october 1935

Feudal and Her Army

Robert Gale Woolbert

Volume 14 • Number 1

The contents of Foreign Affairs are copyrighted.©1935 Council on Foreign Relations, Inc. All rights reserved. Reproduction and distribution of this material is permitted only with the express written consent of Foreign Affairs. Visit www.foreignaffairs.com/permissions for more information. FEUDAL ETHIOPIA AND HER ARMY

By Robert Gale Woolbert

an \YWHAT right does Ethiopia call herself empire? How can a country where illiteracy is almost universal, where there are no roads, and whose annual virtually ? foreign trade is worth less than $25,000,000 how can such a land presume to arrogate to itself the most exalted of all titles? One an attribute of empire is that it holds alien peoples in subjection. to we It might be objected that according this definition could or speak of Zulu Cherokee imperialism. This would perhaps be use stretching the point. We nevertheless the expressions "Turk ish imperialism" and "Arabian imperialism" without much dif ficulty, and accept the custom by which the crowned heads of Morocco and Annam call themselves emperors. case can no a In the of Ethiopia there be question that single over not more people rules various subject peoples. Probably than the to one-third of inhabitants belong the ancient Ethiopian rest nor stock. The neither profess Christianity speak the Am are race haric tongue and consequently regarded by the ruling as The true on its inferiors. Ethiopian resides the central plateau, races while the subject inhabit the peripheral lowlands. Even the approximate number of total inhabitants ismuch in doubt. Esti mates vary from five million to twenty million. Those who have traveled extensively in the country and have made careful ob at seven or servations usually place the figure eight million. But statistics of sort in to are any regard Ethiopia few and thoroughly unreliable. There are various for criteria classifying the heterogeneous population of the . That of physical charac teristics the true is probably least satisfactory. The Ethiopian of as the highlands regards himself of the white race, for he quite rightly traces his racial ancestry to the Hamitic invaders of North contact Africa. But thousands of years of with the negro peoples of Central and East have to a Africa darkened his complexion au or even a caf? lait to dark chocolate. a Language provides much surer gauge. The third of the on a population which dwells the plateau speaks Semitic tongue. In south-central Ethiopia live the Gallas, Negroid tribes speaking a language of their own, who have been coming into the coun

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try from the south since early modern times. They account for another third of the population. The remaining third is divided on among the lesser ethnic groups the periphery: Danakil, so Somali, Sidama, and forth. Keeping these linguistic divisions we in mind, might say that the upper (Semitic) third rules the lower (non-Semitic) two-thirds. true as Another classification is by religions. The Ethiopian, already said, is Christian. But some of the Gallas have been at least nominally converted to Christianity. In all, the Christians account probably for nearly one-half of the population. Three are east eighths Moslems, residing in the and southeast. In addi are ? ? tion there the Falasha the Jews of Ethiopia estimated to number between one and two hundred thousand; their Judaism are ismuch corrupted and they ignorant of the Hebrew language. rest are The of the population pagans. to are con The Christians belong the Coptic Church and sequently of the monophysite faith. Ethiopia's isolation from the to a rest of the Christian world has naturally led considerable barbarization of dogma and ritual. At the head of the church is the Aboona who is appointed by the Coptic Patriarch of Alex an andria and is always Egyptian. The Emperor would very much like to have a native in this post, but traditions are hard to break to in Ethiopia and the best that he has been able obtain is the to serve as to creation of several native bishops, coadjutors the Aboona. The monastic orders are under the particular supervision an of the Etchegh?, who unlike the Aboona is Ethiopian and thus to to likely stand closer the Emperor than his Egyptian rival. The are some writers so far as to clergy very numerous, going at un place them one-third of the adult population. This is an must doubtedly exaggeration. Nevertheless, it be remembered that in stagnant societies (e.g. in Tibet) the number of persons out to seeking refuge in the ecclesiastical life is of all proportion to the needs of the church. The Ethiopian clergy have managed a to get into their possession large part of the land. Add this the are we can fact that they ignorant and superstitious, and under stand what an enormous conservative force they represent. can A strong emperor dictate ecclesiastical policy if he wishes, but if he is wise he will cultivate the favor of the high church of can on ficials. In the event of war, he rely the support of the true church from the Aboona down. This would prove especially in an Italian invasion. It is no secret that the Vatican would like FEUDAL ETHIOPIA AND HER ARMY 73 to true to bring the schismatic Copts back the faith, and the one of an Ethiopians strongly suspect that this would be result one Italian conquest. Their religion is the force that has kept are not them together through fifteen centuries, and they going to surrender it lightly. ii us The empire of affords the best contemporary state. on a example of the feudal Society in Ethiopia is based own rigid stratification of classes, each with its traditional economic and political functions. The basis for the social organ re ization is essentially military, with the positions of honor served for the men who lead the army in time of war. These same men govern the country in time of peace. With little alteration, the system has prevailed for centuries. Until the last was cut quarter of the nineteenth century, Ethiopia off from the as civilized world, except for such brief interludes the Portuguese invasion in the sixteenth century. It was only inMenelik's time (he died in 1913) that western civilization again penetrated to Ethiopia. To this day its influence has been limited the to entourage of the Emperor and the few Ethiopians who have mass traveled abroad. The great of the people, despite the strenu ous efforts put forth by the present ruler, remain loyal to the ancient of their ancestors. folk-ways most One of the reforms which Haile Selassie has valiantly to striven impose is the concentration of the supreme power in his own hands. In the past, except when overawed by the power and a prestige of strong ruler like Menelik, the overlords of the vari ous to effective control from their provinces managed escape any nominal for distances were the was sovereign; great, country mountainous, and local jealousies could be depended upon to abet the particularism of each petty chieftain. Notwithstanding to secure these obstacles, Haile Selassie's efforts absolute power success. have achieved considerable Several of the hereditary to regional overlords have been brought heel, and either have to or been forced accept close supervision from have been replaced by imperial nominees. The process of rehabilitating the imperial authority, which had disintegrated after the death of Menelik, received its first real on te impetus in 1926 the death of Fituarari Hap Ghiorghis, who for thirty years had commanded the imperial army. At that time, 74 FOREIGN AFFAIRS

