BOOK REVIEW ESSAY

How a Minority Tribal Group in has Reacted to Oppression—A Book Review Essay

P. K. VISVESVARAN

Mr. P.K. Visvesvaran is Lecturer at the Madras School of Social Work, Chennai. Politics of Culture: A Study of Three Kirata Communities in the Eastern by T.B. Subba, 1999, Chennai: Orient Longman, pp. 154, Price: Rs. 160/-.

INTRODUCTION Sociologists have observed that minority groups in a society tend to react in a variety of ways to reckon with domination and oppression by the majority. Submissive manipulation, marginal adaptation, with­ drawal and self-segregation, oppression psychosis, group self-hatred, nativism and movements of reform and revolt are some of these re­ sponses (Horton and Hunt, 1964). In the book under review namely, the author has given a lucid ac­ count of the nativistic efforts being made by the Kiratas (a tribal group living mainly in eastern Nepal, parts of and in West Bengal) 'to recreate their culture, religion and language'. How­ ever, the author repeatedly states that this is not going to be an easy or a simple task, the reason being that the Kiratas are not a homogeneous group. There are several subgroups among them, three of which should be deemed major subdivisions, namely the Limbu, Rai (or Khambu) and the Yakkha. The languages they speak also vary. For example, the structure of the Limbu language differs from that of other Kirata tongues in having a fully developed noun declension sys­ tem, a fully developed verb system, as well as exclusive features such as the glottal stop. Besides, dialectical variations across districts and regions characterise all these languages. Book Review Essay 279

Therefore, the author says, the emergence of a unified Kirata lan­ guage is an impossible task and if Kiratas of all hues are going to pull together, it will not be on account of a common tongue. Before contin­ uing the discussion on their nativistic movement of unity, let us con­ sider who the Kiratas really are.

Kiratas of the Distant Past A Sanskrit-English Dictionary gives the meaning of 'Kirat' as a 'de­ graded, mountainous tribe, a savage and barbarian' (Apte, 1988). Other scholars attribute more respectable meanings to this term and say that it denotes people with the lion's character, or mountain dwell­ ers. Some even say that the Kiratas originated in Babylon. One thing is certain, namely that they are a Mongoloid group and not Aryan as claimed by some. There are those who say that there were a number of Kirata Kingdoms during the period, though the consen­ sus of scholars seems to be that the present-day Kirata groups have lit­ tle to do with them. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, however, there were modern Kirata Kingdoms which were subjugated in 1641 by the Namgyal dynasty in Sikkim and in 1774 in Nepal by King Prithivinarayan Shah. From those times, persecution, exploitation and discrimination against the Kiratas have continued relentlessly. The main villains of the piece are the Hindu, non-Mongoloid Tagadharis who exercise hegemony over the Kiratas, and the Nepali government which has continually practised a policy of oppression, passing inter alia legislations alienating the Kiratas' agricultural land from them. The Kiratas practise animism but also observe certain Hindu festi­ vals such as Maghe Sankranti and Tihar (Diwali). The Kiratas are in­ digenous people whereas both the Tagadharis and other non- Mongoloids are relative newcomers to these areas. The author con­ tends that this indigenous population has been rendered a minority in Nepal due to the influx of outsiders. He has offered evidence to show that Kiratas have been subjects of State-sponsored ethnocide, which can be translated as cultural genocide—not actually killing of people but applying force to prevent a culture from flourishing.

