Utopia and Utopianism in the Contemporary Chinese Context
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Imperialism and Nationalism As May Fourth Movement Discourses
IMPERIALISM AND NATIONALISM AS MAY FOURTH MOVEMENT DISCOURSES Tiina H. Airaksinen University of Helsinki This article analyses those imperialist and national discourses that the Chinese and the British constructed, particularly during the May Fourth Movement, in China in the 1910s and 1920s. Moreover, the paper explores the form, content, and impact of May Fourth rhetoric on national identity, concentrating on the cultural, historical, and political dimensions of nationalism presented in China. It is clear that the May Fourth protestors, especially urban and educated men, dominated public articulations of national identities. With their control of knowledge production, and in some cases control of state bureaucracies, elite men were able to make demands for the nation, often combining their own group needs with specific definitions of the nation. British discourse that was constructed during the May Fourth Movement responded to a reality that was infinitely adaptable in its function of preserving the basic structures of imperial power. For the British, the May Fourth demonstrators represented a potential change in the level of existing intellectual, political, social, and economic stability, which for decades had guaranteed the British a privileged position in the country. As result, discussions on nationalism and imperialism became a crucial part of the Sino- British May Fourth Movement discourse. INTRODUCTION On May fourth in 1919, around 3,000 university students gathered together at Tiananmen Square in Beijing and started a series of demonstrations that would later be named the May Fourth Movement (Wusi Yundong). The demonstrators distributed flyers declaring that the Chinese could not accept the concession of Chinese territory to Japan, as stipulated at the Versailles Peace Conference held in the spring of 1919. -
The Case of Zhang Yiwu
ASIA 2016; 70(3): 921–941 Giorgio Strafella* Postmodernism as a Nationalist Conservatism? The Case of Zhang Yiwu DOI 10.1515/asia-2015-1014 Abstract: The adoption of postmodernist and postcolonial theories by China’s intellectuals dates back to the early 1990s and its history is intertwined with that of two contemporaneous trends in the intellectual sphere, i. e. the rise of con- servatism and an effort to re-define the function of the Humanities in the country. This article examines how these trends merge in the political stance of a key figure in that process, Peking University literary scholar Zhang Yiwu, through a critical discourse analysis of his writings from the early and mid- 1990s. Pointing at his strategic use of postmodernist discourse, it argues that Zhang Yiwu employed a legitimate critique of the concept of modernity and West-centrism to advocate a historical narrative and a definition of cultural criticism that combine Sino-centrism and depoliticisation. The article examines programmatic articles in which the scholar articulated a theory of the end of China’s “modernity”. It also takes into consideration other parallel interventions that shed light on Zhang Yiwu’s political stance towards modern China, globalisation and post-1992 economic reforms, including a discussion between Zhang Yiwu and some of his most prominent detractors. The article finally reflects on the implications of Zhang Yiwu’s writings for the field of Chinese Studies, in particular on the need to look critically and contextually at the adoption of “foreign” theoretical discourse for national political agendas. Keywords: China, intellectuals, postmodernism, Zhang Yiwu, conservatism, nationalism 1 Introduction This article looks at the early history and politics of the appropriation of post- modernist discourse in the Chinese intellectual sphere, thus addressing the plurality of postmodernity via the plurality of postmodernism. -
China Perspectives, 55 | September - October 2004 the Debate Between Liberalism and Neo-Leftism at the Turn of the Century 2
China Perspectives 55 | september - october 2004 Varia The Debate Between Liberalism and Neo-Leftism at the Turn of the Century Chen Lichuan Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/417 DOI: 10.4000/chinaperspectives.417 ISSN: 1996-4617 Publisher Centre d'étude français sur la Chine contemporaine Printed version Date of publication: 1 October 2004 ISSN: 2070-3449 Electronic reference Chen Lichuan, « The Debate Between Liberalism and Neo-Leftism at the Turn of the Century », China Perspectives [Online], 55 | september - october 2004, Online since 29 December 2008, connection on 28 October 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/417 ; DOI : 10.4000/ chinaperspectives.417 This text was automatically generated on 28 October 2019. © All rights reserved The Debate Between Liberalism and Neo-Leftism at the Turn of the Century 1 The Debate Between Liberalism and Neo-Leftism at the Turn of the Century Chen Lichuan EDITOR'S NOTE Translated from the French original by Nick Oates 1 From the beginning of the 1980s to the middle of the 1990s, three movements took centre stage on the Chinese intellectual scene: radicalism, conservatism and liberalism. This article sets out to retrace the debate between liberalism and neo-leftism by relying exclusively on the polemical texts of the Chinese writers1. How can we present an intellectual debate that is a process of questioning and clarification and that does not arrive at a consensual conclusion? How can we render intelligible the concepts debated in extracts from the original texts? How can we evaluate the impact that this debate has had on a society undergoing a profound transformation? These are just some of the difficulties with which we were confronted. -
