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Social Origins of Swedish Democracy: the Role of Agrarian

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Social Origins of Swedish Democracy: the Role of Agrarian Social Origins of Swedish Democracy: the role of Agrarian Politics Erik Bengtsson. Lund University, Sweden Address: Erik Bengtsson, Dept. of Economic History, Box 7080, 220 07 Lund, Sweden E-mail: [email protected] 13,257 words, 1 table Abstract In discussions of Scandinavian democratization, it is commonplace to argue that long- standing farmer representation in parliament and a lack of feudalism facilitated early democratization. The present essay questions this interpretation in the Swedish case. It centers on a re-interpretation of farmer politics at the national level from the 1866-67 two- chamber parliament reform to the alliance between the farmers’ party and Social Democracy in 1933. I show that Swedish farmers did not organize themselves independently of nobles and land-owners until the 1920s, and did not play the role of an independent pro-democratic force. The broad-based organizations of farmers in the 1920s and 1930s, with their democratic, participatory culture, were heavily influenced by the political culture of liberals and the labor movement. The implication for analyses of democratization is that deep roots are less decisive than often supposed, and that modern political agency and organization conversely, in contrast to influential research traditions and theories of democracy, can reverse undemocratic traditions. Keywords: democratization, agrarian politics, Sweden, class politics, farmers. Research financed by Riksbankens Jubileumsfond grant “Dynamic peasants? Agency and inequality in Swedish modernization”, P16-0412:1. Thanks to Agnes Cornell, Josefin Hägglund, Anton Jansson, Johannes Lindvall, Mats Olsson, Jan Teorell and Carolina Uppenberg, and to participants in the Economic and Social History Colloquium, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin and the STANCE seminar, Lund, for their comments. 1 1. Introduction Sweden is known as a stable democracy. Why did Sweden become a stable democratic country, as it did in the 1920s and 1930s? And why did a Social Democratic model, rather than a more liberal model, evolve? In the most prominent explanations, farmers play a key role. For comparative sociologists such as Esping-Andersen and Luebbert, the political choices made by farmers during the Great Depression are the key.1 While farmers in Germany supported Fascism, in Scandinavia they went into coalitions with Social Democracy, entailing Keynesian economic policies and building welfare states. Other researchers also focus on the farmers as the key group for (social) democratic outcomes in this region, but look for deeper roots of the farmers’ influence. In this stream of the literature it was not the red-green alliance of the 1930s that gave rise to democratic societies with generous welfare states, but rather the farmers themselves, with a tradition going further back in history. The farmers put the region on a democratic trajectory, either because of material interests – in the research tradition following Barrington Moore, on social drivers of political regimes – or through the establishment of a political culture of egalitarianism.2 Views of a long tradition of “farmer democracy” in Sweden are typically founded on farmers’ representation in parliament, and on their power in the 1 Gøsta Esping-Andersen, Politics against Markets: The Social Democratic Road to Power (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1985); Gregory Luebbert, Liberalism, Fascism or Social Democracy: Social Classes and the Political Origins of Regimes in Interwar Europe (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991). See also Anne Kane and Michael Mann, “A Theory of Early Twentieth-Century Agrarian Politics”, Social Science History, 16, No. 3 (1992), p. 443. 2 Material interests: Francis G. Castles, 'Barrington Moore’s Thesis and Swedish Political Development', Government and Opposition, 8, No. 3 (1973); Tim Tilton, “'The Social Origins of Liberal Democracy: The Case of Sweden”, American Political Science Review, 68, No. 2 (1974); Peter Baldwin, The Politics of Social Solidarity: Class Bases of the European Welfare State 1875-1975 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Matti Alestalo and Stein Kuhnle, “The Scandinavian Route: Economic, Social, and Political Developments in Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden”, International Journal of Sociology, 16, No. 1 (1987). Political egalitarianism: Bo Stråth, “Continuity and Discontinuity in Passing Front I and II. Swedish 19th Century Civil Society: Culture, Social Formations and Political Change”, in Bo Stråth (ed.), Democratisation in Scandinavia in Comparison (Gothenburg: Department of History, University of Gothenburg, 1988), 21–41; Stråth, “The Cultural Construction of Equality in Norden”, in Synnove Bendixsen, Mary Bente Bringslid, and Halvard Vike (ed.), Egalitarianism in Scandinavia: Historical and Contemporary Perspectives (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018), 47-64; Lars Trägårdh, “Statist Individualism: On the Culturality of the Nordic Welfare State”, in Øystein Sørensen and Bo Stråth (ed.), The Cultural Construction of Norden (Oslo: Scandinavian University Press, 1997), 253-285. 