, Ames (1998) has documentcd cases in which families of various socio- economic positions in contemporary Tana Toraja have become less inclineci to invest heavily in the feasting system, instead focusing theu resources on such things as the education of their children. The poorec households that were apparently slave households in previous times (the question of whether or not the households were traditionally slave class households was not asked of the household heads due to the fact that household heads wouId iikely not admit to being hma slave family and that such a question is considered very rude in Tana Tomja) invested considerably las into feasting than the weaithier households. The mean number of water bufEaloes pdded for feasts hosted and attended by the two households in the past 10 years was 2, with 2 having been provideâ by Sa'dan Matallo Household 4 and O having been provided by Sa'dan Matallo Household 3. The mean number of pigs provided by the two households was 1 (1 provided by each household). The wealth disparity behveen the hvo wealthier households (Sa'dan Matallo Households 1 and 2) and the two poorer households (Sa'dan Matallo Households 3 and 4) refïects the dispanty in feasting participation. The annual rice harvest of Sa'dan Matallo Household 1 consisted of about 500 kg. of traâitional nce and 200 kg. of new hybrid rice. Sa'dan Matallo Household 2 had an annual rice harvest of about 750 kg. (al1 traditional rice). Both of the poorer households had considerably lower rice harvests, with annual harvests of 75 kg. (traditional rice) each. None of the Sa'dan Matallo households kept many animals. Sa'dan Matallo Household 1 owned 1 pig and 3 chickens, Sa'dan Maîalb Household 2 owned 1 pig and 3 chickens, Sa'dan Matallo Household 3 owned 3 chickens, and Sa'dan Matallo Household 4 owned 3 chickens and 2 pigs. Al1 Sa'dan Matallo households interviewed had a regular cash income of some kind. Sa'dan Matai10 Household Head 1 receiveâ Rp 500,00O/rnonth for his military pension and Sa'dan Matallo Household Head 2 received Rp 900,00O/month salary as a school teacher. In addition, the household head of Sa'dan Matallo Household Head 1 had children in govemment and business who evidently helped tinance the purchase of pigs and water buffdoes for feasts. The household head of Sa'dan Matallo Household Head 2 also had children working in goverment and business, but it was not clear as to whether or not they assistecl him financially and considering his home and relatively small contributions to feasts in cornparison to Sa'dan Matallo Household 1, he at least pmbably did not require much assistance in 6nancing pig and water buffalo purchases. As for the two poorer households, Sa'dan Matallo Household Head 3 received a military pension of Rp 300,000/month and Sa'daa Matallo Household Head 4 worked as a part-the carpenter hgroughly Rp 10,000 in a given month. Sa'dan Mata110 Household 4 also had a smdcoffee plantation pducing about 10 kg. of coffee per year (sold at Rp 6,Sûûkg.). Comparhg the overall feasting and economic iadicators of the interviewed Sa'dan Matallo households and Kanan households, a comrnon pattern is apparent. Namely, the wealthier the household, the larger the feasting investment. There are some general indications of this being the case in Kanan (see Chapter IV) and as can be seen above, the two households that invested the most into feasting (Sa'dan Matallo Households 1 and 2) also had the largest cash incomes and annual nce harvests among Sa'dan Matallo households. Also, when compared to the numbers for Kanan, the two wealthier Sa'dan housebol& invest, on average, considerably more in feasting than any of the ban households, while the poorer Sa'dan households interviewed invest las, on average, than households in Kanan. In Kanan, the mean number of water buffaoes pmvided for fats attended and hosted in the past 10 years was 1.7 and ranged hmO to 8, while the mean number of pigs for feasts attended and hosted was 5.2 and ranged hmO to 15. Sa'dan Matallo Household 2, having provideci 4 water buffaloes and 13 pigs for feasts in the past 10 years, had totals considerably higher than the mean numbers for Kanan, aithough still within the upper end of the range, while Sa'dan Matallo Household 1, with contributions of 188 pigs and 52 water buffdoes, evidently invested more in feasting in tenns of anhals than the entire tondok of Kanan during the same period. On the contrary, the poorer Sa'dan Matallo households invested a mean of 1 water buffalo and 1pig into feasting in the past 10 pars, well below the mean Kanan average of 1.7 water buffaloes and 5 pigs. The poorest