609 VOTIVE INSCRIPTIONS from a PRIVATE COLLECTION 610 2. Ur
609 VOTIVE INSCRIPTIONS FROM A PRIVATE COLLECTION 610
SUNDRY EARLY MESOPOTAMIAN ARTIFACTS 1 dnin-isin si-na For Nin-Isina, WITH VOTIVE INSCRIPTIONS 2 FROM A PRIVATE COLLECTION* 2 nin-a-ni-ir his lady, 3 dza-am-bi-ia Zambiya, Jacob KLEIN, 4 lugal kalag-ga the mighty king, Bar-Ilan University 5 lugal ì-si-in/ki-na the king of Isin, and Ori BRENNER, Weizmann Institute of Science 6 lugal ki-en-gi/ ki-uri-ke4 the king of Sumer and Akkad,
7 é-niĝin3-ĝar kug The pure Eniĝinĝar, 8 ezen šà ḫul-la-ka-ni-šè for her festival of heart rejoicing,
A. THE VOTIVE INSCRIPTIONS (Jacob Klein) 9 mu-na-dù he built. Commentary 1. Zambīa Nail Head d si-na 1: nin-isin2 : So Edzard, RLA 9, 387ff. sub Nin-Isina (halbsyl- d si This item is a large hard baked clay nail. Only the head labisch); reading nin-isin2 -na is also possible. For a list of votive and the root of the spike are preserved. The diameter of the inscriptions, see Edzard, ibid. 388a (sub § 4). This goddess is iden- head, which is almost intact, measures 12.5 cm. It contains tical with the healing goddess Gula. an intact 8 line inscription. The nail pertains to Zambīya, the 7: For é-niĝin3-ĝar, part of the sanctuary of Gula at Isin, see Sjö- th berg, Temple Hymns TCS 3), pp. 92f.; George, House Most High 11 king of the First Dynasty of Isin (ca. 1836-1834 BCE). 133, sub No. 886. It is a Sumerian royal inscription of the ‘building and dedica- 8: ezen šà ḫul-la-ka-ni-šè: This expression is attested neither in tion’ type, commemorating the building (i.e. restoration) of Cohen, Calendars, nor in Sallaberger, Kalender. See however the Eniĝinĝar by the king to Nin-Isina, the tutelary goddess Proto-Izi II 424 (MSL 13, 52) ezen-šà-h~úl-la (var. ezen-h~úl-la). of Isin. For Zambiya see W.W. Hallo, “The Last Years of the 2. Ur III Tablet Sealed by Waqartum3) Kings of Isin,” JNES 18 (1959) 54-72; Frayne, RIME 4.1.11 (pp. 91f.). This king has only one other 22 lines inscription, This is a small dark clay tablet, measuring 4x5x1 cm. The commemorating the construction of the wall of Isin. The signs are unusually large, carelessly written with some of ‘wall construction’ inscription, which was first published by them probably written over erasure. In addition, the entire Hallo (ibid.), has the literary structure typical to all its pre- surface of the tablet is covered with multiple, and partly decessors: A. It opens with the RN Zambīya and the king’s superimposed seal impressions. All this makes the reading political and religious epithets, which express his control of (and copying) very difficult. The tablet is dated to Ibbi-Sîn 2 both Nippur and Isin (1-15); B. This is followed by the (ca. 2026 BCE). The provenance is unknown, but it may building record (16-18); C. Concluding with the name-giv- come from Umma or Drehem. The tablet records the expend- ing formula (20-22).1) iture of 3 sheep for the “Boat of Heaven” festival, issued on Our inscription has the typical literary structure of the the 26th day of the 12th month, via Waqartum, “sister of ‘(temple) building and dedication’ inscriptions: A. It opens Šu-Sîn,” and is sealed by her. with the DN Nin-Isina, as an indirect dative object (1-2); B. Followed by the RN Zambīya and three of his major official Obv. ki royal epithets, lugal kalag-ga / lugal ì-si-in -na / lugal ki-en- 11 ⸢udu ḫa?-ma?-zi⸣ki / ⸢nita ⸣?! 1 lamb / , gi ki-uri-ke in the ergative (3-6); C. Ending with the build- 2 Ḫamazi male 4 ⸢ !⸣ ing record, which closes with the mu-na-dù verbal form 2 2 udu eme- gi nita2 2 emegi male lambs, (7-9).2) An absence of an epithet related to Nippur, in this 3 má-an-na unug⸢ki?⸣/ for the Heavenly-Ship of Unug, inscription, may indicate that at the time of the building of 4 ⸢iti⸣-ta ud 26 ba/-ra-zal on the 26th day of the month, the temple for Nin-Isina, Zambīya was not in control of Nip- pur, which means that the building took place in his second Rev. or third year, probably named after this event. The first known king who introduced the epithet lugal kala-ga in the 5 ki lugal-ni[r-ĝá]l?/-⸢la⸣-t[a] from Lugal-nirĝal, Isin titulary was Enlil-bāni, and this epithet appears hence- 6 ĝiri ?! ba-gàr-tum . forth in all the ‘(temple) building and dedication’ inscriptions 3 via Waqartum of the following Isin-kings (Zambīya, Ur-dukuga, Sîn-māgir, (two lines uninscribed) Damīq-ilīšu). As a matter of fact, from Enlil-bāni No. 6 on, 7 itu ⸢d⸣dumu-zi Month of Dumuzi all this type of royal inscriptions have the three component (=12th month). titulary, attested in our Zambīya inscription: lugal kalag-ga, 8 mu en dinana! unug/ki ⸢máš-e Year: The high-priestess of ki lugal ì-si-in -na, lugal ki-en-gi/ ki-uri-ke4. ì-pàd⸣ Inana of Uruk was chosen by extispicy (=Ibbi-Sîn 2) *) The objects published in this article are in the private collection of co-author Ori Brenner. Dr. Brenner has provided details about the prove- nance of the objects which satisfies the Editorial Board that they conform with our policy regarding publication of objects from private collections and which adheres to the relevant Unesco conventions. 1) For the typical structure of inscriptions recording the construction of walls, see Klein 2010, pp. 177ff. 2) For the typical structure of inscriptions recording the construction of 3) We are most grateful to David I. Owen, Piotr Michalowski and religious buildings, see Klein 2010, pp. 174ff. M. Stol for useful and critical comments to this part of the article. 611 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXX N° 5-6, september-december 2013 612
Commentary also in the early OB period; cf. e.g. Kraus, ARN 7, where the PN Wēdum-lībūr is written consistently We-du-um-li-bur (ll. 2, 4 and Obv. 8), but the seal impression offers ; and conversely Sim- The correct reading of these two lines was suggested to us by Bi-du-li-bur 1-2: mons, JCS 15, 54, No. 126:21, where we find Dawid Owen. udu ḫa-ma-ziki seems not to be attested elsewhere. wa-aq-ra-am “claim” (instead of the expected ). For udu eme-gi (GI seems to be written over erasure of a ZI) see ba-aq-ra-am itu dumu-zi – 12th month of the Umma calendar (Cohen, especially UET 3, 1232:obv. 3 (1 udu-nita eme-gi). See further 7: Calen- 2 186ff.; Sallaberger, 10). Note also itu ezen-dumu-zi ITT 2, 620:rev. iv 8 (udu eme-gi); AnOr 1, 303:obv. 4 (udu eme- dars Kalender (6th month in Girsu). gi-ra); ASJ 18, 159. 