THE STRUCTURE OF THE NARRATION The book consists of nine chapters, each having 15 to 20 pages. There are 5 area maps to begin with, and as many as 21 statistical tables 280 P.K. Visvesvaran intermittently punctuate the narration. In the first and introductory chapter, the author presents his central idea that the (Nepali) State has become intolerant of cultural diversity and has emerged as the un­ abashed supporter of the dominant groups at the cost of the minorities. The author has also explained the methodology of his study, which consists of a random selection of about 300 families from three differ­ ent regions. These households belonged to minority communities as well as dominant groups, and the author has collected 'census' infor­ mation from all of these households. (My own comments on the au­ thor's methodology will be presented at a later stage.) The second chapter provides a narration regarding the history of the Kiratas and the Kiratas of the yester eras. The chapter concludes with the statement that the available literature provides only limited knowledge about the Kirata dynasty. The reader is sure to find the third chapter specially interesting. Titled 'Delineation of the Kirata World', it is partly an extension of the previous chapter, which provides some additional information on the history of Kiratas. It also explains the Kipat system of communal-cum-individual land ownership. Additionally, it points to the deprivation of adequate politico-economic status to large sec­ tions of the population. This has resulted in dominant groups, who constitute less than a fourth of the population, occupying nearly 93 per cent of all high status government jobs. The linguistic status of the minorities is the most depressing of all, the Nepali government having used force to discourage schools from teaching minority lan­ guages. The fourth chapter, a relatively short one, deals with the political and economic organisations of the Kiratas. In the Kirata political set up, the Chumlung (tribal council) played an important role in the mak­ ing of democratic decisions by the local administrators. Subba was the title allotted to one such administrator. The Kipat system played an important role in the economic organisation of the Kiratas, which has since declined. Today, the Kiratas' economic life is no longer family or clan-centred; it has become broad-based and is presently characterised by a spirit of functional interdependence with other neighbourhood groups. The fifth chapter deals with the Kiratas' social organisation with special emphasis on family life and kinship groupings. Extended fam­ ilies are a functional necessity especially for mutual assistance as the menfolk are, in many cases, away for reasons of employment. The Book Review Essay 281 women folk make major decisions besides performing customary family duties. The sixth chapter deals with the Kiratas' relationships with the Hindu and relatively high caste Tagadharis, the untouchables,1 who are of course lower in the hierarchy, and other Mongoloid groups that are culturally distinct. Characteristics such as educational attainments and spheres of employment are also compared. Compared to the untouchables, the Kirata literacy rate is higher, and the extent of fal­ low and unusable land in their possession is also greater. On the other hand, the other Mongoloid groups are more literate and possess more fertile land. The Hindu Tagadharis are, of course, better off than any other group. Their literacy rate is the highest and they possess the most fertile land. In chapter seven, the author goes on to say that the foundations are definitely shaky. The religious and linguistic grounds for Kirata unity have already been dealt with in the opening paragraphs of the review. The author concludes saying that 'the Kirata efforts at imagining (ital­ ics mine) their nationalism should perhaps concentrate more on emo­ tional, attitudinal or psychological unity rather than on rebuilding their culture, language and religion'. Chapter eight addresses the core issue, namely the 'politics of Kirata Culture'. The activities of the various Kirata political and cul­ tural associations are discussed. On the one hand, they are trying to forge unity and alliances among the various Kirata sub-groups and factions, and on the other hand, they are also trying to represent their grievances collectively to the governmental authorities. Groups in Sikkim almost succeeded in bringing some groups under the OBC category, but its implementation has been put on hold. There are, as can be expected in such cases, mutual suspicions, accusations and mud-slinging among the sub-groups. Among the charges traded are that some groups are actually the stooges of the upper caste categories and secret agents of the oppressive government itself! The ninth and last chapter sees the author summing up his observa­ tions. The Kiratas are trying to 'reinvent' their traditions—that is, re­ viving cultural practices long forgotten. This may take at least two distinct and related forms: purism and cultural reinterpretation. An example of the Kirata purism is the tendency to give their children purely and exclusively Kirata names, scrupulously avoiding the Hindu and Aryan nomenclature. On the other hand, cultural reinter­ pretation may consist in persuading the fellow Kiratas to believe that 282 P.K. Visvesvaran

Sankranti and Diwali originated among Kiratas in the ancient times rather than among the Hindu groups. The author also points to two other outcomes of the Kiratas' struggle for recognition. The first of these is the tragic possibility of an outbreak of violence resulting in the undermining of human values all around. The second is the reli­ gious conversion of the Kiratas as some of them have started feeling that staying within the tribal and Hindu fold has only earned them un­ just treatment and discrimination and it is better to get away from it all by embracing a new faith.

