Apartheid: Hitting from the Laager

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Apartheid: Hitting from the Laager I-- 7 A A' Vol. 1 No. 5 REPORT I) # " / N L .0-1 -j SOUT ICCA S WAR ON SOUTHERN AFRICA jjfpr9g &, Vol. 1 No. 5 REPORT April 1986 Contents Editorial Apartheid: Hitting from the Laager The Coup d'Etat in Lesotho ...... ............... 3 Angola: Tough Road Ahead ... ........... ... 6 Botswana: Beleaguered Oasis ...... .............. Southern Africa Defending Apartheid ................. REPORT Looking at SADCC ...... ................... is produced 5 times a year by a vol The Hidden Violence of Apartheid ........... unteer collective of the Toronto Com mittee for the Liberation of Southern Coke Adds Artificial Sweetener: Africa (TCLSAC), Buying Into the Black Opposition .............. 427 Bloor St. W. Toronto, M5S 1X7 Stamp News ...... .................. .... 22 Tel. (416) 967-5562. Divestment at Queen's: Submissions, suggestions and help The Pressure Mounts ..... with production are welcome and in vited. Laval Divestment? ..... ... .......... ........ 25 We Symbolize Toughness: Subscriptions MATCH Supports Zimbabwean Women . 26 Annual TCLSAC membership and ANC - COSATU Meetings ..... ............... ... 27 Southern Africa REPORT subscrip tion rates are as follows: Review: - The "Peasant Option" in Zimbabwe ....... 28 SUBSCRIPTION: Individual .......... .$15.00 Institution .......... ... $30.00 MEMBERSHIP: (includes subscription) Contributors Regular (Canada) ....... $30.00 Unemployed Pat Baker, Jonathan Barker, Nancy Barker, Student .. ......... .. $15.00 Claudette Chase, Shirani George, Linda Guebert, Senior Susan Hurlich, Jo Lee, H6lne Castel Moussa, $50.00 Sustainer .... .......... to John Saul, Doug Sider, Heather Speers, $200.00 Joe Vise, Mary Vise. Overseas add $5.00 Cover design by Margle Bruun-Meyer Printed by Union Labour at Action Print Apartheid: Hitting Out From the Laager There has been a dramatic mobiliza tion against apartheid South Africa in North America over the past year or so. But even within the anti apartheid movement and in a politi cal climate so unfavourable to South Africa the brutal wars of destabi lization which that country is con tinuing to wage against its neigh bours have remained far too in visible. How ironic, too, that in the United States the very same Congress which began to set in motion economic sanctions against South Africa could vote, almost si multaneously, to repeal the Clark amendment (an amendment which had, for ten years, set severe lim its to American covert intervention in Angola). Yet this latter action further freed the hands of the Rea gan administration to back South Africa's destabilization efforts - via its UNITA proxy - in Angola. A particularly brutal exercise in destabilization continues in Mozam bique as well - despite the well publicized Nkomati Accord struck in 1984 between South Africa and Mozambique. The destructive ac tivities of the counter-revolutionary undermine support for the African do the ANC some damage, however movement there (the MNR or "Re National Congress in the neighbour temporary. namo") are still crucially dependent ing states, in particular concrete There are other, perhaps more on South African backing. Or take support in the form of bases, sup important reasons for South Africa's Botswana, its once peaceful and sta ply lines and freedom of passage. assertiveness vis-d-vis its neigh ble polity increasingly rocked by the Clearly, South Africa is mainly en bours, however. One is economic. South African attacks which Pe gaged in a propaganda exercise here The southern African economy de ter Gillespie itemizes in this issue - the better to project its own inter veloped, historically, as a hinter of SAR. And, most recently, there nal conflicts onto the rest of the sub land for South Africa and the is Lesotho. As analyzed by Dan continent and present them as com latter is prepared to try various O'Meara below, South Africa has ing from outside, from 'communist means to retain its economic hege capped an extended period of both backed," hit-and-run "terrorists." mony there, to retain it as mar military and economic destabiliza Needless to say, this approach seeks ket, labour pool, transport out tion of Lesotho by facilitating a coup to blur the fact that the ANC is, let. In consequence, one key tar d'6tat in that country. Clearly, it is first and foremost, rooted not out get of South African-sponsored in South Africa's neighbours who still side South Africa but in the on cursions into neighbouring countries must pay much of the price for the going struggle within; it manages, has been the infrastructure of trans defensive death agonies of apartheid too, to overstate the degree of sup port and communications among and racial capitalism. port (in logistical as distinct from these states which, under the aus Domination of its regional en rhetorical terms) which has come to pices of such intiatives as the South vironment in defense of the status the ANC from states in the region. ern African Coordination Confer quo at home: this is South Africa's Still, as the Nkomati Accord demon ence (SADCC), might be seen