Sa'dan Matallo Household (Sa'dan Matallo Household 4) would be on the lower end of the economic sale in Kanan with a relatively small annual rice harvest (75 kg. compared to the mean of 147.5 in Kanan) and limited cash sources hm carpentry and a very mal1 coffeeplantation. The feasting investment of Sa'dan Matab Household 4 is atm a bit low (2 water buffaloes and 1 pig in the past 10 years) when compared to Kanan mean feasting investments (1.7 water buffaloes and 5.2 pigs in the past 10 y=). However, the other relatively poor Sa'dan MataiIo household (Sa'dan Matailo Household 3) is comparably wealthy by Kanan standanis due to the household head's monthly pension, while the investment in feasting on the part of Sa'dan MataiIo Household 3 is very mal1 (just 1 pig in the past 10 years) by Kanan standards. In consideration of this, 1suggest that the minimal investments in feasting on the part of Sa'dan Matallo Household 3 is not only attributable to its relatively pmr economic status, but may be reflective of changing values with the disadvantaged quickly opting out of the ttaditiond feasting system. This can perhaps also be seen in the wealthy Sa'dan Matallo Household 2 (see above). However, although changing values and the modern economy may be related to relatively smdl feasting investments on the part of some households, considering the investments of Sa'dan Matallo Household 1 and the prevalence of very large fùnerals (for one of which a hotel was in the process of being constructeci at the time this data was coiiected), the feasting system in Central Tana Toraja is certainly considered a viable investment of resources for many households. Conversely, in addition to changes in the value system, many households may have decided to more or less "opt out'' of the feasting system due to the apparently inflated size of the feasts and the intlated debts involved with feasting. The household head of Sa'dan Matallo Household 2 mentioned that much of his investment in feasting was concerneci with repaying old debts. As noted above, much of this could be related to the fact that he is in a position of traditional authority in his tondok and the fact that he is retired ftom the rnilitary (judging hmthe pension, in a higher position than the household head of the poorer Sa'dan Matallo Household 3). Members of the military can ofien be seen at large feasts and tend to receive obligatory portions of meat. The economic, social or politicai benefits that can be accdthrough involvement in debt relationships of this sort are probably related to the wielding of political power and the control of weaIth-producing resources. The fact that there appears to be a positive relationship between weaith and feasting in Sa'dan and Kanan implies that such behavior is directly or indirectly financiaily beneficiai. In Sa'dan, this may come hmsaroan manbership. In order to be a high ranking member of a sarom, one must make large contriutions to saromts at feasts (see Chapter il). The mle of saroans has changed and possibly diminished. In the past, saruun membership could mean a good source of labor for agriculture and perhaps house building or other endeavors. Saroans presentiy are not concemed with providing a pool of agricultural labor and their mle appears to have been largely coniined to the organization and logistics of large feasts. The size and hancial investment of some of the largest fimerais indicates that srnoans are still a key component of Torajan society. Moreover, saroans can stiil influence local and regional politics (see Chapter II) and in Sa'dan, saroans evidently sel1 water bWaloes they receive at feasts in lieu of slaughtering them for meat. The finances hmthe sale are ofken used to fund local community building, imgation, or community services (see Chapter II), Thus, a high-ranking saroan member would appear to have considerable leverage in local economic and political dealings. Summary The ovdlcontrasts between Sa'dan fatsand feasting behavior and Kanan feasts and feasting behavior appear to be consistent with the contrasting traditional socio- political and economic conditions of the two areas. Compared to Kanan, although it is not clear as to whether there was a larger number of aluk to do10 feasts performed ûaditionally in Sa'dan (the data on feasts was based on people's mernories of feasts that have not been performed in Sa'dan for quite some time), there appears to be more of an emphasis on large-de, promotional feasts in Sa'dan in ternis of the animals provided, the nwnber of guests, special structures buiit, and monuments erected. This is especially tme for the traditional S'adan