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Pawnee Geography Historical and Sacred University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Great Plains Quarterly Great Plains Studies, Center for Summer 1985 Pawnee Geography Historical And Sacred Waldo R. Wedel Smithsonian Institution Douglas R. Parks University of California - Berkeley Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/greatplainsquarterly Part of the Other International and Area Studies Commons Wedel, Waldo R. and Parks, Douglas R., "Pawnee Geography Historical And Sacred" (1985). Great Plains Quarterly. 1853. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/greatplainsquarterly/1853 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Great Plains Studies, Center for at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Great Plains Quarterly by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. PAWNEE GEOGRAPHY HISTORICAL AND SACRED DOUGLAS R. PARKS and WALDO R. WEDEL The earth is a fundamental religious symbol who incorporated these sites into their ritualism for American Indian peoples. Among horti­ as important symbolic entities, constituting a cultural and hunting tribes alike, Mother Earth map of the sacred on this earth. By examining is the female principle, the expression of fertil­ these sacred sites, Pawnee beliefs about them, ity and creator of life, begetting vegetation, and their role in Pawnee ritual, and by viewing animals, and humans. In this elemental role she them within the broader context of other Plains often appears conspicuously in religious rituals. Indian beliefs about revered geographical land­ For many American Indian peoples, specific marks, it is possible to gain deeper understand­ geographical features on the earth also figured ing of the relationship between American Indian prominently in tribal conceptions of the sacral concepts of the sacred and the environment in world. The Pawnee Indians, who formerly lived which these peoples lived. in east central Nebraska, provide an instructive Among Plains Indian tribes, the Pawnees, example of a people who had an elaborate and and particularly one division, the Skiris, are unique set of beliefs about such landmarks and recognized for a religious philosophy and cere­ monial life that were at once highly developed and distinctive. They were unique' in their Douglas R. Parks holds degrees in anthropology belief in a celestial cosmogony and human and linguistics from the University ofCalifornia, descent from stars, and they developed an Berkeley. The author of A Grammar of Pawnee elaborate ritualism, presided over by priests, (1976) and editor of Ceremonies of the Pawnee that commemorated their heavenly origins and by James R. Murie (1981), he is currently at association. Their doctors, who healed the sick work on an Assiniboine dictionary. Waldo R. and manipulated shamanistic powers, were no Wedel is archeologist emeritus at the Smith­ sonian Institution. Among his many books and less distinctive and acquired renown among articles are An Introduction to Pawnee Archeol­ other Plains tribes as well. Pawnee doctors im­ ogy (1936) and Prehistoric Man on the Great pressed all spectators by their magical per­ Plains (1961). formances, apparently even skeptical whites, who found themselves unable to explain the [GPQ 5 (Summer 1985): 143-76.) startling feats they witnessed.1 143 144 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, SUMMER 1985 Early recorders of this culture also noted a the ones cited by Grinnell and Dorsey. During distinctive feature of Pawnee beliefs about the the first decades of this century, the native origin of shamanistic power: that there were Pawnee ethnologist James R. Murie recorded a certain underground or underwater geograph­ list of seven animal lodges, all of which were ical locations where animals of all species met part of the smoke-offering ritual of the Medi­ and conferred supernatural powers on selected cine Lodge. Subsequently in 1931 anthropolo­ Pawnee individuals. 2 In 1922 the anthropolo­ gist Alexander Lesser confirmed Murie's list of gist Ruth Benedict, in a classic paper entitled seven lodges and added two more that do not "The Vision in Plains Culture," drew attention appear in any of the other lists. Thus there are to the Pawnee concept of the animal lodge fourteen animal lodges recorded in these docu­ when she discussed how the normal Plains pat­ mentary sources. They are listed in Table 1.6 tern of a guardian spirit source of shamanistic To gain a fuller understanding of the role power was little developed among the Pawnees, these lodges played in Pawnee culture, we have who had substituted for it the animal lodge, in taken a multidisciplinary approach in this arti­ which Pawnee doctors learned the mysteries of cle. Beginning with a description of two perspec­ all the animals instead of acquiring power from tives on the landscape in which the Pawnees an individual guardian.3 . lived, we first present an overview of Pawnee Although each of the Pawnee animal lodges historical geography as provided by