to goal. More specifically, it seeks to strated, South African pressure can be contributing to the emergence Southern Africa REPORT april 1986 1 of a regional economic grid outside Africa's own internal contradictions. the orbit of South African control. Indeed, these contradictions have Moreover, South Africa can hope sharpened - since Nkomati! - in to so weaken individual states and 1984's dramatic resistance to the economies as to make them more new South African constitution and vulnerable to economic penetration, amidst 1985's deepening crisis; the both by its own and other interna ANC's star has continued to rise and tional capitalist actors. the apartheid regime's isolation con South Africa also relishes the tinued to grow. Moreover, as Dan possibility that failed economies and O'Meara puts the point elsewhere shattered societies beyond its im in this issue, South Africa's actions the mediate borders will serve its pro may also come back to haunt paganda purposes, both externally apartheid regime in another way: and domestically. If, on the one for hand, South Africa's own respon "the blockade against Lesotho has sibility for these outcomes can be sharply undermined Pretoria's own blurred somewhat, then it might be propaganda offensive against sanc made to appear that it is "social tions. If it is admissible for South ism" and "black majority rule" that Africa to force political change in are not working in Africa. If, on Lesotho through sanctions, presum the other hand, significant economic ably it is admissible to use sanc and political concessions can be ex tions to try to do the same in torted from its neighbours some South Africa. Moreover as the coup might be convinced to hail South proved, sanctions work." Africa's "positive" role as peace In the meantime, however, the maker and help-mate in the region; costs of South Africa's aggressive so, at least momentarily, was South policies to its neighbours are high. Africa able to present the Nkomati As Steve Godfrey's first-hand report Accord, parlaying it into a 1984 from Angola in this issue demon Botha tour of Western European strates, the latter do resist as best capitals during which he found a few they can, and even the new Lesotho more doors than usual open to him. much too close to the truth of the government is attempting to retain Nonetheless, it is primarily the matter for any easy comfort: some room for manoeuvre vis-d-vis invisibility, rather than the accept "Yes, humble Swaziland agrees, Pretoria. At the same time, and ability, of these wars that South humble Mozambique accepts, hum ominously enough for such neigh Africa relies upon. That, and the ble Zambia hosts meetings of un bours, the Pretoria regime does extreme difficulty which the highly equal neighbours like South Africa seem presently to be giving a re vulnerable target states of southern and Angola. What else can we do? newed currency to its characteristic Africa have in resisting such bully But we are not doing it with happy rationale for aggression: a rhetorical ing. For brute force - along with the hearts. We do it out of fear, but that line, downplayed somewhat around manipulation (involving both eco fear will end one day. It is bound the time of Nkomati, which em nomic blackmail and the occasional to." phasizes the threat of a "total on proffering of economic carrots) of In fact, none of these countries slaught," mounted, both globally South Africa's inherited predomi and regionally, against can hope even to begin to realize South Africa nance in the region - is the name by that old bogeyman, "the commu of the game. As Lesotho's Foreign their full potential for development so long as an untransformed South nist menace." For southern Africa, Minister admitted quite candidly on in short, worse may be yet to come. one earlier occasion - when, in 1983, Africa hovers over them, stick and carrot in hand. This is one more good reason why Lesotho was forced to evacuate cer we must not allow the drama of tain ANC personnel from its terri We may take some consola South Africa's internal crisis - cru tory - his country "could no longer tion from Kaunda's final line, of cial though that crisis undoubt withstand South African military course. Any advantages that South edly is - to displace a simultaneous and economic pressure." Under Africa can gain from regional ag concern for South Africa's wars of such circumstances, the summary gression are bound to be short destabilization from the agenda of of the situation offered by Zambia's lived. For destabilization can do the world-wide anti-apartheid move President Kenneth Kaunda remains nothing whatsoever to resolve South ment. april 1936 Southern Africa REPORT The Coup d'Etat in Lesotho BY DAN O'MEARA and establishing close links with from the collapse in the region of (CEDMAA) both South African capital and the Portuguese colonialism, Jonathan On the 19th of January the head apartheid government, Jonathan ac hailed Mozambican independence, of Lesotho's Paramilitary Force, tually lost the first post condemned the 1976 Soweto mas General Justice Lekhanya, deposed independence election to the BCP sacre and, his greatest crime i.