IMPLICATIONS OF THE STUDY AND ITS OUTCOME As a fascinating narration of the myriad reactions of a suppressed and oppressed group, the book under review could serve both academic and practical purposes.

The Academic Angle Students of social work and social work practitioners are always interested in the problems of the weaker and marginalised sections of the society. The Kiratas' nativistic struggles offer proof that minority problems, both in India and Nepal, share common features as well as some notable differences. For example, the author repeatedly says that ethnic Kiratas in India (that is, in Sikkim and Darjeeling) are far better off in political and socioeconomic terms than their counterparts in Nepal. The scheduled castes and scheduled tribes, as well as the other backward classes in India are beneficiaries of the government policy of protective discrimination. No such special provisions exist in Nepal, says the author. He further says that most of agitating Nepali Kirata groups would be willing to accept constitutional guarantees and protection akin to what is available in India and would stop their agitational activities once this objective is achieved. Students will benefit from a comparative analysis of the historical, political and so­ cial factors that have played a role in the adoption and non-adoption of policies benefiting the backward groups in the two countries. This will certainly prove to be a useful academic exercise or assignment.

The Practical Angle The author has methodically enumerated the problems of the Kiratas. Among them is alcoholism and drunkenness which have Book Review Essay 283

earned them the pejorative nickname of 'Matwalis'. The other hard­ ships faced by them are: 1. Indigenous groups have been rendered demographically as minority communities mainly due to push and pull factors that make people migrate to areas once dominated by the Kiratas. However, the author adduces no evidence for a demographi­ cally stronger status that allegedly characterised the Kirata population in the former times. 2. Proficiency in one's own native tongue is declining because of the government's repressive measures. 3. Water, fodder and firewood are in short supply and these re­ sources are steadily dwindling. In the light of the above, students of social work in India could dis­ cuss the strategies for bringing the above (including the problem of al­ coholism) to the awareness of the concerned government and for seeking specific remedies. Students may be able to see that joint and cooperative efforts in this regard by all weaker and backward sections (including the untouchables), working together might yield better re­ sults than fighting for Kiratas' rights alone. An objective and sustained discussion on the Kiratas' problems by the students will eventually lead them to the consideration of the other problems of the Nepali populace that does not find a place in this volume. For example, the maternal mortality rate (MMR) in Ne­ pal is one of the highest in the world—a shocking 1,500 per 1,00,000 live births (Population Reference Bureau, 1997). Is the common hu­ man being aware of this fact? Are the minorities, including the Kiratas, aware of this? What is the MMR for the Kirata community it­ self—is it higher or lower than the national average? What could ordi­ nary citizens and groups do to alleviate the situation? Is it due to illiteracy, poor maternal health, deliveries of babies taking place within the home, or non-availability of a systematically organised and efficient maternity care services? Or is it combination of all these fac­ tors? Will it not be possible for the Kirata leaders to mobilise the na­ scent spirit of Kirata nationalism and pride in one's own community to prevent their women from dying like flies following delivery of children? Should this not be their priority area of concern rather than expending their energies in trying to find out whether the Tihar festi­ val originated among the Aryans or among the ancient Kiratas? , It is not contended here that others should impose their values such as good health and longevity on the Kirata community. However, 284 P.K. Visvesvaran someone (possibly the better educated and enlightened among the Kiratas themselves) ought to bring such issues and possibilities to the awareness of the beleaguered Kirata group. Such awareness is all the more crucial since the UN-sponsored World Conference on Human Rights, Vienna, 1993 has made it incumbent on the member nations to ensure, under Article 12, 'appro­ priate services (to women) in connection with pregnancy, confine­ ment and the post-natal period'(United Nations, 1993). The Nepali government's alleged use of force to crush local lan­ guages, referred to by the author, can be discussed by students of So­ cial Work along the same lines.

