Breaking Down Democracy: Goals, Strategies, and Methods of Modern Authoritarians by Arch Puddington CONTENTS

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Breaking Down Democracy: Goals, Strategies, and Methods of Modern Authoritarians by Arch Puddington CONTENTS June 2017 Breaking Down Democracy: Goals, Strategies, and Methods of Modern Authoritarians by Arch Puddington CONTENTS Executive Summary 1 Introduction: Modern Authoritarians: Origins, Anatomy, Outlook 5 Chapters 1. Validating Autocracy through the Ballot 10 2. Propaganda at Home and Abroad 15 3. The Enemy Within: Civil Society at Bay 22 4. The Ministry of Truth in Peace and War 29 5. The Rise of ‘Illiberal Democracy’ 35 6. Flacks and Friends 41 7. Bullying the Neighbors: Frozen Conflicts, the Near Abroad, and Other Innovations 47 8. Back to the Future 52 Conclusion: Authoritarianism Comes Calling 57 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This report emerged from a presentation on the state of global freedom conducted by the author and David J. Kramer, former president of Freedom House. The major source of data and analysis is Freedom in the World, the report on political rights and civil liberties published annually by Freedom House. The author wishes to thank the Freedom House analysis staff and the many scholars who have participated in Freedom House assessments of global democracy. The author also extends special thanks to Elen Aghekyan, Tyler Roylance, Alexandra Cain, Danielle Recanati, Amy Slipowitz, Alan Williams, Christopher Walker, Bret Nelson, Michael Johnson, Rebeka Foley, Zselyke Csaky, Sarah Repucci, Vanessa Tucker, Robert Ruby, and Daniel Calingaert. THE AUTHOR Arch Puddington is Distinguished Scholar for Democracy Studies at Freedom House and a co-editor of Freedom in the World. ON THE COVER Chinese President Xi Jinping and Russian President Vladimir Putin in Beijing, 2016. Lintao Zhang/Getty Images Executive Summary Breaking Down Democracy: Goals, Strategies, and Methods of Modern Authoritarians by Arch Puddington The 21st century has been marked by a resurgence of authoritarian rule that has proved resilient despite economic fragility and occasional popular resistance. Modern authoritarianism has succeeded, where previous totalitarian systems failed, due to refined and nuanced strategies of repression, the exploitation of open societies, and the spread of illiberal policies in democratic countries themselves. The leaders of today’s authoritarian systems devote full- time attention to the challenge of crippling the opposition without annihilating it, and flouting the rule of law while maintaining a plausible veneer of order, legitimacy, and prosperity. Central to the modern authoritarian strategy is the independent existence (as long as it does not pursue capture of institutions that undergird political plural- political change), citizens can travel around the coun- ism. The goal is to dominate not only the executive try or abroad with only occasional interference, and and legislative branches, but also the media, the private enterprise can flourish (albeit with rampant judiciary, civil society, the commanding heights of the corruption and cronyism). economy, and the security forces. With these institu- tions under the effective if not absolute control of an This study explains how modern authoritarianism de- incumbent leader, changes in government through fair fends and propagates itself, as regimes from different and honest elections become all but impossible. regions and with diverse socioeconomic foundations copy and borrow techniques of political control. Unlike Soviet-style communism, modern authoritari- Among its major findings: anism is not animated by an overarching ideology or the messianic notion of an ideal future society. Nor • Russia, under President Vladimir Putin, has do today’s autocrats seek totalitarian control over played an outsized role in the development of people’s everyday lives, movements, or thoughts. modern authoritarian systems. This is particu- The media are more diverse and entertaining under larly true in the areas of media control, propa- modern authoritarianism, civil society can enjoy an ganda, the smothering of civil society, and the www.freedomhouse.org 1 BREAKING DOWN DEMOCRACY: Goals, Strategies, and Methods of Modern Authoritarians MAJOR DECLINES FOR INFLUENTIAL COUNTRIES OVER THE PAST 10 YEARS 0 Russia Turkey Bahrain Ukraine Ecuador Ethiopia Hungary Venezuela -5 Azerbaijan Afghanistan -10 -10 -12 -12 -12 -15 -16 -17 -17 -20 -21 Change in Freedom