Recommended publications
  • The Raid on Gaborone, June 14, 1985: a Memorial
    The Raid on Gaborone, June 14, 1985: A memorial http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.BOTHISP104 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org The Raid on Gaborone, June 14, 1985: A memorial Author/Creator Nyelele, Libero; Drake, Ellen Publisher Libero Nyelele and Ellen Drake Date 1985-14-06 Resource type Pamphlets Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) Botswana Coverage (temporal) 1985-1986 Source Northwestern University Libraries, 968.1103.N994r Description Table of Contents: The Raid; The Victims: the Dead; The Injured; Property Damage; Epilogue; Poem: Explosion of Fire; Lithograph: the Day After; Post Script Format extent 40 (length/size) http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.BOTHISP104 http://www.aluka.org 6g 6g M, I THE RA ON GABORONE: JUNE 14 l.985 by Libero Nyelele and Ellen Drake n 0**.
    [Show full text]
  • University of Zimbabwe Departments of Economics Law Political and Administrative Studies
    UNIVERSITY OF ZIMBABWE DEPARTMENTS OF ECONOMICS LAW POLITICAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE STUDIES Paper 1 FRONTLINE STATES AND SOUTHERN AFRICAN REGIONAL RESPONSE fFO SOUTH AFRICAN ARMED AGRESSION by K Makamure and R Loewenson University of Zimbabwe INTERNATIONAL SEMINAR SERIES SEMINAR ON SOUTHERN AFRICAN RESPONSES TO IMPERIALISM ii HARARE 22-24 APRIL 1987 FRONTLINE STATES .AND SOUTHERN AFRICAN REGIONAL .RESPONSE TO SOUTH' AFRICAN ARMED AGGRESS ION - - A ' SIt Jd T' IN ’ WAR AND STRATEGY IN SOUTHERN AFRICA by CUES K. MAKAMURE AND R .LOEWENSON WAR AS A CONTINUATION OF POLITICS BY OTHER MEANS "War is the highest form of struggle for resolving contradictions, when they have developed to a certain stage, between classes, nations , states, or political groups, and it has existed ever since the emergence of private property and of classes ."(1) This great classic statement sums up the historical and dialectical materialist, conception of war and armed struggle held and developed by the great proletarian leaders and theoreticians of the world communist movement namely: Marx, Engels and Lenin. This underslanding of war as a phenomenon was also similarly understood by the early 19th Century German military scholar, Karl von ^Clausewitz who in his book, "On War" , defined war as, "an act of violence intended to compel our opponent to fulfill our will." Clausewitz further classified war as " belonging to the province of social life. It is a conflict of great interests which is settled by bloodshed, and only in that is it different from others." In addition, Clausewitz also viewed political aims as the end and war as the means and in stressing this dialectical link he wrote: t "War is nothing else than the continuation of state policy by different means." On this he elaborated thus: "War is not only a political act but a real political instrument, a continuation of political transactions, an accomplishment of these by different means.
    [Show full text]
  • South Africa & Botswana Tour Booklet
    YARM SCHOOL RUGBY TOUR South Africa and Botswana 2013 CONTENTS PAGE 2 Table of Contents 3 Code of Conduct 4 - 8 Rugby Tour Final Information 9 Flight Information 10 - 22 Tour itinerary 23 - 26 Hotel Information 27 - 37 South Africa Fact Sheets 38 - 45 Botswana Fact Sheets 46 - 50 Team Sheets 2 Code of Conduct Throughout the tour it is important for the entire tour party to remember that at all times they will be acting as ambassadors for Yarm School during the whole trip. Naturally, this includes time spent at airports, on the journeys, with host families, during free time as well as during games. People will judge the school and England more generally, on our appearance, demeanour and attitude. We expect pupils to be smartly turned out at all times, to be proud to be on tour with the School and to be keen to make a favourable impression. Normal School rules will apply. That is to say that we expect no foul language; alcohol, smoking, drugs and pornography remain banned as they are in School and pupils should remember that they are on a School trip with their teachers. It is important that pupils and parents understand that any serious transgression of these expectations and rules will result in disciplinary consequences. We hope very much that it will not be necessary to discipline tourists, either on the trip or when the party returns to School. Very serious misbehaviour could result in a pupil being sent back at parental expense. It goes without saying that nobody on the trip wants to exercise this right.