Inter-Asia Cultural Studies the Politics
This article was downloaded by: [University of Chicago Library] On: 03 February 2014, At: 15:22 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Inter-Asia Cultural Studies Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/riac20 The politics of imagining Asia: a genealogical analysis Wang Hui & Translated by Matthew A. Hale Published online: 01 Mar 2007. To cite this article: Wang Hui & Translated by Matthew A. Hale (2007) The politics of imagining Asia: a genealogical analysis, Inter-Asia Cultural Studies, 8:1, 1-33, DOI: 10.1080/14649370601118925 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14649370601118925 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content. -
Introduction: Put Politics in Command Christopher Connery
Introduction: Put Politics in Command Christopher Connery In a converted warehouse in the Putuo District of Shanghai, Liu Debao, former Red Guard and active in the “Sent Down Youth” alumni orga- nizations in Shanghai,1 maintains a warehouse of pre- 1978 memorabilia, mostly from the fifties and sixties, comprising everyday-life objects, com- plete issues of newspapers and unofficial publications, and, most impor- tantly, over three thousand reels of film, largely uncatalogued. A photog- rapher by profession and an insatiable collector by nature, he had noticed 1. This refers to movements that sent millions of young people who volunteered or were, more often, assigned by the authorities to terms in the countryside during the sixties and into the seventies, some to nearby communes and some to the edges of the country, in Xinjiang, Heilongjiang, and Yunnan. The groups coalesce around a variety of affective relationships to this time of their youth: some organize around social assistance to their former villages; some petition, protest, and pursue legal remedies for the services and benefits denied to them by the Shanghai municipal government; some gather in parks and other public places to talk, sing, and dance. For a history of the movement, see Bonnin 2013. A recent nine-hour documentary by Gao Zipeng and Wu Meng, Shanghai- ren (Shanghainese [2014]), documents the protest movement of Shanghainese returnees from Xinjiang over the course of the last few years. boundary 2 46:2 (2019) DOI 10.1215/01903659-7496960 © 2019 by Duke University Press Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/boundary-2/article-pdf/46/2/1/569078/0460001.pdf by guest on 03 October 2021 2 boundary 2 / May 2019 that as the economic reforms were gathering strength, the culture depart- ments of various municipalities and counties were throwing out archived film footage of documentaries, instructional films, feature films, and news- reels from the pre- 1976 era and began to collect them, traveling great dis- tances to buy reels of film, even when he did not know their contents. -
Living in an Intellectual Village
Arbeitsberichte 199 Hui Wang Living in an Intellectual Village Wang Hui, Research Fellow of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences in Beijing, Editor in Chief of Dushu magazine (Readings), Guest Pro- fessor of Tsinghua University, was born in 1959 in the city of Yangzhou, where he graduated from the Teachers’ College before moving to the Chi- nese Academy of Social Sciences in Beijing in 1985. There, after completing his doctoral work, he became a research fellow in its Institute of Lit- erature. Since then, he has published numerous papers and books in the fields of Chinese intellec- tual history, modern Chinese literature and social theory. His main books are (in Chinese): Revolt- ing Against Despair: Lu Xun and His Literary World (1991); No Room for Hesitation: the May Fourth and its Echoes in Chinese History (1994); A Self-Selection by Wang Hui (1996); Warming up the Dead Fire (2000); The Rise of Modern Chi- nese Thought, vol. 1 and 2 (forthcoming 2002). Some of his papers and books have been trans- lated into English, Japanese, Korean, and French. − Address: 17-906 Xibahe Beili, Chaoyang Qu, Beijing, 100028, P. R. China. On the evening of my last day in Berlin, I went to the Wissenschafts- kolleg to check my mail. Everybody had gone. In the emptiness, it suddenly came to me that, before I came to Berlin, a former Fellow described to me the life at Wiko as living in an international intellec- tual village. After my one-year stay, I found that I like the image of Wiko as a village: lake, forest, villagers, kids, intimate relationships, the regular ritual practice (Colloquium on the morning of every Tuesday), cooking, singing, playing ping-pong, etc. -
Hu Shih and Education Reform