the World Aggregate Score, 2007-2016 -25 -25 -28 -30 weakening of political pluralism. Russia has also and practically all of the authoritarian states in moved aggressively against neighboring states the Middle East. where democratic institutions have emerged or where democratic movements have succeeded • The toxic combination of unfair elections and in ousting corrupt authoritarian leaders. crude majoritarianism is spreading from modern authoritarian regimes to illiberal leaders in what • The rewriting of history for political purposes is are still partly democratic countries. Increasing- common among modern authoritarians. Again, ly, populist politicians—once in office—claim Russia has taken the lead, with the state’s asser- the right to suppress the media, civil society, tion of authority over history textbooks and the and other democratic institutions by citing process, encouraged by Putin, of reassessing support from a majority of voters. The resulting the historical role of Joseph Stalin. changes make it more difficult for the opposi- tion to compete in future elections and can pave • The hiring of political consultants and lobbyists the way for a new authoritarian regime. from democratic countries to represent the interests of autocracies is a growing phenome- • An expanding cadre of politicians in democ- non. China is clearly in the vanguard, with multi- racies are eager to emulate or cooperate with ple representatives working for the state and for authoritarian rulers. European parties of the large economic entities closely tied to the state. nationalistic right and anticapitalist left have But there are also K Street representatives for expressed admiration for Putin and aligned Russia, Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, Turkey, Ethiopia, their policy goals with his. Others have praised 2 Freedom House EVERY INDICATOR HAS DECLINED OVER THE PAST 10 YEARS Electoral Pluralism and Functioning of Expression and Association and Personal and Process* Participation Government* Belief Assembly* Rule of Law Individual Rights 0.0 -0.1 -0.2 -0.3 -0.4 Change in Score, 2007-2016 -0.5 -0.6 -0.7 *Denotes indicators scored on a 12-point scale. All others are scored on a 16-point scale. illiberal governments in countries like Hungary • Modern authoritarians are working to revalidate for their rejection of international democratic the concept of the leader-for-life. One of the standards in favor of perceived national inter- seeming gains of the postcommunist era was ests. Even when there is no direct collaboration, the understanding that some form of term limits such behavior benefits authoritarian powers by should be imposed to prevent incumbents from breaking down the unity and solidarity of the consolidating power into a dictatorship. In re- democratic world. cent years, however, a number of countries have adjusted their constitutions to ease, eliminate, • There has been a rise in authoritarian inter- or circumvent executive term limits. The result nationalism. Authoritarian powers form loose has been a resurgence of potential leaders-for- but effective alliances to block criticism at the life from Latin America to Eurasia. United Nations and regional organizations like the Organization for Security and Co-operation • While more subtle and calibrated methods of re- in Europe and the Organization of American pression are the defining feature of modern au- States, and to defend embattled allies like Syria’s thoritarianism, the past few years have featured Bashar al-Assad. There is also growing replica- a reemergence of older tactics that undermine tion of what might be called authoritarian best the illusions of pluralism and openness as well practices, vividly on display in the new Chinese as integration with the global economy. Thus law on nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) Moscow has pursued its military intervention in and efforts by Russia and others to learn from Ukraine despite economic sanctions and over- China’s experience in internet censorship. seen the assassination of opposition figures; www.freedomhouse.org 3 BREAKING DOWN DEMOCRACY: Goals, Strategies, and Methods of Modern Authoritarians Beijing has revived the practice of coerced pub- both taken advantage of democracies’ commitment to lic “confessions” and escalated its surveillance freedom of expression and delivered infusions of pro- of the Tibetan and Uighur minorities to totalitar- paganda and disinformation. Moscow has effectively ian levels; and Azerbaijan has made the Aliyev