    [Show full text]
  • Black Consciousness and the Politics of Writing the Nation in South Africa
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Birmingham Research Archive, E-theses Repository Black Consciousness and the Politics of Writing the Nation in South Africa by Thomas William Penfold A thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of African Studies and Anthropology School of History and Cultures College of Arts and Law University of Birmingham May 2013 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Abstract Since the transition from apartheid, there has been much discussion of the possibilities for the emergence of a truly ‘national’ literature in South Africa. This thesis joins the debate by arguing that Black Consciousness, a movement that began in the late 1960s, provided the intellectual framework both for understanding how a national culture would develop and for recognising it when it emerged. Black Consciousness posited a South Africa where formerly competing cultures sat comfortably together. This thesis explores whether such cultural equality has been achieved. Does contemporary literature harmoniously deploy different cultural idioms simultaneously? By analysing Black writing, mainly poetry, from the 1970s through to the present, the study traces the stages of development preceding the emergence of a possible ‘national’ literature and argues that the dominant art versus politics binary needs to be reconsidered.
    [Show full text]
  • Botswana • South Africa High Commission in Botswana – Gaborone
    NEWS FROM BOTSWANA • SOUTH AFRICA HIGH COMMISSION IN BOTSWANA – GABORONE NEWS FROM BOTSWANA SOUTH AFRICAN HIGH COMMISSION IN GABORONE Newsletter - News From Botswana • Volume 1 • Issue 1 PRESIDENT ZUMA ATTENDS SADC DOUBLE TROIKA SUMMIT IN GABORONE resident Jacob Zuma attended the Double Troika Summit of the Heads of State and Government Pof the Southern African Development Community (SADC) which was held in Gaborone, Republic of Botswana on 18 January 2016. Also in attendance was the Deputy President Mr Cyril Ramaphosa in his capacity as the SADC facilitator in Lesotho and the Minister of International Relations His Exellency President Jacob Zuma at the Gaborone and Cooperation, Ms Maite Nkoana- International Convention Centre Mashabane and Senior Officials. Contents High Commission hosts Michael Dingake’s 2 book launch ZK Matthews Colloquium 6 Nelson Mandela International Day 11 SA High Commission His Exellency President Jacob Zuma and the Minister in Gaborone hosts SA 14 of Mineral, Energy & Water Resources - Botswana Hon. Business Council Kitso Mokaila and the SA High Commissioner, HE Mr. Mdu Lembede 1 NEWS FROM BOTSWANA • SOUTH AFRICA HIGH COMMISSION IN BOTSWANA – GABORONE HIGH COMMISSION HOSTS MR MICHAEL DINGAKE’S BOOK LAUNCH 1 2 3 1: The keynote speaker Mr Max Sisulu addressing the audience. 2: SA High Commissioner Mr Mdu Lembede with Mr Max Sisulu 3: Ambassador of Cuba to Botswana, Mr Max Sisulu, Mr Michael Dingake he High launched at the Nelson Commission Mandela Foundation in hosted the Johannesburg and the Tlaunch of Mr Sol Plaatjie Foundation Michael Dingake’s third in Kimberley. The book book titled “Better to die gives an overview of on one’s feet”.
    [Show full text]
  • Kgosi Linchwe II, the Bakgatla and Botswana in the South African Liberation Struggle, 1948
    This article was downloaded by: [Cambridge University Library] On: 28 April 2015, At: 04:36 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Journal of Southern African Studies Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cjss20 Chiefly Power in a Frontline State: Kgosi Linchwe II, the Bakgatla and Botswana in the South African Liberation Struggle, 1948–1994 Louisa Cantwella a Faculty of History, University of Cambridge; Macmillan Center for International and Area Studies, Yale University Published online: 16 Mar 2015. Click for updates To cite this article: Louisa Cantwell (2015) Chiefly Power in a Frontline State: Kgosi Linchwe II, the Bakgatla and Botswana in the South African Liberation Struggle, 1948–1994, Journal of Southern African Studies, 41:2, 255-272, DOI: 10.1080/03057070.2015.1012910 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2015.1012910 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Versions of published Taylor & Francis and Routledge Open articles and Taylor & Francis and Routledge Open Select articles posted to institutional or subject repositories or any other third-party website are without warranty from Taylor & Francis of any kind, either expressed or implied, including, but not limited to, warranties of merchantability, fitness for a particular purpose, or non-infringement.