3:obv. 17 (udu eme-gi ḫi-a); BPOA 7, Cf. mu en dinana unugki máš-e ì-pàd (Ibbi-Sîn 2; so Sigrist- 2450:rev. 5’ (ki sipa udu eme-gi-ra-ke -ne-ta) passim. This breed 8: 4 Gomi, 371 sub Unugki; however, ibid. p. 355 this YN is of sheep is attested mainly in administrative texts from Umma and Catalogue not listed). Acc. to Sigrist-Gomi, ibid. 248, from Ibbi-Sîn 2, 12th Ĝirsu. Note that NITA seems to be written on erasure of a RA. 2 month, we have ca. 60 documents. Only one from the 25th day and For the festival of the “Boat of An/Heaven” (ezen má-an-na), 3-4: one from the 30th day. The present document seems to be dated to see M.E. Cohen, 215-220; Sallaberger, 216 ff. Calendars Kalender the 26th day (see obv. 4). According to Cohen (ibid.), Drehem texts refer to this festival in Uruk in the 10th month, and it is possible that this month was named after this festival, which Seal Inscription lasted for 5 days. According to Sallaberger (ibid.), this festival took place usually twice a year (on months 6 and 11). Expenditures are dŠu-dSîn usually dated between 20-30 day of the month. Both of these fes- tivals were especially women festivals, and the provisions were lugal-⸢kala⸣-ga Wa-qar-tum 4 given to high ranking, royal women. ) Cf. in this respect especially lugal uri ki-ma nin -a!-ni YBC 16241 (J. Klein, ZA 80, 32), 1-9: 1 gud 2 udu niga ezen má- 2 9 an-na Še-le-pu-tum dumu-mí lugal Šà-ta-kù-zu rá-gaba maškim itu lugal an-ub-da limmu2-ba ud 22 ba-zal ki-dŠul-gi-a-a-mu-ta ba-zi iti ezen dŠul-gi. Klein (ibid.), Cohen (ibid.), and F. Carroué (ASJ 15, 51f.) consider the Commentary possibility that má-an-na was the processional boat of Inana, in As has been observed by C. Suter, seals of royal women survived which the goddess made her mythological trip from Eridu to Uruk, almost exclusively in ancient impressions, either because they were and that the festival constitutes the Sitz-im-Leben of the Inana-Enki reused, or more probably because they accompanied their owners myth (cf. Inana and Enki 34 passim). This hypothesis is rejected by to the grave (Suter 2008, pp. 4f.; 13). Our seal impression shows a Sallaberger (ibid.). typical presentation scene to a deified king, in this case to be iden- For further references to the “Boat of Heaven” in Ur III administra- tified as Šū-Sîn. In her seal impression Waqartum refers to herself tive documents see ! as the sister of Šū-Sîn. If Šū-Sîn was the son of Amar-Suen, as ArOr 25, 562 23:obv. 5-6 “(various animals for) má -an-na-šè iti-ta listed in the SKL (viii 15) and convincingly argued recently by u4 24 ba-ta-zal (dated to Šulgi 42.06.24 – Drehem); CUSAS 3, several historians (cf. D. Frayne, RIME 3/2, 285f.; W. Sallaberger, 947: rev. 3 iti ezem má-an-na (Šu-Suen. 09.10.00 – Garšana); ki RLA 13 [2012] 362), then she was Amar-Suen’s daughter, and MVN 15, 323:obv. 1-3 gu4 niga ezem má-an-na unu -šè iti ud 22 Ibbi-Sîn’s aunt. For Waqartum as the wife of the city-governor ba-zal (Šulgi 47.07.22 – Drehem); OIP 115, 30:obv 1-2 1 gu4 niga Urmes, see UET 3, 1383: obv. 1-2 [...] še gur Wa-qar-tum é-gi4-a 2 udu ú má-an-na-šè (Šulgi.36.10.00 – Drehem); SET 59: obv. 6-7 5 ur-mes ensi2 (dated to Ibbi-Sîn 09.04.27). ) 2 udu niga du6-ùr 1 udu niga má-an-na a-rá 3-kam (Amar-Suen Gelb refers to Waqartum in a seal of the official Šulgi-ilī, first 03.01.03 – Drehem). For má-an-na in lexical lists, see Hh IV 293 published by L. Delaporte 1923, No. A 255 (cf. now RIME 2, p. (MSL 5, 176) gišmá-an-na = MIN(=e-lip-pi) da-nim ; SLT [ĝiš] 183, Šulgi 86). The legend on the seal reads as follows: Ba-gàr-tum 146+160:obv. 1 má-an-na. dumu-mí lugal Šul-gi-ì-lí arad-zu “Waqartum the princess – Šulgi- 5: For the very common Ur III PN lugal-nir-ĝál see Limet, ilī, your servant.” Šulgi-ilī was one of the important officials of L’anthroponymie 167 passim; CDLI data base (attested in Lagaš, Drehem, active from ŠS 7 to IS 2. He was responsible for the cult Ur, Drehem and Umma). An official by this name is frequently pertaining to the king, such as e.g. the entry of the king (to the active in Drehem, in the end of Šulgi’s reign; see especially animal temple), the gifts of the king, the voluntary offerings of the king and other deliveries from this person (ki lugal-nir-ĝál-ta mu-DU) etc. (cf. Sigrist, Drehem 334, sub No. 29). Here he appears as a in documents dated to Š 44-48 (cf. e.g. AUCT 1, 655 obv. 4; CST subordinate of Waqartum.6) The PN Wa-qar-tum appears further in 128 obv. 4; BIN 3, 16 obv. 3; CDLJ 2010/1, no. 4.2 obv. 2 pas- a long ration-list (CUSAS 3, 367:obv iii 18 6), but it is not certain sim). Thereafter we find him in documents from Umma from the that it refers to our princess. For the writing of the PN as ba-gàr- years AS 4-7 (cf. TCNU 651 obv. 4; Syracuse 438 rev 1; MS tum, see l. 6 in our tablet above. 1846/1 obv. 3; UTI 4, 2468 obv. 4); ŠS 4-6 (cf. Tavolette 16 rev. 1; TCBI 2/2, 7 obv. 9; TCBI 2/2, 8 rev. 3); and IS 3 (cf. TCL 2, 5542 – Drehem; Zinbun 22, 25 rev. i 46 – Umma). This may indi- cate that our tablet comes from Umma (suggested by Michalowski). Rev. 6: For a discussion of this royal personage see comment to the seal inscription below. For other writings of the fem. PN Waqartum see CAD A/2 209a. For the writing of the PN by the scribe as ba-gàr- tum cf. the seal of the Ur III official Šulgi-ilī, quoted below in the 5 discussion of the seal inscription (Gelb, MAD 3, 59 reads: ) Note that the same document (ll. 5-9) records an allotment of 1 gur Ba-qar- emmer for “Geme-Enlila, the queen,” (Ibbi-Sîn’s wife). For the city-gov- tum). See further the Ur III PN A-h u-ba-gàr (AUCT 1, 754:obv. 5; ernor Ur-mes, see Frayne, RIME 3, p. 277 (governor of Šarrākum/ UET 3, 1683:3); and the ED III PN ba-gàr (RGK 200505201:iii Uru-saĝrig in AS 3-7; cf. Owen, JAOS 108 [1988] 122); RIME 3, p. 345 1-3 dam ba-gàr ab-ba iri; WF 031:ii 4-iii 1 ma-na ba-gàr lú é-sal). (again governor of Šarrākum in ŠS 1-7); ibid. p. 379 (still governor of As M. Stol points out to us, this orthographic irregularity is attested Šarrākum in Ibbi-Sîn 2). 6) This is one of the three preserved seals of Ur III officials, who were subordinates of princesses, depicted in the relevant images as standing before a king, rather before their female superior (see further RIME 2, 4) In general, the cultic activities of royal wives and princesses centered p. 87, Ur-Nammu 53; RIME 2, p. 422, No. 1042; cf. Suter 2008, p. 14, around goddesses and women’s cult festivals (Suter 2008, p. 5). n. 25). 613 VOTIVE INSCRIPTIONS FROM A PRIVATE COLLECTION 614