house feasts and fimerais, which are considerably larger than the comsponding funerals and house feasts petformed in Kanan, as well as the feasts perfonned after the election of apuang (chief), which bave no equivalent in Kanan due to the lack of apuang in traditiona1 Kaaan society. This scenario reflects a pattern in which there was (and is) more productive rice paddy land in Sa'dan as well as a class of high nobles who owned a dispmportionately large amount of this land, thus enabling them to accumulate large amounts of resources for feasts. The household interviews show that a similar pattern continues in contempotary Tana Toraja The feasting investments made by weaithy Sa'dan Matla110 househoIds intewiewed, which had access to considerably more land and resources than any of the Kanan households, is consistent with an apparent heavier emphasis on promotionai feasting in Sa'dan compared to Kanan. The number of different types of fmts that occur in present-day banis considerably greater (compared to the 24 feasts reportedy performed in Kanan, Sa'dan Matalio households only reported involvement in fou types of feasts-although there were pmbably many more in the past-: hetaIs, weddings, Christian thanksgiving feasts, and ma 'kurremmanga feasts). However, investments in individual feasts tended to be greater in Sa'dan Matallo, with a ma 'kurre~lllttangafeast entailing a considerable invcstment (at least for Sa'dan Matallo Household 1, which pcovided about 10 pigs for each of the two ma ' hwesumangas that it had hosted), wùile report& fimeral contriiutions tended to be very large as well and larger than any individual household funetal contributions made by Kanan households, with the household head of Sa'dan Matallo Household 1 having provided 15 water buffaloes and 60 pigs for one funeral. From an adaptive perspective, in contrast to the solidarity-reinforcing and alliance-building characteristics of the Kanan feasts that appear to reflect a concern for defense and cwperation in a relatively marginal agricultural environment and hostile political environment (see Chapter iü), the heavier emphasis on promotion seems to reflect an environment in which the nobles competed for access to labor and political power in Sa'dan. This labor and power would have largely been accessed through involvement in the saroans and the contributions made to saroans at feasts as well as the tongkonans, perhaps thtough contributions made for the house feasts. Similady, for the puang, at least in the case of the pst-election feasts, feasting appears to have been used as a way of consolidating power and support. However, as is the case for traditionai Kanan feasts, there were also many traditionai Sa'dan feasts which seemed to be concemed with solidarity, such as the rice feasts and perhaps some of the curing feasts. This emphasis on solidarity in some of the feasts would fit an overall pattern reflecting on orientation toward defense. Cornpetition was evidently not only manifested in large feasts. Warfare also appears to have been part of the competition between puangs, as can be seen in the remaius of stone-walled forts (ber 'teng) located on hi11 tops throughout central Tana Toraja and the traditional placement of tonghnans on high points or mountain slopes. Bugis invasions were a concm everywhere in Tana Toraja and were the driving force behind the construction of many of the forts in central Tana Toraja (see Chapter II). Thus it is not surprishg that fats throughout Tana Toraja contain elements that seem to foster the solidarity of individual households, tonghnans, tondoks, and saroans. From a broad ecologicai perspective, the data hmKanan and Sa'dan appear to support the notion that incfeased resources will foster the production of supluses that are conducive to the enhancement or consolidation of political power bughlarger and more lavish feasts. The larger rice surpluses produced in Sa'dan compareci to Kanan correspond to the more elaborate feasts involving more animals, higher costs, specialized stnictures, and more elabotate (prestige) feasting paraphernalia At these feasts, power enhancement and consolidation is possible through the rituai slaughter of animals and, in turn, the display of wealth and prestige. Fignre 5.1: Sa'dan Countryside 194

Figure 5.2: Ta&m Stones in Buntu Lobo, Sa'dan Mataiio Rgure 5.3: Faneral Feast in Central Tana Toraja

Figure 5.4: Simbwang Batu Stone Funemy Monuments at a Rante' Figure 5.5: Prestige Items in Centnl Tana Toraja Cbapter VI Summary and Conclusions