    [Show full text]
  • Victim Findings ABRAHAMS, Derrek (30), a Street Committee Me M B E R, Was Shot Dead by Members of the SAP at Gelvandale, Port Elizabeth, on 3 September 1990
    Vo l u m e S E V E N ABRAHAMS, Ashraf (7), was shot and injured by members of the Railway Police on 15 October 1985 in Athlone, in the TRO J A N HOR S EI N C I D E N T , CAP E TOW N . Victim findings ABRAHAMS, Derrek (30), a street committee me m b e r, was shot dead by members of the SAP at Gelvandale, Port Elizabeth, on 3 September 1990. ■ ABRAHAMS, John (18) (aka 'Gaika'), an MK member, Unknown victims went into exile in 1968. His family last heard from him Many unnamed and unknown South Africans were the in 1975 and has received conflicting information from victims of gross violations of human rights during the the ANC reg a rding his fate. The Commission was Co m m i s s i o n ’s mandate period. Their stories came to unable to establish what happened to Mr Abrahams, the Commission in the stories of other victims and in but he is presumed dead. the accounts of perpetrators of violations. ABRAHAMS, Moegsien (23), was stabbed and stoned to death by a group of UDF supporters in Mitchells Like other victims of political conflict and violence in Plain, Cape Town, on 25 May 1986, during a UDF rally South Africa, they experienced suffering and injury. wh e re it was alleged that he was an informe r. UDF Some died, some lost their homes. Many experienced leaders attempted to shield him from attack but Mr the loss of friends, family members and a livelihood.
    [Show full text]
  • Botswana Arrests 2 South Africans in Clash
    Page 1 135 of 222 DOCUMENTS The New York Times June 22, 1988, Wednesday, Late City Final Edition Botswana Arrests 2 South Africans in Clash BYLINE: Special to the New York Times SECTION: Section A; Page 12, Column 5; Foreign Desk LENGTH: 220 words DATELINE: JOHANNESBURG, June 21 The Botswana police arrested two white South African commandos early today after a gun battle in which three policemen were wounded, the Government of the neighboring black-ruled nation said today. A statement said the South African commandos opened fire on the Botswana police after the officers surprised them near a railroad line at Kgale mission, 12 miles south of Gaborone, the capital, near the border with South Africa. Botswana authorities said the commandos, whom they identified as Cpl. Johannes Basson, 25 years old, and Theodore Hermanhen, 30, were planning a raid on Gaborone. The statement said one of the policemen wounded was in critical condition. Botswana's President, Quett K. Masire, accused South Africa of an ''act of state terrorism.'' The Pretoria Government's forces have launched raids into Botswana each year for the last four years, ostensibly to strike at targets of the outlawed African National Congress. Botswana denies that it provides transit facilities to the guerrillas. The South African military said in a statement tonight that an army patrol engaged in a mission against African National Congress guerrillas was involved in a ''skirmish'' with Botswana police early today. It added that the men had been gathering information in connection with suspected infiltrators. LANGUAGE: ENGLISH Copyright 1988 The New York Times Company.
    [Show full text]
  • Report of the Reparation & Rehabilitation Committee
    Vo l u m e SIX • S e c t i o n TWO • C h ap t e r ONE Report of the Reparation & Rehabilitation Committee I N T R O D U C T I O N Vo l u m e SIX S e c t i o n TWO C h ap t e r O N E Report of the Reparation and Rehabilitation Committee ■ INTRODUCTION 1. In 1998, the Reparation and Rehabilitation Committee (RRC) reported on its work and presented its policy recommendations to the Pre s i d e n t .1 This formed part of the Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (the Commission), which was handed to the President of South Africa on 28 October 1998. In that chapter, the RRC discussed the need for reparation and the moral and legal obligation to meet the needs of victims of gross human rights violations. The RRC also outlined the nature and prog r ess of the urgent interim reparation (UIR) p rogramme and submitted a comprehensive set of proposals for final re p a r a t i o n s . The present chapter needs to be read in conjunction with that earlier chapter. M A N D ATE OF THE REPA R ATION AND REHABILITATION C O M M I T T E E 2. The RRC received its mandate from the Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Act No. 34 of 1995 (the Act)2, which made provision for re p a r a t i o n s for those who had suff e red human rights violations.