prevented foreign broadcasting stations from reach- family’s monopoly on political power painfully ing Russian audiences even as it steadily expands the obvious with the appointment of the president’s reach of its own mouthpieces, the television channel wife as “first vice president.” RT and the news service Sputnik. China blocks the websites of mainstream foreign media while en- • Modern authoritarian systems are employing couraging its corporations to purchase influence in these blunter methods in a context of increased popular culture abroad through control of Hollywood economic fragility. Venezuela is already in the studios. Similar combinations of obstruction at home process of political and economic disintegra- and interference abroad can be seen in sectors in- tion. Other states that rely on energy exports cluding
Recommended publications
  • ENISA Threat Landscape Report 2016 15 Top Cyber-Threats and Trends
    ENISA Threat Landscape Report 2016 15 Top Cyber-Threats and Trends FINAL VERSION 1.0 ETL 2016 JANUARY 2017 www.enisa.europa.eu European Union Agency For Network and Information Security ENISA Threat Landscape Report 2016 Final version | 1.0 | OPSEC | January 2017 About ENISA The European Union Agency for Network and Information Security (ENISA) is a centre of network and information security expertise for the EU, its member states, the private sector and Europe’s citizens. ENISA works with these groups to develop advice and recommendations on good practice in information security. It assists EU member states in implementing relevant EU legislation and works to improve the resilience of Europe’s critical information infrastructure and networks. ENISA seeks to enhance existing expertise in EU member states by supporting the development of cross-border communities committed to improving network and information security throughout the EU. More information about ENISA and its work can be found at www.enisa.europa.eu. Contact For queries on this paper, please use [email protected] or [email protected] For media enquiries about this paper, please use [email protected]. Acknowledgements ENISA would like to thank the members of the ENISA ETL Stakeholder group: Pierluigi Paganini, Chief Security Information Officer, IT, Paul Samwel, Banking, NL, Tom Koehler, Consulting, DE, Jason Finlayson, Consulting, IR, Stavros Lingris, CERT, EU, Jart Armin, Worldwide coalitions/Initiatives, International, Thomas Häberlen, Member State, DE, Neil Thacker, Consulting, UK, Shin Adachi, Security Analyst, US, R. Jane Ginn, Consulting, US, Polo Bais, Member State, NL. The group has provided valuable input, has supported the ENISA threat analysis and has reviewed ENISA material.
    [Show full text]
  • Public Space in the Soviet City: a Spatial Perspective on Mass Protests in Minsk
    PUBLIC SPACE IN THE SOVIET CITY: A SPATIAL PERSPECTIVE ON MASS PROTESTS IN MINSK Arve Hansen (UiT the Arctic University of Norway) Abstract In many capitals, the central public square is the place where people go en masse when they wish to voice their discontent. The squares used for such collective actions are diverse. Each square has its unique combination of symbols and history; they are used in different ways by the public; and they often have distinct physical characteristics. Yet, in social sciences, when determining what makes collective actions successful, space is often overlooked. In this article, I present an approach for analysing public space in relation to mass protests. I then apply this approach to the Belarusian capital Minsk, where virtually no protests have been successful during the post-Soviet period. In what ways are mass protests in Minsk affected by the perceived (symbolic), social and physical elements of the city’s public spaces? I examine the centre of Minsk in general, and analyse two central squares in particular. The article is based mainly on qualitative, semi-structured interviews with protesters, observers and opposition leaders; research literature; and on my own fieldwork and experiences from living in Minsk. I conclude that space is contributing to the difficulties facing the Belarusian opposition in several ways. 1) The perceived elements of Minsk and the two main squares do not have a preferable symbolic value to the opposition. 2) The social elements of the city show that the political centre is avoided by the public, thus making protests less noticeable. 3) This latter point is important, given that the physical elements of the squares makes policing particularly easy and swift.
