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Xerox University Microfilms 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, Michigan 4S106 73-26,810

EYE, Kenneth Earl, 1938- INDICATORS OF WHITE RACISM.

The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1973 Sociology, race question

University Microfilms, A XEROX Company, Ann Arbor, Michigan

^ Copyright By

Kenneth Earl Eye

1973 INDICATORS OF WHITE RACISM

DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University

By Kenneth Earl Eye, B .S ., B .S ., M.Ed.

The Ohio S ta te U niversity 1973

Approved by

¥ \ — I M visor Faculty of Educational Development College of Education DEDICATION

To White America

On the very day I read th e play The B lacks: a clown show. that is quoted at the end of Chapter VII, I opened the local newspaper to find the following.^ Ann Landers MIXED MARRIAGE CHANCES NOT GOOD

Dear Ann Landers: What are th e chances fo r racially mixed marriage? Our daughter who is in law school told us last night that she wants to announce her engagement to a black medical student next May. His parents are no happier about it than we are. Their back­ grounds are similar to ours—culturally and financially. They 3ee the same problems ahead for our children that we see.

We wonder if our daughter and her fiance have considered all the possibilities. She w ill be resented by members of th e black community. He will be unacceptable to the white community. And what about their children? Will they consider themselves black or white? And what will they "be" considered by others?

We are not prejudiced people, Ann. In fact, we are the most liberal couple in our social circle. We entertain blacks in our home and have been entertained by them. But having a black son-in-law is another matter. And the prospect of mulatto grandchildren has created considerable stress in our family. We'd like your views. — Indiana Parents

^Columbus D ispatch. Thursday, March 22, 1973* P» 13A.

i i iii

Dear Indiana: These days, marriage is risky, even between members o f th e same ra c e . I n te r ­ racial marriages have additional built in hazards for the reasons you mentioned. Any one who does not accept this fact is unrealistic. It takes an extraordinary couple to surmount the problems. .

Speaking strictly as a mother who was born and ra is e d in Iowa (m yself a member o f a m in o rity group), I would not be pleased if our daughter had married out of her religion, much less her race. But I would accept any man of her choice, and I would do everything in my power to be supportive and wish them well.

I have known extraordinary couples who made it work. There are a number of factors that improve the chances. For example, an inter­ racial marriage will fare better in Hawaii than in the Deep South. Koreover, professional people do better than lower-income people. Obviously your daughter and her intended are of legal age. If they are determined to marry and prepared to buck the heavy odds, accept the situation. Whether you like it or not, this is the direction in which the world is moving.

It is depressing? it is cold business; it is the American reality. And that's why I dedicate this

To White America ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Who do I thank for all this? Were the topic different, I would thank many folks. But Racism is, and the least I can say is "No thanks,"

The Thank You r itu a l d o e sn 't mean much i f one i s obligated to perform it. Let me here acknowledge and thank a few people who themselves are free enough to allow me to be free of artificial demands, and for this I want to say "Thanks." Karen, Kristi, Kurt, and Kralg lived with me while I lived out this document, and living is never easy, Karen also typed this because she is involved, and that makes me feel good, Anne proofed the copy often beyond the eleventh hour. Bert critiqued my work, edited, and put most of the indicators to a reality check in a Youngstown steel mill. And although they have not read this document, I know and feel that my

Korn and Dad w ill continue to give unqualified and unconditional Love and encouragement.,.a gift as precious as life itself. And many close friends listened while I talked so I could hear myself. The Phase II and Phase III panels gave much time and provided data, criticism, and encouraging phone calls and letters. Pat Purdy shepherded the data in and out of the computer and helped me decipher the reams o f output; and I am indebted to John Kennedy who developed and helped us use the regression analysis from which came much of the data reported in Chapter VI, And although

iv V

I disparage many of the constraints and lim itations of academia, I must acknowledge that my graduate committee has given me great help, support, and freedom*, Greg Trzebiatowski, Virgil Blanke,

Carl Candoli, and Jim Gunnell maintained an open door and open minded policy that more than fulfilled what I believe to be the major function of a graduate committee, to help me go where I felt

I must go, farther than I thought possible. * .they allowed me to be free to grow up some.