Syracuse University SURFACE Theses - ALL June 2020 Moderacy and Modernity: Hu Shih and Education Reform Travis M. Ulrich Syracuse University Follow this and additional works at: https://surface.syr.edu/thesis Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons Recommended Citation Ulrich, Travis M., "Moderacy and Modernity: Hu Shih and Education Reform" (2020). Theses - ALL. 464. https://surface.syr.edu/thesis/464 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by SURFACE. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses - ALL by an authorized administrator of SURFACE. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Abstract This paper focuses on the use of the term “moderate” “moderacy” as a term applied to categorize some Chinese intellectuals and categorize their political positions throughout the 1920’s and 30’s. In the early decades of the twentieth century, the label of “moderate” (温和 or 温和派)became associated with an inability to align with a political or intellectual faction, thus preventing progress for either side or in some cases, advocating against certain forms of progress. Hu Shih, however, who was one of the most influential intellectuals in modern Chinese history, proudly advocated for pragmatic moderation, as suggested by his slogan: “Boldness is suggesting hypotheses coupled with a most solicitous regard for control and verification.” His advocacy of moderation—which for him became closely associated with pragmatism—brought criticism from those on the left and right. This paper seeks to address these analytical assessments of Hu Shih by questioning not just the labeling of Hu Shih as a moderate, but also questioning the negative connotations attached to moderacy as a political and intellectual label itself. -
Depoliticization and the Chinese Intellectual Scene Alexander Day Wayne State University, [email protected]
Criticism Volume 53 | Issue 1 Article 8 2011 Depoliticization and the Chinese Intellectual Scene Alexander Day Wayne State University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.wayne.edu/criticism Recommended Citation Day, Alexander (2011) "Depoliticization and the Chinese Intellectual Scene," Criticism: Vol. 53: Iss. 1, Article 8. Available at: http://digitalcommons.wayne.edu/criticism/vol53/iss1/8 depoLiticizatioN it is not easy to construct a Left critique in china today. one has ANd the chiNese to work hard both to differentiate iNteLLectuAL oneself from the socialist past— sceNe especially the contentious period Alexander day of the cultural revolution—and to critique the capitalist present. it is much easier to fall into a liberal the end of the revolution: china position of maintaining an opposi- and the Limits of modernity tion between the market and what by Wang hui. New york: Verso, is considered civil society, on one 2009. pp. xxxiii, 274. $26.95 cloth. side, and the socialist state, on the other. Wang hui, one of the stron- gest critics of contemporary in- equality and the marketization of society and politics in china, argues against the ideological separation of the market and the state that has undergirded much of chinese in- tellectual discourse since the 1980s. this argument is forcefully made in the end of the revolution, a new english-language collection of his essays published by Verso. the book is a difficult read because the thread linking its essays is not always clear; they cover a broad se- ries of topics and were written over more than a decade. -
MA Thesis Yu-Hsuan
The University of Chicago The New Left vs. Liberal Debate in China: How Ideology Shapes the Perception of Reality By Yu-Hsuan Sun July 2021 A paper submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Masters of Arts Degree in the Masters of Arts Program in the Social Sciences (MAPSS) Faculty Advisor: Marco Garrido Preceptor: Wen Xie Abstract: The tragic June 4th Crackdown on the Tiananmen Student Movement dealt a devastating blow to the hope of China’s democratization. In the 1980s, the majority of young Chinese students expressed overwhelming support for the democracy movement and the New Enlightenment thought trend which preceded the 1989 protests. The homogeneity of the 80s intellectual sphere, however, is a stark contrast to the intense debate between the “New Left” and “Liberal” camps in China which began in the late 1990s. My paper seeks to answer the question: “Why did China’s intellectual homogeneity dissolve so quickly in the 90s?” And more importantly, “What is at stake in those debates between intellectual camps?” To answer these questions, I argue that ideological differences among Chinese intellectuals fundamentally change their perception of China’s post-1989 reality. After the Tiananmen Movement, Deng Xiaoping intensified China’s economic reforms as an answer to both the internal and external crises to his political power after June 4th. While this new wave of reforms brought about unprecedented economic growth and commerce in China, it also created looming social problems such as inequality and corruption. However, these social issues generated polarizing responses from Chinese intellectuals who offered contradicting explanations to these social and economic issues. -
Political Communication in Chinese History: the Influence of Confucianism on Centralized Monarchy