3. Bulla with Lugaluĝe Seal Impression Dedicated to gu-du-du – Umma – Ibbi-Sîn 1); AAICAB 1/1, pl. 29, 1911- Narām-Sîn 204:rev 2 (kišib3 gu-du-du – Umma – Šu-Sin 9); AAICAB 1/1, pl. 45, 1911-481:rev 9 (ki gu-du-du-ta – Umma – Ibbi-Sîn 1); ASJ 19, The seal impression belongs to the scribe Lugaluĝe, a 228 74:obv ii 1-2 5 sila3 kaš saĝ gu-du-du sukkal (Umma – no servant of Narām-Sîn, king of Akkad. For similar votive date). inscriptions on clay bullae see e.g. D. Frayne, Sargonic and Gutian Periods (RIME 2), pp. 165ff., Nos. 2003 (Šarriš- 5. Irra-qurād Seal Inscription Dedicated to Lugalgudua8) takal dub-sar warassu); 2003; 2008-2009; 2012-2014; 2023. All of these hail from Lagash (=Tello). 1 d!Ìr!-ra-qú-ra-ad Irra-qurād 2 dumu d!Ìr!-ra-ba-ni Son of Irra-bani d ⸢ ⸣ ! [N]a-ra-am- Sîn lugal- ùĝ -ĝe20 d! ki 3 ìr lugal-gú-du8-a servant of Lugalgudua. [l]ugal dub-sar ki Commentary [A-kà]-dè ir11-sú 1: The PN Irra-qurād 9) is quite common in documents from both “Narām-Sîn, king of Akkad, Lugal-uĝe, the scribe, his servant”. the Ur III and OB periods, normally written syllabically without the divine determinative (i.e. Ìr-ra-qú-ra-ad), with one exception.10) In Commentary the Ur III sources this name is attested in over ten documents, from Drehem, Ĝirsu and Nippur, ranging from Šulgi 46 to Ibbi-Sîn 2.11) For the present reading of the scribe’s name as lugal-ùĝ-ĝe20 we are The same name seems to be attested in ca. 30 Ur III documents, indebted to Jakob Andersson and Aage Westenholz (private com- ranging from Šulgi 32 to Šū-Sîn 9 (mainly from Drehem) written munication). For a full documentation and the possible meaning of Ìr-ra-ur-saĝ.12) The most interesting of these documents is de this ED PN see J. Andersson, Kingship in the Early Mesopotamian Genouillac, TCL 5, 6041 (dated to AS 2), which lists, a certain d Onomasticon 2800-2200 BCE, Uppsala 2012, pp. 100; 397 (alter- Šu-eš18-dar, as overseer (ugula) of 2871 workers, and Ìr-ra-ur-saĝ, native writings: lugal-ùĝ-e and lugal-ùĝ-ĝe20-du10). It was carried as overseer of 1144 workers, all citizens of Gudua, who together by a number of different persons of different occupations (including with workers of 6 other neighboring cities are put under the com- a barber and a fisherman) from various cities, during the Sargonic mand of the ensi of Gudua. period. Note especially the seal of an unknown person (his name is The PN (d)Ìr-ra-qú-ra-ad was also common in the OB period. The illegible), son of Lugal-uĝe (written lugal-ùĝ-e) the scribe, from most important person who carried this name seems to be men- Uruk (H. Neumann, AoF 15 [1988] 209-210), who may be identical tioned in a list of silver expenditures from Dēr (Edzard, ed-Dēr, No. to the one with his namesake in our bulla. 117:22), brought to our attention by Stol. The fourth item of Our former reading of the scribe’s name (which cannot be entirely expenditure in this list is dated to the “Year, (when) Irra-qurād excluded) was lugal-é-si. However, the scribe Lugalesi is attested died” ([mu Ì]r-ra-qú-ra-ad ba-[ug7]). With all probability, the ref- only in two Fara documents (cf. TŠŠ Pls. 23-24 X obv. vi 4-6 lugal- erence is to a petty Amorite ruler of a city or district from the 13 é-si dub-sar maškim; WF 33:rev. iii 1-2 lugal-é-si dub-sar aša5; cf. Diyala region. ) See further Simmons, YOS 14, 184, a statement Edzard, SR 24); and in an Ur III document from Umma (Nisaba of loan (dated to Abi-sarē 1), where a certain Ìr-ra-qú-ra-ad is 24 [2009], No. 28 [BM 110122] obv. iii 3; vi 16; pointed out to us listed as a witness (rev. 4); and the Subarian slave sale document by J. Andersson). YOS 13, No. 253 (dated to Ammiditana 13), sealed with the seal of Ipqu-dNa-[bi-um] dumu dÌr-ra-[qú-ra-ad] ìr dNa-bi-[um] (cf. l. 18). Note finally the OB GN Irra-qurādu (RGTC 3, 111), which 4. Gudea Cylinder Seal Dedicated to Šū-Sîn was situated on the banks of the Lagašītum canal, in the vicinity of Lagaš.14) 1 dšu-dsuen Šū-Sîn, 2: The PN Irra-bani is also quite common in the Ur III and OB 2 lugal kalag-ga the mighty king, periods. In the Ur III period, we could find it in eight documents ki from Umma, Drehem and Ĝirsu, ranging from Šulgi 46 to Amar- 3 lugal uri5/ -ma king of Ur, Suen 8.15) For a wealthy person, by the name of Irra-bani in the 4 lugal an-ub/-da limmu2-ba king of the four quarters, 5 gù-dé-a sukkal? Gudea, the secretary, 6 dumu ⸢gu⸣-du-du son of Gu-dudu 8) We are most grateful to Martin Stol for his indispensable contribution ? and critical comments to this part of the article. 7 sukkal lugal-ka the secretary of the king, 9) For the epithet qurādu frequently applied to Irra, see CAD Q 313a. 10 d 8 ìr-zu (is) your servant ) Falkenstein, NSGU no. 130, 13: igi èr-ra-qu6(GÚ)-ra-ad lú kiĝ-ĝi-a lugal. Note that the only attestation of this PN in an OAkk. document from Ešnuna is uncertain (cf. MAD 1, No. 179, 11: šu Ìr-ra?-u[r?-saĝ?]). Commentary7) 11 ) For the earliest attestation cf. MVN 13, 512:obv. ii 12: 2 udu kišib3 5: For an ensi of Lagaš by the name gù-dé-a, see Šū-Sîn 2003 Ìr-ra-qú-ra-ad (Drehem – Š46); for the latest attestation cf. NATN 268: obv 17 (Nippur – IS 2). (RIME 3, p. 348). Here we deal with another person, probably car- 12) For the earliest attestation cf. the seal inscription PDT 499:1-3: túl- rying the title sukkal; the present form of the sign following his áb má-laḫ 5 dumu Ir-ra-ur-saĝ (Ešnuna – Š 32); for the latest attestation cf. name seems to be a mirror image of sukkal (cf. Labat 321; Mit- PPAC 4, 119:obv 4-5 (Drehem – ŠS 9). Note, however, that Ìr-ra-ur-saĝ termayer 196 sub LUH}). could alternatively be read Ìr-ra-qarrād! 13 6: For the PN Gu-dudu see Limet, L’anthroponymie 424 (index), ) The Year Names of the “PN ba-ug7” formula are peculiar to the attested in Umma, Nippur and Drehem (an “ésotérique” name). Cf. Diyala region (attested in Kazallu, Tutub, Ešnuna, Neribtum, Šaduppum, Khafaje, Kisurra and Tell Dhiba’i). The individuals mentioned in these lú-ĝi6-a-du-du (=ḫā’iṭu) “watchman” (lit. “night walker”); see Sjö- berg, Studies Limet 124, n. 4. CDLI search refers to 541 occur- formulae are always foreigners, i.e. kings of neighboring cities and regions (cf. Edzard, ZZB 139, with n. 736; Harris, JCS 9 [1955] 46f.). rences of this PN. E.g. AAICAB 1/1, pl. 28, 1911-206:obv 4 (kišib3 14) The single certain reference to this GN is TIM 2, 3:23, where it is written as uruìr-ra-UR.SAG. 15) For the earliest attestation cf. CHEU 69 : 2 (Umma – Š 46); for the 7) For physical description see C 4 below. latest attestation cf. TAD 62:1 (Drehem – AS 8). 615 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXX N° 5-6, september-december 2013 616 early OB period, who acts as a buyer of real estate in numerous 7. Agate Bead Fragment transactions, see especially Simmons, YOS 14, Nos. 112:2, 11, 20 (dated to Sumu-Ditāna); 127:3 (dated to Sumu-atar); 130:2 (dated For a physical description of this agate bead fragment see Sumu-la-el 22); 150:7 (date unknown); and 186:12 (dated to Abi- C 7 below. Most likely, the bead is to be dated to the end of sarē 2 and sealed by the seal of Irra-bani).16) the Ur III or the early OB period (see commentary below).20) 3: For the god Lugal-Gudua see M. Stol, RLA 7, 140f. s.v. This god, who was a manifestation of Nergal/Irra and Meslamtaea, is Tentative Reconstruction: attested in Ur III texts (mainly from Drehem) in offering lists at least 11 times; and a biannual festival dedicated to him in Nippur [db]a?