The Human Rights Angle It is quite surprising that nowhere in the book has the author used the concept of human rights or placed the human rights perspective on the problems of the Kiratas and other minorities in Nepal, though he uses the term ethnocide to describe the phenomenon in one place. The state-sponsored suppression, by brute force, of the minority languages is a clear violation of minority human rights and is deserving of international attention being drawn to it. Is the world community aware of this outrage? Is it not a clear violation of Article 27 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 1966, which guarantees freedom to every ethnic group 'to enjoy their own culture, to profess and practice their own religion, and to use their own language'? Have the Kiratas taken steps to make the international community become aware of the Nepali government's repressive action? Should not the Nepali govern­ ment be asked by the United Nations to mend its ways or be black­ listed as a nation where denial of basic human rights is rampant? Is not some such punitive action indicated?

COMMENTS

Methodology The author has collected primary data from a randomly selected sample of nearly 300 household located in three different districts of Nepal. It is obvious that he has placed extensive reliance on a mass of secondary data as well, which include some of his own earlier works. That the au­ thor has tried to maintain a high degree of scientific objectivity in his study is amply clear. In each of the three villages selected by him, he Book Review Essay 285 has taken a random sample not only of the Kirata families, but of caste Hindus, other Mongoloid groups and the untouchables as well. Interviews with several non-Kirata households (besides Kirata families) have indeed helped the author to view complex issues from the proper perspective. Any researcher desiring to study minority groups would do well do take a leaf out of the author's book. One may perhaps mention here that a couple of snap shots of Kirata men and women, the non-Kirata Mongoloids and of the Hindu Tagadharis could have been included in the book so that the reader would know just how they look. This is because the book is sure to evoke in the reader curiosity about and interest in various aspects of the subject matter including the Kiratas' physical appearance.

The Nature of Jobs held by Kirata Men In one place (p.66), the author has stated that the nature of the men's employment keep them away from their families for long periods. But he has not given examples of such avocations. Is it sentry work akin to that of the Gurkhas? Alas, there is no way of knowing!

The 'Imagined' Community 'Invention', 'construction', 'recreating the Kirata nation' and 'imag­ ined community' are terms that occur often in the book. The fre­ quency of their usage makes one wonder at the socio-psychological compulsion behind the same. Do the Kiratas feel pushed to the wall so that there is no escape for them except into a resurrected past? It will probably be not an exaggeration to say that this phenomenon has a close resemblance to the 'pseudo-community' mentally constructed by men who are obsessed with pathological suspicions (Coleman, 1982). It is quite obvious that these two mental phenomena— pseudo-community and imagined community—are both products of the imagination of men under severe stress. Hence, these could be stud­ ied in depth and with profit through the inter-disciplinary mode.

Statistical Tables Tables 10 and 11 (pages 42 and 43) have some special features that re­ quire elaboration. Table 10 presents demographic details concerning three districts of Nepal (from which the author has chosen his sam­ ples) as well as Sikkim and Darjeeling. Table 11 presents district-wise 286 P.K. Visvesvaran population details of the two principal Kirata groups in Nepal, namely the Rais and the Limbus as of the year 1971.