    [Show full text]
  • EXPERT REPORT of PHILIP G. ZIMBARDO, Ph.D
    UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE EASTERN DISTRICT OF VIRGINIA ALEXANDRIA DIVISION SUHAIL NAJIM ) ABDULLAH AL SHIMARI et al., ) ) Plaintiffs, ) ) v. ) C.A. No. 08-cv-0827 GBL-JFA ) CACI INTERNATIONAL, INC., et. al., ) ) Defendants ) ) EXPERT REPORT OF PHILIP G. ZIMBARDO, Ph.D. jO qspgfttjpobm cbdlhspvoe boe rvbmjgjdbujpot j M M j M M O j q t v M j RZWYM q b v O j q OeO q M RZVZM z v M nOtOM RZVVM z v bOcO I J i q M t b M RZVUM c d O j x v M w M s v o k m v M t O j x q g q b q b j q q b O j d i e t M o q t d d b s f t n t O j z v IRZVXNRZWQJM o z v IRZWQN RZWXJM d v IRZWXNRZWYJ t v IRZWYNSQQTJO j v m M c M j m M t v x M q O j UQQ VQ O j N M q m RZ M N q [ d d M X O u [ C u O d s O It oO RVM p SVM RZXRJO i t oO TM d k M i s M o Nt d M g t d M q jjM qM q s q ô s [ d O x M ed[ vOtO h q p O { M qO hO IRZXRJO C t
    [Show full text]
  • Egypt Digital Rights Landscape Report
    ids.ac.uk Digital Rights in Closing Civic Space: Lessons from Ten African Countries 209 Egypt Digital Rights Landscape Report Egypt Digital Rights Landscape Report Mohamed Farahat This is an Open Access report distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International licence (CC BY), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original authors and source are credited and any modifications or adaptations are indicated. This report is part of ‘Digital Rights in Closing Civic Space: Lessons from Ten African Countries’; the Introduction is also recommended reading. © 2021 Mohamed Farahat © Institute of Development Studies. DOI: 10.19088/IDS.2021.014 ids.ac.uk Digital Rights in Closing Civic Space: Lessons from Ten African Countries 210 Egypt Digital Rights Landscape Report 1. Introduction Egypt has experienced many political and social changes prior to and since the 2011 uprising. These changes have had a significant impact on civic space offline, as well as online. Digital rights are simply human rights in online spaces and are recognised as being of central importance. This is especially true when closing civic space in the physical world means that opening civic space online is a necessary last resort. The coronavirus (Covid-19) pandemic has highlighted the importance of digital rights, especially for vulnerable groups such as refugees and people in rural and remote areas. The main objective of this report is to give an overview of digital rights in Egypt, especially in the context of freedom of expression and freedom of assembly, the right to access the internet, and for access to information, and the right to knowledge; and to explore the impacts of the political context on civic space in general and digital rights in particular.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Parties' Guide to Building Coalitions
    Political Parties’ Guide to Building Coalitions August 2014 Rania Zada Nick Sigler Nick Harvey MP +44 (0) 207 549 0350 gpgovernance.net [email protected] © Global Partners Governance, 2014 Building Coalitions in Egypt: Structure, management and challenges By Rania Zada, Senior Fellow, Arab Forum for Alternatives Since 2011, Egypt has witnessed several elections with the participation of new political parties established following the January 25 revolution. Those new parties, as well as old ones in the process of restructuring, were forced to run for election by forming coalitions and alliances. The concept of electoral alliances re-emerged after the January 25 revolution with the 2011 parliamentary elections. This resulted in the formation of four main alliances: the Democratic Alliance led by the Freedom and Justice Party and joined by Al-Karamah Party; the Islamic Alliance led by Al-Noor Party and other parties that were based on Scientific Salafism or Jihadist Salafism; the Egyptian Bloc Alliance led by the Egyptian Democratic Party and the Free Egyptians Party, and the Revolution Continues Alliance that included the Popular Alliance, Egypt Freedom Party and the Egyptian Current1. Though the context is now different in 2014, there are some similarities between the alliances that were formed in 2011 and alliances that are currently being established. In 2011, the Democratic Alliance mainly aimed at confronting remnants of Mubarak’s regime, as the Muslim Brotherhood was considered a faction that actively took part in the January 25 revolution. However, current alliances fear the return of Islamists out of concern over the civil nature of the Egyptian state, which means that in both cases the main idea behind forming alliances is to exclude a certain group or faction and to defeat it in the elections.
    [Show full text]
  • Zde Začněte Psát Svůj Text
    HOLIDAYS, CELEBRATIONS AND FEAST DAYS Do you know anyone who doesn‟t like to laugh, enjoy himself, have a good time and celebrate? If so, he‟s one of a small minority. Some of us really do try to seek out quiet, calm places without noise of people. But that doesn‟t mean that they don‟t take part in celebrations from time to time. Individual celebrations In the course of the year we have many opportunities for celebrations. You celebrate some events that happened on a particular date, like your wedding anniversary, your birthday, name day etc. These celebrations take place once a year. On these occasions the guest of honour receives presents, flowers, candies and other gifts. An anniversary is the date on which an event took place in a previous year, so, for example, if your parents married on 1 August 1980, the anniversary of their wedding will be on 1 August each year. Some events that you celebrate are events that usually only happen to you once in a lifetime, like the day you were christened, the day you got married, or the day you graduated from the college or university. The way of celebrating can be different according to local traditions. Christian holidays The most important and popular holidays are Christmas and Easter. We celebrate Easter in early spring. Its date is different every year (the Christian Church appoints it according to the first spring full moon). Easter celebrates the resurrection of Jesus Christ. In most countries on Easter Sunday children (but not only children) receive eggs, often with sweets or toys in them, or chocolate animals, usually rabbits.