Ras Tafari Makonnen, the present emperor, was heir to the throne and Vicar for the Empress Zauditu, daughter of Menelik. Ras Tafari seized the extensive feudal holdings of Hapte Ghiorghis over and took the control of the imperial army. By adding these troops to those which he already commanded as hereditary own governor of his province of Harrar he became the strongest soon prince in Ethiopia. He made it plain to his rival overlords, some as a to as of whom had legitimate claim the succession he, meant as as to that he far possible monopolize the supreme state. to power of the In 1928, the Empress raised him the rank of negus (king). After her death in 1930, he became Negus Neghesti or name (king of kings), Emperor, under the of Haile Selassie ("the power of the Trinity"). Thereafter, he redoubled his an energies toward the establishment of autocracy. In 1932, he a crushed revolt headed by Ras Hailu of Godjam, until then the most independent of the ancient provinces. By substituting his own appointee for the rebellious chieftain he brought under direct a imperial control rich and important region, that lying within as the semicircle formed by the Blue Nile it flows from Lake Tana to the Sudan. But in general the hereditary rulers of the old not Ethiopian provinces have been deprived of their fiefs. The progress of centralization has rather been directed towards the to east outlying provinces the and south, where the population is or were not con either Moslem pagan. Most of these regions quered until Menelik's reign, and consequently there has been little time for their assimilation. a The historian will immediately detect in these events great to similarity the anti-feudal, centralizing activities of the Valois and the Tudors. The political evolution of Ethiopia is just about five hundred years behind that of Europe. an There is, of course, Ethiopian constitution, proclaimed by the Emperor in 1931. This instrument provides for the periodic a assembly of "parliament." It need hardly be said that this body no to is in way comparable the legislative assemblies of such as European countries still enjoy parliamentary institutions. The tenure to "representatives," with their subject imperial consent, are no to over in position exercise any effective supervision or a either legislation administration. At best they constitute on chamber of registration. The Emperor addresses them those or occasions when he wishes to be heard by the country by the at no world large. In any case, the members of the parliament in FEUDAL ETHIOPIA AND HER ARMY 75 masses sense represent the ignorant and oppressed of the Ethio more pian people, any than, for example, the "Model Parlia ment" of Edward I represented the people of England. They may be said to at most the represent provincial aristocracy. in