Tana Toraja turned out to be an ideal location in which to study traditional feasts for two pcimary reasons: 1) traditional feasts continue to be a vital aspect of Torajan culture and 2) there is variation in the traditional sociopolitical organization and traditional feasting systems between different parts of Tana Toraja. The importance of ritual feasting to Torajan culture cannot be underestimateci and has been documenteci by many authors (see Ames 1998, Chrystal1971,1974; Nooy-Palm 1979,1986; Volkrnan 1985). Although there has been no attempt to diminish or discount the symbolic Unportance of these events, it has been found that there are indeed practical social, political, and economic forces at work in the context of these feasts. Moreover, in spit of the fact that conternporary Torajan feasts have changed due to a number of factors, such as the large-scale conversion of the population to and Islam, the impact of the modem economy, and the inclusion of Tana Toraja within a large nation-state, various aspects of these feasts appear to reflet the traditional, "pre-Dutch" social, potiticai, and economic conditions of Tana Toraja. Prior to the direct administration of Tana Toraja by the Dutch at the beginning of the 20" century and the subsequent social, poiitical, and economic changes that occd as a result, Tana Toraja appears to have been a land of complex societies economically based on rice agriculture and animal husbandry. In centrai Tana Toraja, where the most extensive plots of arable rice paddy land would have been locited, chiefdom-level societies probably developed following the inûuductiou of metal tools in the f3st millenium AD or later. These chiefdoms were govemed bypuangs (lords) who administered groups of tondoks (hamlets) organized into lembangs (subdistricts) within a larger district area. Within this organizational system were also saroan groups, which included members hmvarious tondoks and a welldenned hierarchical power structure in which the most active and influentid members would have had the most access to the large labor pool present in saroans. In Simbuang, where the land and climate appear to have been less suited for wet rice cultivatiou, socio-politicai organization seems to have been more characteristic of the "big man" or "despot" societies in western PapuaNew Guinea and focused at the tondok-lwel, with a more iaformal organization of alliances based on cooperation at the inter-tondok level with si saro arrangements, but no swoan groUPS- However, the data regarding the pre-Dutch political organization of Tana Toraja was gathered hminfamants who were not alive in pre-Dutch times. It therefore can be argued that much of the information gathered hminformants in Tana Toraja considered here to descnbe pre-Dutch socio-political organization of Tana Toraja actually depicts a scenario that was the result of a consolidation of small groups of villages on the part of the Dutch for organizational purposes. This certainly does appear to have happened (see Chapter II). However, the stratified, class-based society of central Tana Toraja was present prior to the start of the Dutch administration (Torajan slaves were reportedly being traded with neighboring gmups shce the 17* century) and genealogies of prominent "puang" families in central Tana Tomja as well as chiefly tondoks extend back hundreds of years, implying the presence of a political system of organization comparable to what is commonly refemd to as a chiefdom. Similady, Tana Toraja was already within close proximity to other kingdoms, such as Luwu, shce before the 16'~ century and enmeshed in a global ûade network involving Torajan gold and slaves by the 17" century at the latest (Andaya 1981: 17; Vohan 1985: 3; Ames 1998: 56;). Therefore, the notion that the political and economic changes brought by a western colonial power drastically altered a "pristine" situation does not appear to fit the scenario present in Tana Toraja. Namely, the situation prior to the Dutch administration of Tana Toraja was already one in which the formation of chiefdoms would likely have been fostered through trade, warfare, and alliances with neighboring groups. Turning to the ptactical social, economic, and politicai functions of the feasting system that is the primary focus of this work, the apparent differences present in the feasts of Simbuang and central Tana Totaja appear to coincide with the traditional social, poiitical, and economic conditions of the two areas. Sirnbuang feasts are characterized by elements that primarily function to teinforce the solidarityof tondoh and alliances between tondoks and are best exemplificd in the tondok-wide and inter-tondok feasts for which a pig or pigs are purchased with money coilected