And to three active anti-racists I owe much*. Pat Bidol of

New Perspectives on Race, Detroit, Michigan; David Snider of the

Center for Resources on Institutional Oppression, Detroit, Michigan; and Charles 0. Ross of the School of Social Work, The Ohio State

University. All three offered hard-nosed criticism of preliminary

drafts that caused me to change several definitions,and most of all

they helped jar me out of some mental ruts that were blinding me

to some of my own racism...the debt is indeed great.

You are “good people. ' 1 Thank You all for being who you are

so I can be who I am. Filmed as received without page(s) vl and vl.i (vlta)

UNIVERSITY MICROFILMS. TABLE OF CONTENTS

DEDICATION...... i i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS...... iv VITA...... v i TABLES...... x FIGURES ...... x i INTRODUCTION...... 1

Chapter

I . WARMING UP AND CHAPTER SUMMARY...... ' 3

Wanning U p ...... 3 Chapter Summary • • *.«••.*••• 5 I I . PREMISES AND DEFINITIONS...... 7 Development Progression ...... 7 Definitions ...... 8 Premises and R ationale ...... 12 Where I t ' s At. N o w ...... 22

I I I . PROBLEM STATEMENT...... 24

IV. METHODOLOGY...... 27

Long Range P l a n ...... 2? General S trategy ...... 29 Phase II Methodology ...... 29 Phase III Methodology ...... 34 Analytical Process ...... 36 Analytical Criteria ...... 37

V. INDICATORS...... 39 General Description ...... 39 Indicators 1-38 ...... 40 VI. OUTCOMES...... 82

v i i i lx

Research Design Problems ...... 82 Research Design Strengths...... 84 Data Presentation Format ..*•••...... 8 ? An Initial Assumption ...... 8 ? Initial Data Processing ...... 88 t T est...... 89 Indicator Ratings ...... • • • 9° So What Have We G o t? ...... 92 Two-Way Analysis of Variance Using Regression Models. 94 Conclusions ...... 104

V II. CONCLUSION, ...... 106 Turn About's Fair P la y ...... 106 S e x i s m ...... 106 Action M atrix ...... 107 Additional Untested Indicators • • * ...... 109 Alternative Future Activities ...... 120- Warming U p ...... 125

APPENDIX A. INDICATOR SEARCH...... 127

B. DATA TABLES...... 138 C. FORM LETTERS...... 150 D. ANTI-RACISM RESEARCH PROGRESS REPORT ...... 1?6 D. PAPER: IS THE FUTURE "For Whites Only11? ...... 180

BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 188 TABLES

Table Page

1. Indicator Validation Rating S c a le ...... 34 2. Phase III Validation Panel Category Breakdown . . . 35

3 * Phase III Validation Panel Response Breakdown • • • 35 4. Indicator Universality ...... 91

Percent of Applicability to White Americans .... 93

6 . Two-Way ANOUA With Regression Models Results .... 98

7* Black-White Rating Variance ...... 102

8 . Low Non-Indicator Group Ratings for Indicators 1-1 9 . 139

9* High N on-Indicator Group R atings fo r Indicators 1-19 ...... 140 10. Low Non-Indicator Group Ratings for Indicators 20 - 3 8 ...... 141 11. High Non-Indicator Group Ratings for Indicators 20-38 142