It isworth while for us to take a moment to examine in a little more nature structure detail the of the Ethiopian social because nature it determines the of the Emperor's armed forces and his to a war a ability conduct protracted against foreign nation. The Negus Neghesti, who stands at the apex, has since the thirteenth century been a descendant of Solomon and the Queen to of Sheba, at least according tradition. That this descent is does not diminish its as a probably apocryphal efficacy political influence. While the Emperor's actual power has at times ebbed a to very low point, respect for the lineal descendant of Solomon to has helped preserve from generation generation the Ethiopians' proud spirit of national solidarity and independence. next Ranking below the Negus Neghesti come the titles of negus ras. more and That of negus is the exalted, having been held in as the past by the rulers of such important "kingdoms" Shoa, are Godjam, and Amhara. Lesser provinces generally governed a not on by ras, though the distinction has always been based the or size importance of the various jurisdictions. While these titles new tend to become hereditary, dynasties have not infrequently set been up by usurpers. The present Emperor's policy is to sup as too to press the title and office of negus dangerous the imperial are power. Lesser titles those of the dejesmatch, who governs a or a province by appointment either of the Negus Neghesti of ras; the or "commander of the advance and fitaurari, guard," the "commander of the rear and lower the azmatch, guard;" still, "commander of the and cany azmatch, right wing," grazmatch, "commander of the left wing." Those who hold the last three titles may in time of peace govern districts of varying sizes. Not all of them are necessarily associated with territorial administra tion. are to the Many attached households of the Emperor, his or representatives, the great feudal lords. will be It noted that these titles denote military duties, bearing out as to the observation the virtual identity of the civil and military administrations in Ethiopia. Below these greater and lesser hierarchs lies the broad base of 76 FOREIGN AFFAIRS

Ethiopian society: the peasants, the shepherds, the servants, and the armed retainers of the ruling class, in short the hewers of wood and the drawers of water. It would be futile to try to de scribe their legal position exactly. Many of them have been called no means as serfs, others slaves. The plight of the latter is by as or unfortunate pious humanitarians the Italian Press Bureau would have us believe. On the whole, the slaves work very little to are and according Ethiopian standards usually treated with When consideration. modern capitalism and its ruthless exploita tion of labor arrives in Ethiopia, the "slaves" will probably look to one can back with longing the good old days. No question the sincerity of Haile Selassie's efforts to stop the slave trade and to an prepare for the eventual abolition of slavery. But institution so firmly imbedded in the Ethiopian scheme of things cannot be a uprooted in day. IV

From this brief description of the feudal organization of the state even Ethiopian it is obvious that if the Emperor be strong on or much will depend the willingness unwillingness of the local chiefs to cooperate with him wholeheartedly. This is true in time more in war. In of peace, and still time of theory, perhaps, every owes to Ethiopian soldier his primary allegiance the Negus case. to Neghesti. Actually, this is rarely the Due the Emperor's remoteness to and the incomplete centralization of governmental to authority, the soldier's real loyalty is the local chief. Though the local chiefs may not dare to revolt, they still may in terfere with the imperial plans by passive resistance and sabotage. Recently rumors have been heard that some of the border chieftains had come to terms with II Duce, but that before mak were on ing good their promises they insisting being given evi dence as to the powers of the Italian army. It would be natural wean for Italy to try to Haile Selassie's vassals away from him sort by silver and fair promises. But in the past this of thing has been tried with almost universal failure. During the eighties the Italians supported Menelik, then Negus of Shoa, against the on Emperor Johannes. After Menelik became emperor, the death of Johannes in 1889, he turned against the Italians and pursued an independent policy. Crispi then sought to create trouble for were Menelik by suborning his northern vassals. These efforts FEUDAL ETHIOPIA AND HER ARMY 77