from among ali of the households in the tondok and include equal contributions of other food items, such as rice, hmeach household. This apparent focus on solidarity and alliance building cm also be seen in the traditional si saro arrangement, which entails the cooperation of a group of tondoks, including Kanan, for roadbuilding, irrigation, and other projects requiring substantial labor (which was corvée and organized by the to parenge ' of each tondok). This pattern of solidarity and cooperation fits the relatively marginal agricultural environment and hostile political environment present in Simbuang in the past and, in the case of agriculture, today as well. In such an environment, where invasions on the part of neigbboring groups were not uncommon and economic hardships were probably relatively kquent, the creation and maintenance of a support network through feasting would have been desiraôle. These concerns are also reflected in the strongly nucleated and defensive character of the Simbuang settlement patteni. A similar emphasis on solidarity in traditional feasts was also observed by Clarke (1998) among the Akha of northern Thailand. However, in the Akha case, feasts tended to be characterized by lineage-based fezists that were geared toward the creation and maintenance of socioeconomic "safety nets" that could be counted on in times of economic or other hardships, which were not uncommon among the Akha. in Sa'dan in central Tana Toraja (and elsewhere?), there are feasts that function to reinforce the solidarity of individual households, tongkonans, tondoks, and saroans. A concem for solidarity in Sa'dan is not surprishg in ligbt of the fact that warfare resulting hmhostilities between puangs seems to have been fairly comrnon and the fact that other groups, such as the Bugis, invaded Tana Toraja at various times in the past. However, there also is a much heavier emphasis, compared to Kanan, on promotion in ternis of the number of anirnals provided, prestige items used, and the types of feasting structures built by the Sa'dan hosts of house and fùned feasts. The promotional nature of these feasts appears to reflect a situation in which nobles would have competed for economic and politicai power that was available through involvement in the saroans and the tongkonans. In tenns of identifying this feastùig behavior archaeologically, the analysis of feasting-related material culture among Kamm households yielded some general patterns. Put simply, households in which larger numbers of item related to feasting were found tended to feast more than households containing smaüer ambers of these items. Additionally, the weaithier households tended to feast more than the poorer households. Items used for preparing and senring foods and beverages at feasts, such as woks, pots, plates, and cups generally correlated with the de- households hosted feasts. There were positive correlations between house and rice granary size and feast-hosting as well. The degree households hosted feasts also correlated positively with household wealth and this is the general pattern in Sa'dan as well, implying the existence of economic benefits connected to feast participation and the debt relationships associated with feasting. These benefits are summarized below: 1) Potential assistance with rice harvests, coffee harvests, or other agicultural tasks on the part of those with whom one has established a feasting debt relationship. 2) The labof attracted for house-building by hosting mangpapa banua and ma ' pu 'pon feasts in Kanaa. 3) Potentiai support from individuals (especially beneficial if hi@-ranking individuals) with whom one bas established a feasting debt relationship in disputes over land and resources. 4) Under certain circumstances, increased share of inhentance by slaughtering more water buffaloes than other sibhgs at a fimeral feast for a deceased sibling. 5) For high-ranking members of saruarts in centrai Tana Toraja, access to the large saroan labor pools by slaughtering the requid large number of animais at a feast for the sarms with which one is afntiated. 