archeology had its own name, the sites where they were and ethnohistory: the sites and locations of located were denoted by the general term both the prehistoric and historic villages, which rahurahwa:ruksti: 'u, "(being) holy ground." defined the locus of the physical world of the The Skiri chief White Eagle characterized them Pawnees. Second, we survey Pawnee sacred thus for the anthropologist Melvin R. Gilmore geography by reviewing the historical docu­ in 1914, when he and Gilmore visited sites of mentation and mythological references to the former significance to the Pawnees when the fourteen recorded animal lodges, and give tribe had lived in Nebraska. At the same time actual locations and descriptions of these lodges White Eagle related the story of one animal when known-or possible locations when sug­ lodge, again referring to it as a "holy ground.,,4 gested by available references. (We toured Mark Evarts, an elderly Skiri, characterized the through Nebraska and Kansas in August 1982 sites of animal lodges as "holy grounds" in in an attempt to locate and photograph as letters in 1937 to Oklahoma oilman Robert many of these holy sites as the documentation Ellison, a collector of plains Indian, and partic­ permitted.) 7 Next follows a discussion of Paw­ ularly Pawnee, artifacts.5 Since there are no nee doctors' rituals and the role that the animal known instances in the documentary record of lodges played in them, describing how the other types of geographical sites being desig­ lodges had become symbolic reference points nated by this term, it would appear that it de­ and in the final days of traditional Pawnee cul­ notes animal lodge sites primarily, if not specif­ ture had become transformed from historical to ically, and emphasizes the special significance mythologized features of the Pawnee cognitive they had for the Pawnees. Animal lodge loca­ world, thus constituting a sacred geography for tions were the preeminent holy sites. Pawnee shamans. We suggest, moreover, that as Early ethnographic accounts of the Pawnees a set of symbols the Pawnee animal lodges recognize varying numbers and identities of served to reinforce the distinction between two animal lodges. At the turn of the century the fundamentally different cultural domains: the naturalist George Bird Grinnell recorded five. shamanistic and the religious. Finally, we Anthropologist George A. Dorsey listed four, survey the notion of "holy site" among other only two of which matched those given by Plains tribes to explore the nature of this con­ Grinnell. In 1914 Gilmore recorded from White cept and to place the Pawnee animal lodge Eagle five names, only two of which matched within a wider cultural context. TABLE 1 PAWNEE ANIMAL LODGES, LISTED BY DOCUMENTARY SOURCE Grinnell (1889,1893) Dorsey (1904) White Eagle (1914) Lesser (1929) Murie (1921/1981) 1. Pa-huk' Pawhuk Pahuk pa:haku pa:haku Hill Island Bad Land Hill Sitting in Water Mound Sitting on Water 2. Kitz-a-witz-uk Ketcawetsak Kicawitsak kitsu:wi:tsaku kicawi:caku Water on a Bank Water upon the Mound Water on Bank Stream of Water Issues Spring on the Edge of a Bank 3. Pakaochtu paksu:k'tu paksuktu' Mountain Covered with Eagle Down Hill Covered with Down Feathers Head Covered with Down 4. Pahua pahu:a pa:hu:'a Swimming Mound Swimming Mound 5. axka:wawik'ti:ku ahka'iwa:waktiku River Bank Talking Talking River Bank 6. kutawikutsu kutawiku:cu' raka:wa:wi ra:ka: wa:wi Hawks Dwelling Hawks' Nests 7. Ah-ka-wit-akol axkawita:ka ahkawita:ka White Bank White River Bank White River Bank 8. La-la-wa-koh-ti-tu Dark Island 9. Pa-hur Hill That Points the Way 10. Great Cave of the Bears 11. Nakiskat White Bone 12. Tsuraspako Girl Hill 13. pa rakau Elk Home 14. asatatkitaruts On Top of Hill Fresh Dung of Horses But No Horses 146 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, SUMMER 1985 HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF neering work of A. T. Hill and the Nebraska PAWNEE BANDS State Historical Society since the turn of the century, most of the historic Pawnee village The Pawnees, until 1876 the most influential sites have been correlated reasonably well with and populous of the native peoples of Nebras­ specific bands. Their approximate times of occu­ ka, were a loose confederacy of four subtribes pancy, if not the specific dates of residence, or bands-the Skiri; the Chawi, or Grand; have also been determined from the historic the Kitkahahki, or Republican; and the Pita­ documents, and the nature of their material hawirata, or Tappage-totaling perhaps seven culture inventory has been broadly delineated. to ten thousand people in the early nineteenth At most sites, however, systematic excavations century. The Pawnees were probably repre­ have been limited and much careful work re­ sented in the Indian delegation from Harahey mains to be done. We refer here to the villages (Arahey, Arahi) that met Coronado in central and towns inhabited since 1800, when useful Kansas in 1541, and they had trade contacts records were left by U.S.
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