    [Show full text]
  • The First Amendment, the Public-Private Distinction, and Nongovernmental Suppression of Wartime Political Debate Gregory P
    Working Paper Series Villanova University Charles Widger School of Law Year 2004 The First Amendment, The Public-Private Distinction, and Nongovernmental Suppression of Wartime Political Debate Gregory P. Magarian Villanova University School of Law, [email protected] This paper is posted at Villanova University Charles Widger School of Law Digital Repository. http://digitalcommons.law.villanova.edu/wps/art6 THE FIRST AMENDMENT, THE PUBLIC -PRIVA TE DISTINCTION, AND NONGOVERNMENTAL SUPPRESSION OF WARTIME POLITICAL DEBATE 1 BY GREGORY P. MAGARIAN DRAFT 5-12-04 TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................... 1 I. CONFRONTING NONGOVERNMENTAL CENSORSHIP OF POLITICAL DEBATE IN WARTIME .................. 5 A. The Value and Vulnerability of Wartime Political Debate ........................................................................... 5 1. The Historical Vulnerability of Wartime Political Debate to Nongovernmental Suppression ....................................................................... 5 2. The Public Rights Theory of Expressive Freedom and the Necessity of Robust Political Debate for Democratic Self -Government........................ 11 B. Nongovernmental Censorship of Political Speech During the “War on Terrorism” ............................................... 18 1. Misinformation and Suppression of Information by News Media ............................................ 19 2. Exclusions of Political Speakers from Privately Owned Public Spaces.
    [Show full text]
  • Literariness.Org-Mareike-Jenner-Auth
    Crime Files Series General Editor: Clive Bloom Since its invention in the nineteenth century, detective fiction has never been more pop- ular. In novels, short stories, films, radio, television and now in computer games, private detectives and psychopaths, prim poisoners and overworked cops, tommy gun gangsters and cocaine criminals are the very stuff of modern imagination, and their creators one mainstay of popular consciousness. Crime Files is a ground-breaking series offering scholars, students and discerning readers a comprehensive set of guides to the world of crime and detective fiction. Every aspect of crime writing, detective fiction, gangster movie, true-crime exposé, police procedural and post-colonial investigation is explored through clear and informative texts offering comprehensive coverage and theoretical sophistication. Titles include: Maurizio Ascari A COUNTER-HISTORY OF CRIME FICTION Supernatural, Gothic, Sensational Pamela Bedore DIME NOVELS AND THE ROOTS OF AMERICAN DETECTIVE FICTION Hans Bertens and Theo D’haen CONTEMPORARY AMERICAN CRIME FICTION Anita Biressi CRIME, FEAR AND THE LAW IN TRUE CRIME STORIES Clare Clarke LATE VICTORIAN CRIME FICTION IN THE SHADOWS OF SHERLOCK Paul Cobley THE AMERICAN THRILLER Generic Innovation and Social Change in the 1970s Michael Cook NARRATIVES OF ENCLOSURE IN DETECTIVE FICTION The Locked Room Mystery Michael Cook DETECTIVE FICTION AND THE GHOST STORY The Haunted Text Barry Forshaw DEATH IN A COLD CLIMATE A Guide to Scandinavian Crime Fiction Barry Forshaw BRITISH CRIME FILM Subverting
    [Show full text]
  • 1848 Revolutions Special Subject I READING LIST Professor Chris Clark
    1848 Revolutions Special Subject I READING LIST Professor Chris Clark The Course consists of 8 lectures, 16 presentation-led seminars and 4 gobbets classes GENERAL READING Jonathan Sperber, The European Revolutions, 1848-1851 (Cambridge, 1994) Dieter Dowe et al., eds., Europe in 1848: Revolution and Reform (Oxford, 2001) Priscilla Smith Robertson, The Revolutions of 1848, a social history (Princeton, 1952) Michael Rapport, 1848: Year of Revolution (London, 2009) SOCIAL CONFLICT BEFORE 1848 (i) The ‘Galician Slaughter’ of 1846 Hans Henning Hahn, ‘The Polish Nation in the Revolution of 1846-49’, in Dieter Dowe et al., eds., Europe in 1848: Revolution and Reform, pp. 170-185 Larry Wolff, The Idea of Galicia: History and Fantasy in Habsburg Political Culture (Stanford, 2010), esp. chapters 3 & 4 Thomas W. Simons Jr., ‘The Peasant Revolt of 1846 in Galicia: Recent Polish