6) The potential increased access to tongkonan resowces and decision-making authority by those who coniribute large numbers of animais at tongkonan feasts. However, the statisticai relationships present in many of the cornparisons of feasting behavior and the ownership of feasting-related material culture were ofien weak and not very convincing. The fact that feasts are ohsrnail or infiequent in Kanan couid account for these weak correlations. In Kanan, the feasts occuning most fiequently tended to be rather small, involving an individuai household and perhaps a few other family members. These feasts would not require large amounts of cups, plates, woks, or pots. Similariy, the fact that many of the large feasts in Kanan were inîÎequent and invotved the communal pooling ofresources in providing fdinplies that the material items used to prepare and serve foods and beverages at these large feasts were largely pooled as part of the communal effort. In contrast, where feasting occurs on a more fiequent basis, tbem appears to be a stronger relationship between feasting behavior and feasthg-related material culture. Among the Aicha, Clarke (1998), found that correlations between the ownership of items related to food and beverage preparation and seMag at feasts and feasting behavior tended to be quite strong in many cases. In Akha society, there is a larger magnitude of variation in the fats @onneci and feasts of al1 sizes appear to be held more frecluently than in Kafiaa. Problems of accurate reporting of hosted fatsover the last five pars as well as intervening factors such as economic and material culture transformations over the pst decades almost certaully have played some role in blhng clear relationships between traditional economics, fats, and matenal culture. In the final analysis, 1feel that this thesis has made a sigaificant contribution to the archaeological study of feasts and to the understanding of the social, politicai, and economic dynamics of Torajan feasts in particular. The main focus of this study has been on deciphering the pmtid social, political, and economic benefits accrued by those involved in the feasting system. It has been found that in Kanan, the benefits available to individuai households and families is limited in terms of economic and politicai advancement. Weaith disparities in Kanan are quite mal1 compared to those in centrai Tana Toraja, there are itpparently no class clifferences in Kanan, and the socio-political power structure is quite infiormai, with only one established position of political authority and evidently no traditional organizations with a hierarchical power stmcture, such as saroans in Kaaan. The practical, adaptive benefits associateci with the hanfeasting system, as a whole, seem to be more relateci to individuai households and fades reùiforcing their ties to larger socid gmups (forrdclks and lemhngs) as can be seen in the soiidarity-enhaacing aspects of many of the feasts. Such ties would appear to be the main concem in an area with rather limited agricuitural potential, periodic food shortages, and endemic inter-group violence. In Sa'dan, feasting appears to fuaction to a much greater extent as a forum in which members of the noble classes can assert and enhance their social, political, and economic standing. In Sa'dan, traditionai hiecarchical power sûuctures cm be found at al1 levels of political organization raaging hmthe tongkonan to the district as well as the saroan sodality groups (see Chapter II). Such an environment provides individuais with more venues in which to seek political power. This politicai power is ultimately tied to economic power, especially in the case of the saroans, which can give one access to politicai power and the large saroan labor pooIs for agricultural endeavors. One's position in these groups is ultimately tied to the meat contributions made to the saroans at feasts. For the commoner and slave classes in Sa'dan, the practical benefits related to feasting are not as explicit, but may be associated with access to food and politicai protection. Traditionally, with the vast majority of paddy land being tied-up by the noble classes, food appears to have been a phary concem for commoners and slaves. individuals that help set up temporary structures at feasts, for example, are compensated with meat and nce. The opporîuaity to receive portions of meat by working at a feast would probably be attractive considering that slaves and commoners apparently only ate meat at rituai occasions in the past (Nooy-Palm 1979:11). In the case of commoners, feasts also could have represented opportunities to affiliate themselves with saroans in order to ensure themselves of tiiture work, food, support for their own important iife events (marriages, house building, funerals), and political protection. From a broad politicai ecological perspective, the notion seems supporteci by these data that increased resources wili generate surpluses that are conducive to the enhancement or consolidation of political power through largec and more lavish feasts involving more elaborate (prestigious) feasting paraphernalia. ln relation to Kanan, in Sa'dan this appears