-ú can be observed for the years Š 44-Š 47.17) Also Early OB kings [nin-a]-⸢ni⸣-ir? ? d⸢ ⸣? ? (e.g. Rim-Sin of Larsa) offer to him. Stol (ibid.) points out, that the [geme2/ìr-R]i -im- EN .Z[U] epithet “Servant-of-Lugalgudua” is attested in no less than 20 OB [dumu x x] x ugula dam-gàr cylinder seal inscriptions, mainly from Dilbat, Sippar, Larsa , indi- [a mu-n]a-ru cating that this deity was a rather popular “Familiengott.” In addi- “For [Ba]u, her/his [mistress], [Geme/Ir-R]im-Sin, [son/ tion to the list of these seal inscriptions given by Stol (ibid.), he daughter of PN], the overseer of the merchants, dedicated (this kindly refers us to a serpentine cylinder seal from the British bead).” Museum (Collon 1986, No. 161), with a representation virtually identical to that of our seal, containing the following inscription: d d Commentary: Ìr-ra-ga-mi-il dumu pù-zur8- mar-dú ìr lugal-gú-du8-a. Hence, our seal inscription is clearly to be dated to the OB period.18) It is inter- The closest epigraphic parallel to this bead seems to be the Ur III esting to note that out of the 20 persons, who refer to themselves as agate eyestone, Ibbi-Sîn 2004 (RIME 3/2, p. 382): dba-ú nin-a-ni- d d d ki “servant of Lugal-Gudua,” two own names containing the theo- ir nam-ti I-bí- Sîn-ka-šè ʾà-ma-an-ì-lí dam ír- nanna ensi2 lagaš - ! ! phoric element Irra: Irra-qurād and Irra-gāmil. One other such seal ka -ke4 a mu-na-ru. See also the flat agate bead Šulgi 66 (CBS owner is named Ilī-iqriba, son of Dān-Irra (VS 7, No. 22). In con- 8598; BE 1/1, No. 15; RIME 2, 170f.): dinana / nin-a-ni / nam-ti / trast, a provisional survey indicates that out of a total of 20 or so šul-gi / nita kala-ga / lugal uriki-ma-ka-šè / SI.A-tum / ⸢ama⸣?-[tu- seal owners who refer to themselves as “servant of Nergal”, close da]-⸢ni⸣? / [a mu-na-ru]?;21) Amar-Suen 2009 (RIME 3/2, p. 284): 19 d d d ki to 50 percent own names with the theophoric element Nergal. ) lamma nin-a-ni-ir nam-ti amar- suen lugal kala-ga lugal uri5 - d d ma-ka-šè ḫa-la- ba-ú dam ur- lamma dub-sar-ke4 a mu-na-ru (a brown-white agate bead); Ibbi-Sîn 5 (RIME 3/2, p. 374): dnanna 6. Ir-Nintu Cylinder Seal lugal-a-ni-ir dI-bí-dSîn dingir kalam!(UN)-ma-na lugal kala-ga ki lugal uri5 -ma lugal an-ub-da limmu2-ba-ke4 nam-ti-la-ni-šè a mu- 1 ìr-dnin-tu Ir-Nintu, na-ru (agate bead). 2 ìr ša-ì!?-lí?-šu servant of Ša-ilišu, 1-2: The present tentative reconstruction of these lines assumes that this bead was dedicated to the goddess Bau. Alternative, less prob- d ? ? ? Commentary able, reconstructions could be: [ur/lú- ba ]-ú / [lug]al -ni “For [Ur-/Lu-Ba]u, his [master]...”; or [geme?-dba?]-ú [dam-a]-ni-ir? 1: We could not find a documentation for the PN ìr-dnin-tu in the “For [Geme-Ba]u his [wife]...” For the above three Ur III PNs see early periods. See however the Ur III PNs, listed in Limet, Limet, L’anthroponymie 414; 45f.; and 538 respectively. Note that d d d d d L’antropnymie 419ff., geme2- nin-tu, lú- nin-tu, ur- nin-tu (all Lú- Ba-ú and Ur- Ba-ú were the names of two rulers in ED Lagaš; attested in Lagaš and Umma). however, if our bead comes from the ED III period, we would 2: For the tentatively read PN Ša-ì!?-lí?-šu see the Ur III PN Ša-ì-lí, expect it to be followed by the defective writing lugal-a-ni (without found over ten times in documents from Ĝirsu (see BDTNS data- the apocopated dative suffix -ir), which is the standard form in base). It appears under the titles lú-kas4 “messenger” (DAS 169:6; votive inscriptions from the ED III period down to the Ur III TCTI 1, :728 rev. i 19; TCTI 2, 4158:26; McNeil, Messenger period.22) The apocopated form -ni-ir becomes standard in Ur III Texts 1970, no. 538:12); aga3-ús-gal “chief constable”(RTC royal inscriptions beginning from Amar-Suen, and continues 377:17); sukkal (RA 19, 42: 88, 15); and šár-ra-ab-du (MVN 5, through the OB and Cassite periods. 235:39). If our reading of this PN is correct and Ša-ì-lí-šu is a full 3: If the highly tentative restoration of the PN in this line is cor- form of the common Ša-ì-lí, the superior of the seal owner must rect, this bead must have come from the time of Rim-Sin of Larsa. have been the person who held the title sukkal or šár-ra-ab-du. Note, however, that all theophoric names from the time of this Another, less likely possibility is, to read this line ìr ša ì!?-lí?-šu king begin with the RN Rīm-Sîn; eg. Rīm-Sîn-mudammiq etc. “servant of his god,” assuming that it contains a pietistic title of (see RLA 11 [2007] 370f. sub 4.2). For two other Ur III PNs with the seal owner. the syllables ri-im see geme2-ri-im-ì-lí (OrAnt 17, 42:11 – Šulgi 33); and e-ri-im-dda-gan (= Irīm-Dagan?; PDT 1, 340 rev. 2 – Drehem). 16) For this PN see further Faust, YOS 8, 81:18 (witness in a real estate sale document); UET 5, 357:4 (creditor in a interest loan document). 17) Cf. W. Sallaberger, Der kultische Kalender in der Ur III-Zeit I, Berlin 1993, pp. 225f. 18) Note that this “ìr DN” type formula is attested in many other OB 20) Note that the shaded strakes in the copy represent the brown streaks. seals, with a great variety of other divine names; see e.g. Faust, YOS 8, Contrary to the copy, the writing is more visible on the brown streaks than No. 6, seal A passim; Finkelstein, YOS 13, No. 16 passim. For a discussion on the white streaks. of these type of seals see also D. Charpin, Archives familiales et propriété 21) Note that this Ur III votive bead was re-used by Kurigalzu: Its privée en Babylonie ancienne: Étude des documentes de “Tell Sifr”, Paris reverse is inscribed with an Akk. inscription of this king with dedication to 1980, pp. 381ff. Ninlil (BE 1/1, No. 43). Close to 50 votive artifacts, made of precious 19) The following such seals contain names with Irra-: Meek, AJSL 33 stones (agate, lapis lazuli etc.) were published by Hilprecht in the above (1916-17) 243 RFH 39; YOS 13 p. 91 no. 404; Gautier, Dilbat no. 21 volume (cf. Nos. 28ff.). All of these come from the Kassite period, except cachet 2; ARN p. 82 Ni 1997 (BE 6/2 62); Baghd. Mitt. 19 (1988) 516 no. for CBS 8598 obverse (quoted above). 31; VAS 13 79 seal impr. A.1 and B.2; Newell Collection 237; Anbar, IOS 22) See e.g. Enannatum I 19, 9-12; Uruinimgina 13, 4; Lugalkisalsi of 6 (1976) 63-4; AUCT IV 86. For similar seals containing names without Uruk 1, 10′; Lugalzagesi of Uruk 1, iii 8; FAOS 5/1, Ean 66; FAOS 7, 74 the element Irra- see RT 31 (1909) 133; Catalogue VAR 339; van Buren 7′; Ur-Bau 2:2 (lugal-a-ni); GudStat A i 4 passim (nin-a-ni); Gudea Stat. in Coll. Ugo Sissa 254; Faust, YOS 8, Nos. 203 j; 243a; 416. For this B vii 33; Ur-Nammu 4:2 (lugal-a-ni) passim; 7:2 (nin-a-ni) passim; Šulgi information and most of the relevant references we are indebted to M. Stol. 1:2 (lugal-a-ni) passim; 4:2 (nin-a-ni) passim. 617 VOTIVE INSCRIPTIONS FROM A PRIVATE COLLECTION 618
4: According to Steinkeller,23) the pre-Sargonic title is gal-dam- 5: For the “a mu-na-ru” formula in our bead see the Ur III agate gàr. Although ugula-dam-gàr is attested once in the Sargonic artifacts cited above. For a recent typological study of this formula period,24) and 3 times in Ur III texts,25) it is mainly an OB title in the votive inscriptions of the third millennium BCE, see Klein (Akk. wakil tamkāri).26) It may be identical to the Ur III title dam- 2010, pp. 175-177. gàr-10.
B. FIGURES27)
Fig. 1. Zambīya Nail
Fig. 2a. Waqartum Tablet