Historiography’, Slavic Review, 30 (December 1971) pp. 795–815 (ii) Weavers in Revolt Robert J. Bezucha, The Lyon Uprising of 1834: Social and Political Conflict in the Early July Monarchy (Cambridge Mass., 1974) Christina von Hodenberg, Aufstand der Weber. Die Revolte von 1844 und ihr Aufstieg zum Mythos (Bonn, 1997) *Lutz Kroneberg and Rolf Schloesser (eds.), Weber-Revolte 1844 : der schlesische Weberaufstand im Spiegel der zeitgenössischen Publizistik und Literatur (Cologne, 1979) Parallels: David Montgomery, ‘The Shuttle and the Cross: Weavers and Artisans in the Kensington Riots of 1844’ Journal of Social History, Vol. 5, No. 4 (Summer, 1972), pp. 411-446 (iii) Food riots Manfred Gailus, ‘Food Riots in Germany in the Late 1840s’, Past & Present, No. 145 (Nov., 1994), pp. 157-193 Raj Patel and Philip McMichael, ‘A Political Economy of the Food Riot’ Review (Fernand Braudel Center), 32/1 (2009), pp.
    [Show full text]
  • Stealth Authoritarianism Ozan O
    A7_VAROL.DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 4/13/2015 3:47 PM Stealth Authoritarianism Ozan O. Varol ABSTRACT: Authoritarianism has been undergoing a metamorphosis. Historically, authoritarians openly repressed opponents by violence and harassment and subverted the rule of law to perpetuate their rule. The post- Cold War crackdown on these transparently authoritarian practices provided significant incentives to avoid them. Instead, the new generation of authoritarians learned to perpetuate their power through the same legal mechanisms that exist in democratic regimes. In so doing, they cloak repressive practices under the mask of law, imbue them with the veneer of legitimacy, and render anti-democratic practices much more difficult to detect and eliminate. This Article offers a comprehensive cross-regional account of that phenomenon, which I term “stealth authoritarianism.” Drawing on rational- choice theory, the Article explains the expansion of stealth authoritarianism across different case studies. The Article fills a void in the literature, which has left undertheorized the authoritarian learning that occurred after the Cold War and the emerging reliance on legal, particularly sub-constitutional, mechanisms to perpetuate political power. Although stealth authoritarian practices are more prevalent in nondemocracies, the Article illustrates that they can also surface in regimes with favorable democratic credentials, including the United States. In so doing, the Article aims to orient the scholarly debate towards regime practices, rather than regime
    [Show full text]
  • ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.
    [Show full text]
  • Pdf | 598.28 Kb
    CIVIL - MILITARY FUSION CENT RE Egypt’s Parliamentary Elections: The First Steps Toward a New Nation November 2011 Comprehensive Information on Complex Crises Linda Lavender This document discusses the upcoming Egyptian elections and the Team Leader, Mediterranean Basin new electoral process. Related information is available at [email protected] www.cimicweb.org. Hyperlinks to source material are highlighted in blue and underlined in the text. Melodee M. Baines Mediterranean Knowledge Manager [email protected] n article by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (CEIP) characterised Egypt’s political spectrum as both complicated and in flux. Political parties are complex and defy fault lines. In addition to A over 50 political parties currently registered for the upcoming elections, other political actors within Egypt seek to gain influence in the formation of a new government. CEIP reports that by many accounts, it is unclear whether a democratic government can emerge from Egypt’s highly pluralistic political landscape. This report outlines the various actors within Egypt’s current political climate. Additionally, the report briefly addresses the electoral process unfolding in Egypt. The first round of parliamentary elections for the People’s Assembly, the lower house of the bicameral legislature, is scheduled for 28 November. Two additional rounds of elections for the People’s Assembly will follow (one in December and one in January 2012). Elections for the Shura Council, the upper house of the bicameral legislature,
    [Show full text]