A Surprising Conclusion That the Kiratas are not a majority group in any of the 15 districts listed out by the author is clear enough. What is not convincing is the author's theory of marginalisation, namely that outsiders through their in migration have reduced the Kiratas to a pitiable, numerically weak minority status. This might very well be true but it gives rise to the following question: Does the author contend that an in-migration of outsiders has taken place on a massive scale? Nothing less than an influx of huge, even mind-boggling, proportions could have rendered the indigenous population of Kiratas a minority. The non-Kiratas form 50-74 per cent of the population in four districts; 75-89 per cent in seven districts; and 90 per cent in four other districts!2 One also wonders wherefrom such huge numbers have come and what were the push and pull factors. Also, the settlement patterns of the in-migrants show some inter­ esting variety and the possible reasons for the same need elucida­ tion. For example, in the village of Yangnam (Panchatar District), Kiratas form 87.3 per cent of the population (Table 3, p. 11); and in Chinnamakhu (Bhojupur District), they constitute 61 per cent of the population (Table 6, p. 14). In Madi Mulkharka (Sankhuwa Sabha District), however, they are a small minority, with just 16.5 per cent of the population being Kiratas (Table 9, p. 18). In other words, there are still pockets where Kiratas remain a comfortable, numerical ma­ jority and even outnumber the other groups. What factors decided the differential settlement patterns of the non-Kirata in-migrants? Why did they spread themselves thin in some places and quite thick in others? In the absence of suitable and convincing answers, the author's marginalisation theory will remain a weak spot in what is otherwise a scholarly exposition.

FINAL REMARKS The title of the book under review refers to the fact that different groups in Nepal, notably the upper castes and the Mongoloid Kirata groups are each trying to make a political capital out of their cultural peculiarities, the former using them to put down groups different from Book Review Essay 287 themselves and the latter to organise themselves on the basis of their common cultural traits to resist and oppose discrimination and to as­ sert their rights. A situation of confrontation is shaping up, warns the author, in the closing pages of the book. This should indeed cause concern. While dire poverty and frustration may provide the backdrop for the poten­ tial conflict, one hopes that rapid development will provide the neces­ sary correctives and render the confrontation needless. Incidentally, rapid development is the only solution for appalling problems such as an unconscionably high rate of MMR. The true sign of a mature civili­ sation cannot be the compulsion to make a political capital out of cul­ tural differences or peculiarities. The true sign of civilisation is a pride in all of one's cultural heritage, not of the small group alone to which one may belong. Nowhere in the book has the author given a clue as to the exact per­ centage that Kiratas form in the total Nepali population of 23 Million (Manorama Year Book, 2000). A rough calculation based on the vari­ ous figures supplied by the author himself in the book under review makes it possible to hazard the guess that the total Kirata population may be about 7 lakhs or about 3 per cent of the Nepali population. This is a liberal estimate. Kirata's true number may be far less than this. An implication of the above fact is that the revival of a Kirata homeland in Nepal seems almost a hopeless task. Forming political and cultural alliances with other similarly placed groups may prove to be a more effective option for them. Be that as it may, the book will have a special appeal to those interested in sociology, anthropology, public administration, cross- cultural studies, social work, ethnic relations, minorities, cultural dif­ fusion, migration, multi-culturalism, demography, Indo-Nepal rela­ tion, weaker sections, group conflicts, social movements and history. Every reader is sure to find something interesting and useful in it to peruse and to mull over.

NOTES

1. The term untouchable is used in this review to refer to a particular group des­ ignated as such by the author. The responsibility for the use of the term is the author's and not that of the reviewer. 288 P.K. Visvesvaran

2. These figures are derived from the numerical data given by the author him­ self in Table 11.

REFERENCES Horton, P. and Sociology, New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company. Hunt, C.E. 1964 Apte, V.S. (Compiler) The Student's Sanskrit—English Dictionary, Delhi: 1988 Motilal Banarasidas, Delhi. Population Reference World Population Data Sheet, Washington, DC Bureau 1997 United Nations Human Rights, Discrimination Against Women: The 1993 Convention and the Committee, Fact Sheet No. 22. Coleman, J.C. Abnormal Psychology and Modern Times, Bombay: 1982 Taraporevala Sons and Company Limited.

THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF SOCIAL WORK Volume 62, Issue 2,April 2001