23) Sale Documents of the Ur-III-Period, Stuttgart 1989, p. 175, com- 26) For detailed discussions of the wakil tamkāri in the OB period see ment to No. 7, ll. 8-9 sub dam-gàr-10). Leemans, The Old Babylonian Merchant 69-77; 81-90, 94-95, 100-106; 24) BIN 8, 166:16; cf. Edzard, SR No. 103:15-16 – listed at the head of K.R. Veenhof, JEOL 30 (1987-88), pp. 32-37; D. Charpin, NABU 1990, 6 witnesses in a legal document. No. 9. 25) Nik. 2, 447:27; MVN 6, 395 (Lagaš); and JCS 38 (1986) 77, 27) Copies of the Zambiya nail (Fig. 1), the Waqartum tablet (Fig. 2b), No. 37:3A (the latter is a šu ba-ti requisition of unknown provenance “on the Waqartum seal (Fig. 2c), and the agate bead (Fig. 7) were made by behalf of the overseer of the merchants Tūram-ilī” [mu Tu-ra-am-ì-lí ugula Klein. All photographs, except Fig. 3, were taken by Brenner. Photographs dam-gàr-šè], dated to Šū-Sîn 5). in Fig. 3 were taken by Itai Belson, Photography Section, Weizmann Institute. The copy of the Narām-Sîn bulla (fig. 3) was drawn by Rodica Penchas. 619 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXX N° 5-6, september-december 2013 620
Fig. 2b. Waqartum Tablet
Fig. 2c. Waqartum Seal
Fig. 3. Lugaluĝe Seal Impression 621 VOTIVE INSCRIPTIONS FROM A PRIVATE COLLECTION 622
Fig. 4a. Gudea Cylinder Seal
Fig. 4b. Impression of a lapis lazuli seal from Ur (Wooley 1934, No. 295)
Fig. 5. Irra-qurād Cylinder Seal
Fig. 6. Ir-Nintu Cylinder Seal 623 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXX N° 5-6, september-december 2013 624
Fig. 7. Agate Bead
C. ICONOGRAPHY (Ori Brenner)28) 2008 p. 14-16). The garment, hairstyle and arm gestures of Waqartum on our seal are typical of royal women in Ur III 1. Zambīya Nail Head impressions. They are the same as those of Me-Ištaran and Anaya, who also stand before Šu-Suen with an extended For the physical description of this nail head see A 1 right arm (Suter 2008 p.13-15). above. 3. Bulla with Lugaluĝe Seal Impression Dedicated to 2. Waqartum Seal Impression Narām-Sîn The seal was impressed (at a right angle to the writing) all The bulla is made of unbaked light brown-reddish clay over the surface of the tablet in a manner which emphasizes and measures 72x55x31 mm. It bears three impressions of an the inscription at the expense of the image. This way of seal- Akkadian cylinder seal. The seal was impressed once over ing is commonly found in ancient impressions from the the entire length of each side and its middle portion was Ur III period (Winter 1987 p. 85 and Suter 2008 p. 3). Tracks rolled once over the top. The heads of the contestants are not from the caps of the seal are present on the obverse and less preserved. In the most complete impression, the head of the conspicuously on the reverse. David Owen points out to us nude hero combating the lion can be barely made out. In this that the tablet was sealed before it was inscribed. area, his height is 36mm. Neither side of the bulla contains The seal shows two figures — a standing female facing a the entire length of the impression. On one side the full width seated male. The depiction of the figures is typical of an of the 6-line inscription panel is present together with 3 of Ur III presentation scene in front of a deified king.29) This the 4 contestants. On the opposite side, the 4 contestants type of presentation scene appears to have been limited to the flanked by edges of the inscription panel are present.31) highest ranks of court personnel (Winter 1987). It is believed Impressions of fingerprints are found near the two string that the figure of the deified king represents the king men- holes and in several places around the base. tioned in the inscription (Winter 1987 p.74). Hence, it stands The impression on the underside of the bulla shows a to reason that the presentee standing before him represents woven zigzag pattern, consistent with bullae used as seals on the seal owner (Suter 2008 p. 11-12). This assumption is cor- baskets or containers made of reed mats (Rohn 2011, p.149- roborated, among other, by a good correlation between the 150). A similar pattern is shown in Rohn 2011, No. 75c and gender of the seal owner and the presentee, a feature which 78b and described in Buchanan 1981, No. 427 (a bulla of is evident also in our seal. It is thought that seals with only similar shape). two figures, as here, i.e. where the deified king and the indi- The bulla depicts a typical Akkadian contest scene (Frank- vidual are shown without the interceding goddess, indicate a fort 1939, p. 83-91; Porada 1948, p. 22; Boehmer 1965, higher status of the presentee by suggesting direct access to p. 34-46; Collon 1982, p. 37-38; Collon 1987, p. 193-197) the king (Winter 1987 p. 76). and an inscription within a panel. The scene comprises four Suter compiled 20 Ur III seal images that depict women figures, divided into two pairs of contestants facing each not identified as high priestesses.30) These include ancient other. Each pair includes a nude hero and an animal. In one impressions of four royal concubines and three governors’ pair the nude hero stabs with his right arm the ventral chest wives, all depicting audiences and presentation scenes (Suter of an erect lion. The elbow of his left arm points upwards,
28) We are most grateful to Claudia E. Suter for critical review of this 31) The width of the inscription panel is 21 mm and that of the field part of the article; and to Tallay Ornan for useful comments and references. with the two pairs of contestants 49 mm. This suggests a circumference of We are also grateful to Robert Deutsch, for generously allowing us to use 70 mm. Based on these measurements, the approximate size of the cylinder his archaeological library. seal must have been ca. 38 x 22 mm. These dimensions fall within the 29) Also referred to as a royal presentation scene (Winter 1986), or an higher end of the range of extant Akkadian seals depicting a contest scene audience (Fischer 1997 p. 110). (cf. e.g. Collon 1982 Nos. 3, 6, 10, 13, 20, 29, 31, 32, 33, 88, 97, 99, 108, 30) Priestesses can be identified by their hairstyle, attire or the inscrip- 114, 115; this list includes seals with a height of 3.6-3.9 cm and a diameter tion (Suter 2007). of 2.2-2.48 cm). 