2 parishes.3 The agrarian-oriented account of Swedish democratization has something to say for it: 80 per cent of the Swedish population in 1900 resided in rural areas, and farmers constituted about a quarter of the population.4 Hence agrarian politics must be an important part of the story of Swedish democratization. But contrary to the conventional account, there was no steady contribution of farmer politics to democracy, no continuity from early modern peasant representation to twentieth century social democracy. To make this point, this paper takes a step back and re- evaluates the role of agrarian interests in Swedish democratization c. 1866–1933. This span of time begins with the constitutional reform of 1865-66 which abolished the four estates diet of medieval descent and replaced it with a two-chamber parliament. The analysis ends in the 1930s, with the ‘red-green’ coalition of the Social Democrats and the Farmers’ League. The period here considered thus straddles the key suffrage reforms of 1909 and 1918 and the establishment of parliamentary (instead of royal) rule in the 1910s, which together made Sweden a democracy.5 The contribution of this paper is twofold. First, I provide a new analytical account of the changing stance of the farmer class with regard to democratization. The key factor is the class alliances that the farmers enter into – do they ally with the estate owners, as in 1867, or with the working class, as in 1933? A recent alleged “historical turn” in democratization studies has argued for the role of contingency and politics in democratization; I provide a case study in this vein.6 I argue that class interest is highly relevant to understand 3 Cf. Niels Kayser Nielsen, Bonde, stat og hjem: Nordisk demokrati og nationalisme - fra pietismen til 2. verdenskrig (Aarhus: Aarhus Universitetsforlag, 2008), pp. 152-7, 546. 4 SCB, Historisk statistik för Sverige. Del 1. Befolkning 1720-1967 (2 uppl.; Stockholm: Statistiska Centralbyrån, 1969), pp. 45-46; Erik Bengtsson, Anna Missiaia, Mats Olsson, and Patrick Svensson, “Wealth Inequality in Sweden, 1750–1900”, The Economic History Review, 71, No. 3 (2018). Horowitz discusses a tradition of macro- political explanations which emphasizes “the pivotal role that the agricultural population seems to play”. Shale Horowitz, "Explaining Peasant-Farmer Hegemony in Redistributive Politics: Class-, Trade-, and Asset-Based Approaches”, Comparative Studies in Society and History Vol. 44, No. 4 (2002). 5 On the democratization process see Dankwart Rustow, The Politics of Compromise: A Study of Parties and Cabinet Government in Sweden (Reprint. New York: Greenwood Press, 1969); Staffan Olsson, Den svenska högerns anpassning till demokratin (Uppsala: Uppsala University, 2000). 6 Giovanni Capoccia and Daniel Ziblatt, “The Historical Turn in Democratization Studies: A New Research Agenda for Europe and Beyond”, Comparative Political Studies 43, No. 8/9 (2010). 3 politics, but that we should not expect a constant policy stance of a class, but rather a varying stance depending upon the varying salience of different social conflicts, and the shaping of class alliances over time. Second, by investigating farmer politics, I contribute to the explanation of the democratic – more precisely, Social Democratic – regime outcome in twentieth century Sweden, which has been much debated. Sweden often is presented as an emblematic case of stable democratization, so understanding this case is essential.7 2. Democratization and agrarian politics Analysis of macro-political change and democratization in relation to agrarian class structure has a long tradition. In Barrington Moore’s influential analysis, the bourgeoisie, through its stereotypical association with liberalism, was the guarantor of liberal-democratic development.8 Researchers following Moore but focusing on Sweden have pointed out that historically its bourgeoisie was relatively weak, but the country still ended up on a liberal democratic trajectory. These researchers have then turned to the strength of the farmer class. According to Castles, who points to the unique peasant representation in the estates diet since the 1500s, “the peasants were already in the parliamentary arena, and could act as an important counterweight to plutocratic influence. /.../ in a sense, the farmers held the line until industrialism produced a liberal middle class capable of asserting its own rights.”9 Tilton similarly
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