International Journal of Communication and Society ISSN 2684-9267 Vol. 3, No. 2, December 2021, pp. 63-76 63 Political communication in Chinese history: the influence of confucianism on centralized monarchy Zuzana Budiská a,b,1, Chi Wang b,2,* a PhD. Student, Law School of Nanjing Normal University, No.1 Wenyuan Road Qixia District, Nanjing, 210046, P.R.China. b Faculty of Political Science and International Relations, Matej Bel University, Národná 12, 974 01 Banská Bystrica, Slovak Republic. 1 [email protected]; 2 [email protected]* * corresponding author ARTICLE INFO ABSTRACT The purpose of this article is to analyze the influence of Confucianism on the centralized monarchy in Chinese history. This article adopts Article history literature research method and interdisciplinary research method. Received 2021-01-08 Confucianism catered to the centralization of the monarchy in Chinese Revised 2021-01-14 history. Accepted 2021-01-28 This is an open access article under the CC–BY-SA license. Keywords Confucianism Centralized Monarchy Politics Culture China 1. Introduction The Spring and Autumn period was a period in Chinese history from approximately 771 to 476 BCE (or according to some authorities until 403 BCE)[1] which corresponds roughly to the first half of the Eastern Zhou period, many different thinkers appeared. Every thinker goes to persuade the king, hoping that the king will implement the reform and govern the country with his doctrine.[1] Among them, Confucianism represented by Confucius, and Legalists represented by Han Feizi were two famous ideas of that period. At that time, seven countries were in a scuffle. -
Wang Huning and the Making of Contemporary China Haig Patapan
The Hidden Ruler: Wang Huning and the Making of Contemporary China Author Patapan, Haig, Wang, Yi Published 2018 Journal Title Journal of Contemporary China Version Accepted Manuscript (AM) DOI https://doi.org/10.1080/10670564.2017.1363018 Copyright Statement © 2017 Taylor & Francis (Routledge). This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in Journal of Contemporary China on 21 Aug 2017, available online: http:// www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10670564.2017.1363018 Downloaded from http://hdl.handle.net/10072/348664 Griffith Research Online https://research-repository.griffith.edu.au The Hidden Ruler: Wang Huning and the Making of Contemporary China Haig Patapan and Yi Wang1 Griffith Univesity, Australia Abstract The article provides the first comprehensive examination of the life and thought of Wang Huning, member of the Politburo, advisor to three Chinese leaders and important contributor to major political conceptual formulations in contemporary China. In doing so, it seeks to derive insights into the role of intellectuals in China, and what this says about Chinese politics. It argues that, although initially reluctant to enter politics, Wang has become in effect a ‘hidden leader’, exercising far-reaching influence on the nature of Chinese politics, thereby revealing the fundamental tensions in contemporary Chinese politics, shaped by major political debates concerning stability, economic growth, and legitimacy. Understanding the character and aspirations of China’s top leaders and the subtle and complex shifting of alliances and authority that characterizes politics at this highest level has long been the focus of students of Chinese politics. But much less attention is paid to those who advise these leaders, perhaps because of the anonymity of these advisors and the view that they wield limited authority within the hierarchy of the state and the Party. -
Your Show's Been Cut: the Politics of Intellectual Publicity in China's
YOUR SHOW’S BEEN CUT: THE POLITICS OF INTELLECTUAL PUBLICITY IN CHINA’S BRAVE NEW MEDIA WORLD YUEZHI ZHAO Abstract 118 - This paper examines the increasingly important com- Yuezhi Zhao is Professor munication politics between the media and intellectual and Canada Research fi elds in China’s brave new media world. It starts by outlin- Chair in Political Economy ing key factors that have shaped the evolving post-1989 of Global Communication politics of intellectual publicity in China. It then describes at Simon Fraser University, a deep “liberal versus new left” division within the Chinese and Changjiang Scholar intellectual fi eld and the ascending power of theNanfang Chair Professor at Weekend and liberal intellectual alliance within China’s the Communication CCP-controlled media system. In a subsequent case study, University of China, Beijing; I analyse how the destructive logics of media sensational- e-mail: [email protected]. ism, academic corruption, ideological polarisation, and “lib- eral media instrumentalism” have intersected to spectacu- larise intellectual in-fi ghts and distract both the media and the academy from engaging the public around the urgent Vol.19 (2012), No. 2, pp. 101 2, pp. (2012), No. Vol.19 political economic and social issues of the day. 101 Introduction Chinese media and intellectuals have been extensively studied in their respec- tive relationships vis-à-vis the Chinese state, and more recently, in terms of how they each have been caught “between state and market” or “the party line and the bo om line” (Zhao 1998). There are also studies of prominent Chinese intellectuals working in the media during the Mao era, most notably Deng Tuo, who served as an editor-in-chief of the People’s Daily during the Mao era (Cheek 1997).