625 VOTIVE INSCRIPTIONS FROM A PRIVATE COLLECTION 626 producing the typical lozenge-shaped “Akkadian grasp” 900) and in two (Nos. 224 and 445) the title is unclear. Five (Porada, vol. 1, p. 22; Boehmer 1965, p. 9). In the second of these bullae are from Girsu (Nos. 193, 217, 219, 220, 223 pair, the nude hero holds with his right arm the fetlock of a and 445), two are from Tel Brak (Nos. 218 and 224), one rearing bovid. His left arm is barely preserved but appears to from Tel Mozan (No. 216), one from Adab (No. 225) and assume the same lozenge-shaped position. two are of unknown provenance (Nos. 221 and 900). Many The iconography is typical of mature Akkadian style of these bullae are fragmentary. Our bulla resembles most (Frankfort 1939, p. 85-91; Porada 1948, p. 22; Collon 1987, closely in its shape and state of preservation No. 900 in p. 32; 193-197; Rohn 2011, p. 38). Boehmer classifies this Rohn’s list — a jar sealing in the Jeanette and Jonathan stage as Akkadian III and dates it to the reign of Narām-Sîn Rosen collection (Aruz 2003, No. 134)38). Of the bullae with and his successors (Boehmer 1965, p. 34; Rohn 2011, pp. 9; Narām-Sin’s name that are preserved well enough to allow 38). In this period, Akkadian glyptic art reached its apogee analysis of the composition of the contest scene, seven depict (Boehmer 1965, p. 41). The images are composed of figures two pairs of combatants (Nos. 193, 216-221). In three of depicted in a highly naturalistic manner (Boehmer 1965, these, both pairs include a nude hero, as in the current bulla ibid.). The stylistic features of this style, which are relevant (Nos. 193, 220 and 221). This analysis demonstrates that to our bulla include: a scene composed of four contestants the contest scene in our bulla falls well within the range of (this composition accounts for the majority of seals in this published parallels and indeed may be considered typical. period), the prominent role of the nude hero, the line (“fold”) on the nude hero’s abdomen, the depiction of the lion with 4. Gudea Cylinder Seal dedicated to Šū-Sîn its head in profile, the maintenance of isocephaly (i.e. the figures’ eyes are at the same level) and the harmonious inte- This is a cylinder seal made of green stone, probably chlo- gration of an inscription within a panel into the design (Boe- rite. Size: 32x19mm. The engraving is of very high quality hmer 1965, p. 34-46). and the overall preservation is very good. Stereomicroscopic The bovid on this bulla may be a bull or a water buffalo32). examination shows even wear to the edges of the engraved The former, characterized by short horns pointing upwards surface. Surface wear is most notable in the central area of and shown frontally, was only rarely used in contest scenes in the inscription, where the lines are very shallow.39) Com- the mature Akkadian style33) while the latter was the most puted tomographic (CT) examination demonstrated that the commonly depicted ungulate at this time (Porada, vol. 1, central hole was bored from both sides and is composed of p. 22; Boehmer 1965, pp. 35; 44). The most prominent char- two imperfectly aligned funnels.40) acteristic of the water buffalo is its massive horns, shown from The current cylinder seal contains an 8-line inscription above (Collon 1987, p. 187). In erect bulls with heads bent panel and a standard Ur III presentation scene (cf. Colon backwards, the horns usually reach the lower chest, just behind 1982, p. 145; Collon 1987, p. 36; Fischer 1997, pp. 110- the shoulder (e.g. Boehmer 1965, No. 165, 166, 169, 178, 180, 114) with several less common details. It depicts the main 181, 183, 191, 192 etc.). In this bulla, the head and front chest goddess wearing a flounced dress and a multiple-horned are damaged and traces of horns could not be identified. crown seated on a box-like throne which stands on a dais (cf. Despite this, parallel seals suggest that it is possible that this Collon 1982, p. 146; Collon 1987, No. 115-7). The main bovid was a water buffalo, assuming that the damage to the goddess is approached by a lesser goddess wearing similar forepart of the animal extended to the very tips of the horns. attire, and leading with her left hand a clean-shaven worship- The modeling of the contestants’ bodies is very well made per wearing a fringed garment. The arm gestures of the par- indicating work of high quality, as expected from a seal of a ticipants are typical (Winter 1986, p. 254). Both goddesses court official. wear a similar type of necklace seen as approximately 5 par- Rohn lists ca. 78 inscribed late Akkadian bullae depicting allel lines which diminish in their length towards the head. a contest scene (cf. section 10.1.5; and No. 900)34). Of these, This suggests a broad necklace composed of multiple rings 12 bear an inscription that includes the name Narām-Sîn coiled around the base of the neck. Bracelets are seen on (Nos. 193, 216-218, 219,35) 220-221, 223-225, 445 and both arms of the leading goddess and on the outstretched 900).36) The following analysis refers to this group: In four right arm of the main goddess. A standard with a lion is bullae, Narām-Sîn is entitled king (Nos. 193; 216; 221; and shown between the main and the leading goddesses. 225),37) in six — his title is god (Nos. 217-220, 223, and A presentation scene before a seated deity was the most common motif on cylinder seals during the Ur III period (Frankfort 1939, p. 143; Collon 1982, p. 129; Winter 1986, 41 32) The smooth coat would be inconsistent with the naturalistic depic- p. 254; Collon 1987, p. 36) ). Chlorite was the most com- tion of a bison in Akkadian III style (Boehmer 1965, p. 36). monly used stone for cylinder seals in this time (Collon 33) Examples of seals and bullae in mature Akkadian style depicting bulls are listed in Boehmer 1965, p. 44. 34) They come mainly from Girsu (25), Tell Brak (14), Adab (6), Nip- pur (5) and Tel Mozan (4). 38) Rohn classifies this bulla as dubious, however, in line with Aruz 35) A king’s name is not written but the title suggests Narām-Sîn (Rohn 2003 we include it in the above list. p. 115 footnote 988). 39) For a similar pattern of wear see e.g. Buchanan 1981, No. 562. 36) Narām-Sin’s name appears on 4 additional bullae together with other 40) For a discussion of drilling of cylinder seals see Gorelick 1978. The motifs (Nos. 486; 566; 580; 641). Rohn lists only one cylinder seal with diameter of the conical holes in this seal is: 4.5 mm at the top and 3.7 mm an inscription naming Narām-Sîn in (No. 222 = Keel-Leu 1996, No. 66 = at the bottom for the longer funnel and 4.4 mm at the top and 3.4 mm at Collon 1987, No. 528). The seal, known as the “Sarre seal” shows a con- the bottom for the shorter. The drill holes in this period are narrower than test scene of two antithetical pairs, each composed of a lion and a water in the preceding Akkadian period, possibly due to a technical development buffalo. (Collon 1982, p. 130). 37) Boehmer 1965 lists one more bulla, in which the king’s name has 41) The subject seems to have been introduced in the preceding, Akka- not been preserved, which could possibly belong to the period when dian period (Frankfort 1939, p. 143; Winter 1986, p. 254; Collon 1987, Narām-Sîn was entitled king (Boehmer 1965, No. 567 = Rohn 228). p. 32). CT examination, courtsey of Dr. Inbal Biton, Weizmann Institute. 627 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXX N° 5-6, september-december 2013 628