entirely unsuccessful, for in the Adua campaign Menelik had the full support of the northern chieftains. an a All in all, the Ethiopian army is anachronism in world war an where has become intricate science. Were geographic not factors in its favor, it would stand little chance of succeeding in the task of preserving the independence of the country. The only modernized part of the Ethiopian army is the imperial to to bodyguard, reported variously consist of from 2,500 30,000 men. Since 1929 this body has been training under Belgian and Swedish officers. The men wear uniforms (minus shoes), carry to arms: up-to-date arms, and drill according the manual of all of a can which is great innovation for Ethiopia. These regiments be as regarded shock troops, though it is possible that the Emperor as a will throw them into action only last resort. In addition to his bodyguard, the Emperor has under his personal control the so-called "imperial army," composed of the to as armed followers who look him their regional overlord. In the case of Haile Selassie this includes the provinces of Harrar, are Wollo and Shoa.1 Some of these imperial troops garrisoned in to various parts of the country in order enforce the imperial commands. There are no reliable statistics on the size of the im perial army, but it probably numbers between 50,000 and 100,000 men. as In any other country they would be described "irregu lars." Their equipment is archaic and their organization distinctly rudimentary. same even more to The criticism applies the feudal levies, men are composed of all the able-bodied of the land who not from service. The are numerous. exempted military exemptions the to the Priests, monks, merchants, shepherds, guards assigned of are none of them to personal protection noblewomen, supposed be liable for active service. Whether this would hold true in case man to run an the power of Ethiopia began low is open question. one One by the exemptions would probably be withdrawn. men at The actual number of fighting Haile Selassie's disposal has been the subject of much speculation by various foreign ob and as usual calculations sees state servers, vary widely. One ments that a million men have been called up, or are soon to be. i The centre of Ethiopian political gravity has in the past shifted with the change in rulers. at For instance, under Theodore (who committed suicide Magdala in 1868, after Napier's column was had arrived) it in Amhara. During the reign of Johannes (killed by the Mahdists at the lt:was *n battle of Metemma in 1889) Tigre. Menelik moved the capital to Addis Ababa, in Shoa, where it has since remained. 78 FOREIGN AFFAIRS an were This probably is exaggeration. Even if there that many men to no subject service there would be point in calling them into a not or the field. Such vast host could possibly be fed armed, and a an asset. a would be liability rather than Half million would ap a more pear to be much reasonable figure. Corrado Zoli, formerly cannot Governor of , estimates that Ethiopia maintain more men than 250,000 fighting in active service. Certainly in most Tigre, where food is relatively scarce, it would be unwise to concentrate a for the Ethiopians large number of troops. manner amount armament In like the of possessed by Ethiopia a to is matter of wide disagreement. She is reported have between 500,000 and 600,000 rifles and muskets of all makes and vintages, several hundred machine guns, and a few dozen cannon. The are museum a latter admittedly nothing but pieces. That there is general dearth of modern rifles, machine guns and the appropriate too are a ammunition is only obvious. There few planes, but they are hardly adapted for combat purposes. Gas units, tank corps, and most of the other refinements of modern warfare simply do not exist in the Ethiopian army. Average Ethiopian soldiers have a very strong contempt for these new-fangled contraptions. Did not their fathers win at Adua without them ? as This attitude is unfortunate, the Ethiopians will discover war con after the first impact of Mussolini's machine. Il Duce is on a arms men centrating the Eritrean plateau force of and the never seen like of which has before been in Africa. He hopes by overcome virtue of it to the physical features which weigh the so balance heavily against him. Italian commercial ships have runs been withdrawn from their usual and foreign ships have to men to been bought in order transfer the host of and materials move an East Africa. To them from Massaua up to the plateau as a overhead cable railway has been constructed supplement to are the railroad and highways, both of which being greatly im proved and extended. Against these overwhelming odds of mat?riel, the Ethiopian as army has several advantages. In the first place, already pointed on out, geography is their side. In the second place, they will have on the advantage of fighting familiar ground. Thirdly, their forces reason possess greater mobility than their opponents. One for this mobility is the absence of several auxiliary services regarded by as as European general staffs indispensable, such commissary de partments and hospital units. The Ethiopian army travels light, FEUDAL ETHIOPIA AND HER ARMY 79