    [Show full text]
  • AK2117-J7-DA154-001-Jpeg.Pdf
    Worttenfor Ch°nse a?o*er l cCc^ ^ o % Women — A Power for Change Report of the Seventeenth Annual National Conference of the South African Council of Churches held at St Barnabas School, Johannesburg • 0 June 24-27, 1985 Edited by Margaret Nash South African Council of Churches Hi I % of God both men and women are empowered for responsibility in society. Let have made a difference, had they been compelled to operate in the existing the Church, in its liturgies, hymns and sermons, take this more seriously that we structures of power. Women in powerful positions in other countries have most women may be more fully empowered to share with men in serving God in often conformed to the masculine patterns and structures laid down in the past. society. If we are looking towards a new society, one that conforms more closely to gospel teaching, we are not going to reach it by means of piecemeal reforms to what is inherently evil but only by the transformation of the way in which our society is ordered. 3 “To ride the Wind” — Women Empowered for Change Sheena Duncan Militarisation The rapid militarisation of this society is one of the most obvious symptoms of Preface the abuse of power. When Mr PW Botha became Prime Minister one of the very Regarding words with sexist connotations let me say that I am too old to juggle first things he did was to restructure the executive arm of government and create with pronouns. I was brought up on His and Him (in relation to God).
    [Show full text]
  • The Bakgatla-Ba-Kgafela and the Liberation Struggle in South Africa 1948-1994
    L. Cantwell On the Frontline of a Frontline State: The Bakgatla-ba-Kgafela and the Liberation Struggle in South Africa 1948-1994 Abstract: In May 2012, Thabo Mbeki paid tribute to Botswana’s role in the liberation struggle in South Africa, and in particular to the role played by Chief Linchwe II of the Bakgatla-ba-Kgafela community in providing a safe haven for refugees and being a key part of the ANC’s ‘underground machinery’. The involvement of a traditional authority in Botswana in such clandestine activity in support of the liberation struggle in South Africa had, until this point, remained hidden from public view. Taking this revelation as a starting point, this paper examines the ways in which the Bakgatla-ba- Kgafela community had historically been involved in and affected by the struggle. Territorially located in both Botswana and South Africa, having been partitioned by the arbitrarily-drawn border decided upon by the colonial authorities, the Bakgatla were embedded within social and political networks in both countries. This paper draws on the central concerns of A.I. Asiwaju’s Partitioned Africans, especially R.F. Morton’s study of the Bakgatla within it,1 and seeks to place this demonstration of post-independence international cooperation within the deeply-rooted historical experience of a people of a common culture or ethnicity divided by an externally-imposed colonial border. Since 1870, there had been the constant trans-boundary travel and communication necessitated by the imagining of a single ‘homeland entity’ across a boundary constructed out of external political conflict rather than internal historical or social divides.
    [Show full text]
  • Responding to the Challenge of Black Theology: Liberating Ministry to the White Community – 1988–1990
    HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies ISSN: (Online) 2072-8050, (Print) 0259-9422 Page 1 of 9 Original Research Responding to the challenge of Black Theology: Liberating Ministry to the White Community – 1988–1990 Author: This article provides an initial overview of the Institute for Contextual Theology’s 1988–1990 George J. (Cobus) van Wyngaard1,2 project on A Liberating Ministry to the White Community, particularly exploring the main themes that emerged from national workshops during the 3 years. The project participants set out to Affiliation: think through the questions of a ministry to the white community in dialogue and in solidarity 1 Department of Philosophy, with Black Consciousness and Black Theology and the article seeks to explore the extent to which Practical and Systematic Theology, University of this initial focus was attended to in the main themes developed. Particular attention is given to South Africa, South Africa how the project developed the notion of the white church as a ‘site of struggle’ and the accompanying social analysis and understanding of the role of prophetic theology. 2Faculty of Theology, Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam Corresponding author: Introduction George J. (Cobus) van In 1987, the Institute for Contextual Theology (ICT)1 embarked on a programme of thinking Wyngaard, [email protected] through the implication of a conscious ministry to the white community within the context of white racism and apartheid. Called A Liberating Ministry to the White Community (LMWC), the Dates: project ended in 1990 and has been all but forgotten. Gerald West, a central committee member in Received: 20 Nov. 2015 the project, recently pointed out that, according to his knowledge, nothing has been published on Accepted: 17 Mar.
    [Show full text]