1982, p. 14; Collon 1987, p. 35).42) The size of our seal is in No. 279-288).50) This type of throne is seen in a significant the high end of the range of dimensions typical for this number of seal impressions on Ur III tablets51) and cylinder period.43) seals.52) In Ur III seals, it is rare for the two goddesses to wear Regarding the relationship between the inscription and the flounced dresses with multiple-horned headdresses, as here scene, Winter discusses a group of Ur III cylinder seals (Collon 1982, p. 130-131; Collon 1987, pp. 36-37).44) where an inscription including a royal name is used together A pair of goddesses with this attire are depicted on a tab- with a presentation scene in front of a deified king.53) As let sealing of Nin-ḫilia (Suter 2008, No. 64) and on a high pointed out above regarding the seal of Waqartum, this com- quality seal excavated by Wooley in Ur (Wooley 1934, bination is the most common one and characterizes a group No. 295, Ur 17904; see above Fig. 4b). Additional similari- of seals that were apparently “restricted to a class of high ties shared by these two seals and our seal include the type public officials ranking just below the king in the administra- of throne (similar in all three), the presence of a lion (Nin- tive hierarchy” (Winter 1987, p. 70). Exceptions to this spe- ḫilia and our seal) and the fact that both goddesses wear cific pairing of inscription formula and type of presentation necklaces (Ur No. 295 and our seal)45). This type of neck- scene exist (Winter ibid., p. 76, n. 27), but the reasons for laces can be seen in several other Ur III cylinder seals with selecting a certain type of scene, aesthetic or otherwise, are a presentation scene.46) In other media, the broad and tightly unknown. Based on this information, our seal can be classi- coiled type of necklace is considered part of the typical attire fied in the less common group where an ìr-zu type inscrip- of a goddess in the Ur III and Old Babylonian periods.47) tion of a high court official does not appear in conjunction Regarding bracelets, Collon states that they can be seen on with a presentation scene in front of a deified king. occasion on all figures (Collon 1982, p. 131). In summary, analysis of the workmanship, iconography In our seal, a lion topped pole (cf. Buchanan 1981, p. 226) and physical properties of this seal indicates a high quality appears in front of the main deity, replacing the lunar cres- object, in keeping with the inscription identifying it as the cent and/or sun disk which are far more common in this posi- seal of a high court official. The seal employs one of the tion in Ur III seals. Similar lion standards are found in sev- standard variations of Ur III presentation scenes but includes eral seal impressions on Ur III tablets.48) several less common features — the attire of the goddesses, The lion is encountered in heraldic compositions from their jewelry and the lion standard. Excavated parallels attest early history. In the Akkadian period it is used as a divine to the use of these iconographic details in the same period. attribute and on standards. In Ur III and Isin periods it can be found as an attribute of princes, a bearer of standards and 5. Irra-qurād Seal Inscription Dedicated to Lugalgudua a guardian of gates (Seidl 1989, pp. 138-139). It is an attrib- ute of warrior deities such as Ninĝirsu (Fischer 1997, p. 117; This seal is made of hematite, measuring 23x11mm. It Suter 2000, p. 64) or Šara of Umma (Suter 2008, p. 15), and shows two standing figures facing each other — a suppliant is the most common type of standard at Umma (Mayr, 1997 goddess (Lama) and the god with a mace (Udug), followed p. 84). The significance of the lion standard on our seal is by a three-line inscription within a panel (cf. Porada 1948, unclear.49) p. 51, Nos. 427-462).54) The engraving is of average quality The throne in our seal is one of several well-known types and, with the exception of a few small chips, the preservation used in the Ur III period (Collon 1987, p. 36). It is a con- is very good. struction of three vertical supports topped by a cross-piece, Hematite was by far the most popular stone in the Old resembling in its shape a shrine (Porada 1948, p. 35; and Babylonian period (Collon 1987 p. 44). The dimensions of the seal fall well within the typical range (Porada 1948, p. 52-54). This scene is a simplified and conventionalized form of the presentation scene, omitting the main god and 42) Another green stone used to a far lesser degree in this period is the presentee. It was common from the 18th century BCE termed “green facies” by Collon (1982, p. 12). (Frankfort 1939, p. 150; Collon 1987, pp. 45; 170, No. 166; 43) The majority of Ur III cylinder seals with a presentation scene in the 55 collection of the British Museum are smaller (Collon 1982, Nos. 366-428). 193; Braun-Holzinger 1996, pp. 238; 268). ) The relatively 44) It is more common for the main goddess to wear a flounced robe large amount of space left for the inscription is a common and a crown with a single pair of horns (Collon 1987, p. 36). feature of this period (Braun-Holzinger 1996, p. 261). While 45) Necklaces appear to be uncommon on Ur III goddesses on cylinder seals, as evidenced by their nearly complete absence in the collection of the British Museum, (Collon 1982, p. 131). 46) See e.g. Porada 1948, No. 277; Parrot 1960, No. 313; Buchanan 50) Alternative designations include altar throne (Buchanan 1981, 1981, No. 628; Collon 1982, No. 470; Aruz 2003, No. 320. p. 230, No. 608) and architectural façade throne (Winter 1987). 47) See Seidl 2003, p. 48; Braun-Holzinger 1991, p. 361. The tall and 51) Cf. Buchanan 1981, Nos. 603 (not dated); 608 (Šulgi 47); 615 (mid- tightly coiled necklace is worn by goddesses, priestesses and ordinary Šulgi); 616 (Amar-Suen 9); 626 (Amar-Suesn 8); and 640 (Šulgi 43), women (court ladies) shown in plaques, reliefs and sculptures from Ur III including the four seals with a lion standard listed above (Buchanan 1981, and the Old Babylonian periods (Parrot 1960, Nos. 272, 281, 287, 296, Nos. 601, 618-620). 358b, 366, 368, and 371), and in the paintings from Mari (Parrot 1960, No. 52) Cf. e.g. Buchanan 1981, Nos. 562, 581 and 595; Parrot 1960, 348). No. 312; Collon 1987, No. 117; Woolley 1934, No. 295. 48) Cf. Buchanan 1981, Nos. 601 (ŠS 2); 618 (Šulgi 34); 619 (Šulgi 53) In Appendix 1, Winter lists 29 inscriptions of high officials from the 40); and 620 (Šulgi 45); Keel-Leu 1996, No. 97). Of these lion standards, reign of Šu-Sin, which employ an extended royal name formula together Buchanan No. 601 and Keel-Leu No. 97 are similar to our seal in the shape with a presentation scene to a deified king. of the lion, the details of the rectangular object it stands on and the height 54) For the inscription see A5 above. of the standard. 55) From the large number of seals showing the udug/šēdu and lama/ 49) For a discussion of standards, see Mayr 1997 p. 84-86. For a discus- lamassu pair, Braun-Holzinger deduces a production sequence whereby the sion of the possible significance of lions flanking thrones on seal impres- seals were first engraved with this standard scene to which later an inscrip- sions depicting presentation to a deified king, see Winter 1986, pp. 259- tion and, in some cases, additional figures were added (Braun-Holzinger 260. 