living for the most part off the country through which it passes. In short this at least to campaigns proves satisfactory enough, the army if not to the peasants whose crops are requisitioned. Under such circumstances, the invading army, with its elaborate a service of supply and other impedimenta, is under tremendous cannot handicap. The Italian soldier, for all his frugality, possibly on no fight Ethiopian rations. The Ethiopians have medical name. an service worthy of the The formation of Ethiopian Red Cross has been announced in dispatches from Addis Ababa, but we sure con may be that by and large the Ethiopian soldiers will to own women tinue bind up their wounds with the help of the servants and accompanying them into the field. In a the of ceases to long campaign, advantage mobility operate ex in favor of the Ethiopians. The food supply becomes rapidly hausted, and with it the warlike enthusiasm of the levies. More no to over, the Ethiopian has desire stay away from home for many arms season months. The idea of remaining under during the rainy to to a is especially distasteful him. What he looks forward is short a campaign, climaxed by resounding victory. If the enemy is once crushed, the army disintegrates and goes home. This iswhat two sent happened in 1875-76 when Egyptian armies by the were suc Khedive Ismail to conquer northern Ethiopia defeated at at not cessively Gundet and Gura. The Ethiopians did follow a up these victories with drive toward Massaua, though they had as an long coveted that port outlet for their land-locked country. same to The thing happened after Adua in 1896. Eritrea lay open Menelik, but the army, feeling its mission fulfilled in the utter defeat of Baratieri's twenty thousand, disbanded and returned southward. A Italian counter-offensive conceiv vigorous might ably have recovered much of the lost ground. If this procedure were a new war we to be followed in against Italy might have the of an Italian marooned in the mountains of spectacle army season no Ethiopia during the rainy with substantial enemy force opposing it. over Another great advantage which Ethiopia has Italy is that can a war she fight with very little outlay of capital. The feudal whether as combatants or on the receive levies, employed corv?e, costs state or as nothing but their upkeep. This the little nothing, it is exacted in kind from the countryside. Ethiopia's principal need for cash is for munitions, of which she must import her to entire supply. Supposing she is permitted purchase and import 8o FOREIGN AFFAIRS

can munitions, the necessary capital probably be raised by drain cur ing the country of its Maria Theresa thalers, the standard etc. case rency, and by exporting coffee, hides, gold dust, But in sea an the country is cut off from access to the by Italian block or a ade, by refusal by the French and British to honor the of free of arms con treaty August 1930 guaranteeing passage to signed the Ethiopian Government, the situation of the latter would be desperate. A continued embargo by the munition to same producing countries of the world would lead the result. Supposing that neither of these fatal eventualities occurred, were to and that Ethiopia permitted implement her resistance with modern weapons, what would be her chances of victory? course What would be the probable of the campaign ?Prophesying so case so is dangerous, and doubly in the of Ethiopia where unknowns enter into But a ob many every equation. general or two servation may be hazarded. As this is written, the Italian intention is apparently to strike a crushing blow from Eritrea. Adua will be avenged and the temperature of Italian patriotism and imperialism will be brought to to ex fever heat. If Haile Selassie refuses give combat in the treme can won. north, several cheap victories be readily In the south, similar inconclusive successes may be achieved without altering the general strategic situation. Real resistance will be encountered when the Italians approach the Somali plateau, which controls the Jibuti-Addis Ababa Railroad (though the can case a value of this artery in any be rendered negligible by few well-placed projectiles from Italian bombers). But will not the soon wear effect of the first few Italian victories off? Tropical diseases will strike down thousands, in addition to the losses in combat. A rising toll of dead and wounded and sick cannot be kept forever from the Italian public. And the cracks in the finan even war cial structure of Italy, already apparent before the preparations began, will become wider and wider. a Mussolini's imperative need, it would seem, is for quick can as campaign which be interpreted victorious, whatever the a real value of the victories secured. Military observers agree that one season complete conquest of Ethiopia in is highly improbable. are an If they right, Mussolini may find himself in unpleasant more predicament, for the he becomes involved in Ethiopia the more rear a he exposes his Alpine against rapidly rearming Germany. Like Mussolini, will not Hitler take the opportunity to FEUDAL ETHIOPIA AND HER ARMY 81

try to blast his way out of the impasse into which the economic contradictions of fascism have led him and his country? In such circumstances, could Italy then find it possible to devote enough to to attention the Ethiopian campaign make any headway with it? If she settles down to a stalemate she immobilizes several hundred thousand troops and much shipping. If she withdraws not an she only suffers incalculable loss of prestige but exposes two to her colonies Ethiopian invasion. mere The predictions intimated by the fact of posing these questions may be wide of the mark. Mussolini may make a clean one or at most two. sweep of Ethiopia in season, the The possibil ity that he may do so is closely connected with the possibility that Haile Selassie will be left without arms. But even ifMussolini's suc cess to extends that far, there is ground believe that his Ethiopian an troubles will have just begun. The country will require im mense at a cost army of occupation, of billions of lire. It must then at cost more be "civilized," the of billions. Will the capital for these developments be found in France, Great Britain and the United States? It cannot be found in Italy. Regardless of who is the military victor in the Italo-Ethiopian seem to war, the real winners destined be Italy's imperialist rivals in Europe. And the losers will be the Italian people.