to be reflected in the more productive agricultural land which aliows for the production of rice surpluses, the more cornplex plitical system, and the more elaborate feasting system through which political power cm apparentiy be consoiidated or enhanced, In closuig, the research presented in this thesis bas clearly demonstrated that there are indeed powerful social, political, and economic forces that play strong roles in Torajan feasts and the degree to which individuab Uivest in these feasts. It is hoped that in the future, similiu studies conducted in other parts of the world as weîi as Tana Tornja will help illuminate the various ways in which feasts fiinction within traditionai social systems and how feasting behavior can be interpreted in an archaeological context. Appendir A: Gathering Feasting Data from Informants On a per feast basis, the following types of information to identify feast types and their fiinction was gathered:

-Nameof feast -Religion (is it a traditionai aluk to do10 feast, a Christian feast, etc.) -Feast location -Feast frequency -inferreci practical bctions: (solidanty, alliance, promotion, etc.) -Sponsoring (cost-bearing) group -Approx. number of people attending -Number and identity of saroan groups atîending -Principal guests and relationships -Gif?s given (hmgif€ list data)-new gih? old gifts? what individuals and groups gave gifis? what was their relationship to the host? -F& and drinks smed and quantity -Number of bufWoes, pigs and chickens killed -Foods eaten together or in guests' own houses -Who takes largest portions -Total costs (cash, biiffaloes, pigs, chickens, wine, rice, structures, cloth, other) -Special structures used (map & dimensions) -Clas exclusiveness Appendin B: Gathering Household Data from Iaformants For each household the socio-economic position and the degree of feasting participation was determineci by gatheriag the foliowing information in infornant interviews:

-Name, age, place of birth (distance) of informant and class, religion, place of birth of wife (distance) -Name of village, dusun, and cluster in which house is located -Description of household cluster (relation of families & classes & religion) and tongkonans (and tongkonan owners) within cluster, ambe tondok in cluster -Membership of ego in tongkonans and saroans -Feasts in household cluster-events in last 3 (or 5 or 10) years when any animals were killed for feasts; other ceremonid feasting events in the last 3 years (with eggs, sticky rice, or other) -Village or local feasts (lut 3 years) -When were the last bado homs or pig jaws put on house, and what was the event (record details) -Events at which the informant gave buffalo, pig, or chicken in 1st 3 years (5 or 10 years) -Economic standing of household-number of buffdo and pigs owned (as well as his brothers/sons in the cluster) by informant; past and present rice harvest results of family (good years & bad years); harvests results of corn, coffee, cacao, cassava; inheritance- land, buffalo (hmwhom & has any other land been acquired); how much hiil farming done (area &mp); salaries, wages of last 3 Y- -Family members in important positions (bus., police, gov., other) -Disputes involving members of household cluster taken to local or higher up official -Household gift lists Appendix C: Feastb~RefatedPrestige Item of Kanon and Central Taaa Torrja (ineludes Sa9danaiîhwgh names below may be representative of otber areris)

Item Torajan Sumptuary New Value Antiqwe Region Name (Rupiab) Value (Ruplah) Ceremonial Keris Probably Variable Very High Central iron Dagger 5 Depending hn-Tipped 1 Probably Ceremonial Spear Toraja and

Short Sword and 1 1 Tana Scabbard Toraja Pedded 50,000 1,000,ûûû Cenîral Wden Mng not in Kanan) Bowl 1 Kanan Bras Central Teapot Tana Toraja GoldSilver Cenûal coins Tana Toraja Gold/siIver No 2,000,000 Central Jeweiry Tana Toraja Goldisilver Pontu Lola Yes Central Bracelet 1 Tana

Fuueral 10 Water Gong Buffaloes 1 Tana 1 Toraia Water 2-5,000,000 Buffalo (name in Central Tana (in Centrai 1 Tana Skin Drums imbua an^) Tor*) Tana Toraja and Toraja) Kan= Sacred Sorita, Ma 'a, Probably 2,000,000 Central Ancestral Botombok~~ Tana Cloths Roto, Pdpaptc Toraja and

l Kanan

l

k 17 Torajan Ceremonial Tapare Yes Bronze SeNkg Plate for Betel and Cigarettes at Funerais Glass Kandaure 2-400,000 Central Beadwork Tana Toraja 200,000 Cenirai Tana Toraja Necklaces Rara, (6th gold, Manikata, shell, and Masfura, glas) Mauk Manik Procelain Pindan (in Yes (in Central Wares Kanaal Centrai Tana Tana Toraja) Toraja and Kanan IWuCeremonial Rungan Kanan Centrai Tana

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