1996, p. 268). 629 VOTIVE INSCRIPTIONS FROM A PRIVATE COLLECTION 630 the female figure is clearly a goddess, as indicated by her and once held by the small enthroned god, thereby identify- horned crown, there is a debate whether the male figure, ing it as the storm-god.60) The fork and the nude woman which appears for the first time in the Old Babylonian period occur often together, as in this seal (Frankfort XXVIIIb; (Braun-Holzinger 1996, p. 249), is a god, a king, or a “god- Porada 493; 503-6; 510f.). Regarding the remaining scat- king” (Wiggermann 1985-1986, p. 23). Wiggermann sup- tered motifs — a lunar crescent with or without a sun disk is plies textual and iconographic evidence to support identifica- probably the most common element in this type of seals.61) tion of the female and male figures as lama/lamassu and The star as an element in the field can be seen in several udug/šēdu spirit, respectively. Both are minor gods, statues examples (Porada 1948, Nos. 304, 331, 382, 388, 390, 413 of which are believed to have been placed in the doorways 427). A coherent interpretation of the scene as a whole and of temples, where they may have performed an introductory its relationship to the inscription is not evident. Generally, function. The possible rationale for the popularity of this views on the interpretation of Old Babylonian seals seem to image is that “for the supplicant, the seal bearer, seeking vary widely. While in certain seals, some investigators can good relations with his lord, the support of a favourable discern a correspondence between the god named in the udug and lamma is extremely important” (Wiggermann, inscription and the motifs shown, others find that the rela- ibid., pp. 25f.).56) tionship between the different juxtapositions of gods are dif- ficult to interpret and to relate to the inscriptions and sym- 6. Ir-Nintu Cylinder Seal bols accompanying them (Collon 1987, p. 167-170; Braun-Holzinger 1996, pp. 237; 264-265). This seal is also made of hematite, measuring 23x13 mm. It depicts three large figures, a small, seated figure, several 7. Agate Bead Fragment scattered motifs and a two-line inscription within a panel. The large figures are a suppliant goddess and the god with a This item is a fragment of a barrel shaped agate bead with mace facing each other and a nude female shown frontally. wide brown streaks and narrow white streaks, bored length- Between the former two there is a small, seated god facing wise. The bead was severed (or broken), with about a half or left, wearing a multi-horned crown and holding a double- one-third of the right side of it preserved. It measures ca. tongued fork. Above him there is a disc and a crescent 13 mm in length, and its maximal diameter is ca. 12 mm. emblem. Between the nude woman and the god with a mace The right edge of the bead (5 mm diameter) seems to end there are a ball and staff, a vessel, and an unidentified ele- with a tapering crest. The votive inscription consists of ment at the top. Between the suppliant goddess and the 5 lines aligned parallel to the drilled hole and occupying inscription there is a star and a large double-tongued fork. approximately 50% of the surface. The engraving is of good but unremarkable quality. The seal Braun-Holzinger has compiled a catalogue of inscribed shows a fair amount of overall wear and its edges are beads made of precious materials, including agate, from the chipped, especially at the top. Early Dynastic to the Old Babylonian periods. The listed For material and size, as well as for the significance of the beads are all either unprovenanced or were found in archeo- lama/lamassu and udug/šēdu spirit pair, see the comment on logical excavations in a temple context. No inscribed beads the preceding item. In Old Babylonian seals, this pair is often have been found in private burials, suggesting that the use of accompanied by the naked woman, a figure, which like the these objects was votive. Based on their shape, which over- udug/šēdu makes its appearance for the first time in this laps in most cases that of beads used for personal ornament, period (Braun-Holzinger 1996, pp. 249; 252). The nude Braun-Holzinger concludes that most inscribed stone beads female has long resisted attempts to classify her. Wiggerman were originally items of personal jewelry which were tentatively identifies her as baštu, translated as “dignity per- inscribed at some point and dedicated to the gods. The sonified as a protective spirit” (Wiggermann 1985-1986, p. inscriptions in the ED-OB periods are usually in Sumerian 28). Collon dates her to the period from the late 19th century and in cylindrical objects, with the writing most often aligned to the middle of the 18th century and notes that a ball and in parallel to the drilled hole. The number of extant beads is staff and a ‘pot’ (Porada’s ‘vessel’) are frequently found not large.62) beside her, as here (Collon 1987, p. 167-170; Porada 1948, No. 386, 476, 494)57). The triple or double-tongued fork rep- resenting a lightning is an attribute of the weather god Adad D. BIBLIOGRAPHY (Frankfort 1939, p. 163, Seidl 1989, pp. 103-106; 233; Braun-Holzinger 1996, p. 242).58) It may be held by a stand- Aruz, J. (ed.) 2003: Art of the First Cities, New Haven and London ing or a seated god or appear as a free-floating element in the Black MV: H.D. Baker, E. Robson, and G. Zólyomi (eds.), Your field.59) In our seal it appears once as a free-floating element Praise is Sweet: A Memorial Volume for Jeremy Black from Students, Colleagues and Friends, London 2010 Boehmer, R.M. 1965: Die Entwicklung der Glyptik während der Akkad-Zeit, Berlin 56) For a discussion of the possible derivation of the ‘figure with the mace’ from Ur III prototypes, see C. Suter, “Ur III Kings in Images: a Reappraisal,” In: Black MV, pp. 343-346. 57) These elements, however, are very common also in seals with other 60) According to Braun-Holzinger 1996, the weather god is very rarely figures (Porada 1948, Nos. 329, 335-7, 342, 347, 406 passim). shown enthroned (p. 274; and plates 23-26). 58) The lightning is used as a regular attribute of the weather god from 61) See Porada 1948, Nos. 315, 317, 328, 331, 333, 335-8, 340, 356, the Old Babylonian period (Braun-Holzinger 1996, pp. 238; 274; Seidl 357, 381, 405 passim (for the crescent alone); and 316, 320, 323-6, 372, 1989, table). 387, 391-7, 399, 400-3 passim (for both). 59) Cf. Frankfort 1939, pls. XXVII-l, XXVII-i, XXVII-j; Collon 1987, 62) Braun-Holzinger 1991, pp. 360-372 lists four beads from the Early Nos. 461 and 788; Porada 1948, Nos. 464, 493, 503-506 [free-floating]; Dynastic period, 18 beads from the Neo-Sumerian period (of which 11 are 507, 508, 510-513, 515 [held]). of agate), and 7 beads from the OB period (all of which are of agate). 631 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXX N° 5-6, september-december 2013 632
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