12. t Test D ata ...... 143

13. Combined High and Low In d ic a to r Group Ratings for Indicators 1-38 ...... 145 14. Two-Way AN0UA With Regression Models D a ta ...... 14? 15* Black-White Rating Variance D ata ...... 149

x FIGURES Figure Page 1. Growth Process ...... 7

2. Change Model ...... • •••••••••••• 25

3. Projected Activities ...... 27

Indicator Validation Rating S c a le ...... 3^

5. Indicator Validation Rating S cale ...... 91

6. Regression Analysis M atrix ...... 95

7. Statistical Process for .Job Effect Question . • • * 96

8 . S ta tis tic a l Process fo r Race E ffect Question • • . . 97

9. Job Effect M atrix ...... 99

10. Mo Significant Job Effect M atrix ...... 100

11. Race Effect Matrix for y i Indicators ...... 100

12. Race Effect Matrix for 6 Indicators ...... 101

13. Combined Raxe and Job E ffect M a t r i x ...... 103

1^. Active/Passive Racism ...... 107

15. Racist Cause and Effect ...... 117

xi • INTRODUCTION

The indicators of white racism presented in Chapter V were developed through the conscious growing awareness of the author. The indicators were "discovered" and recorded in isolation from the many activists working in the field of racial change. This strategy was pursued for the following reasons: first, I wanted to probe alone my own Being and whiteness as fully as possible to uncover and expose my own racism; second, I wanted to protect myself further from the assumptions and actions of white liberals whose thinking I believed would further bias my

own, for I had and have much to unlearn; third, I wanted to seek a

sound internal basis for my own future anti-racist activities; and

fourth, I hoped to produce a validated group of indicators of white

racism that I and other anti-racists could use.

The linear process through which I become more self-aware is

outlined at the beginning of Chapter II. But beyond that, my

extensive reading has greatly shaped and broadened my concept of

reality, particularly relative to how I believe and feel I relate to

the universe Inside and outside of myself. For example, the focus of The Autobiosraohv of Kalcom X was one man, but the scope included a l l

people...part of Kalcom L ittle was idiosyncratic and individual, and part of Kalcom X was/is universal. How do I know? I know

because I perceived and felt at two levels as I read his words: 2 First, I perceived the individual part of him as a historical report about someone else, an "other"; and second, as I read Malcom X's universal perceptions and feelings, much of my initial "I" reaction transformed into a universal "We" feeling of human commonality, identification, and unification* The reading, reaction and internalization process cited above was repeated many times with many sources. And out of this internalization process and my conscious internal dialogue came the Indicators of white racism*

Thus, the indicators are a part of the conscious and unconscious me* They were created, however, through the living acts of millions of people through countless years of history that have been documented in bits and pieces in novels, texts, newspapers,

televisions, courts, lynchings, legislatures, churches, bomb blasts, the working materials of anti-racists, and in me*

My effort has been to independently replicate some of the

conclusions of anti-racists to accomplish three outcomes; 1 ) to

gather together basic indicators of white racism, 2 ) to systematically

validate the indicators as being fundamental to the white conscious­

ness and behavior of most white Americans, and 3) to acquire another

title as long as my last name. The overall intent is to begin to

solidify a data base that anti-racists may use to combat both personal

and, more importantly, institutional racism.

A second contribution I will have to live out...for if I have learned and grown, I must now turn that experience into positive

action* And i t is that action upon which I will judge my own work. CHAPTER I WARMING UP AND CHAPTER SUMMARY

Wanning Up I am Ken Eye. I am white. I am a white racist. I am here writing a letter to myself and other white folks that I am sharing with you. If my premises, assertions and data are accurate, we have

in common the need to do a lot more talking to each other and to

ourselves. And of all the important issues we could discuss, the following will be an internal dialogue with ourselves about

white racism.

And I may as well face three problems immediately: first, some

readers object to my use of the first person in writing an academic document. • .my only response is that I am a first person, and I can't

be candid and honest with you from the distance of third person.

Second, in all probability there are in this document racist

assumptions and statements; I have done ny best to eliminate or

control my own racism...but the point is that regardless of my

success or failure, the anti-racist ideas and statements are in no

way invalidated. Thus, neither my style of writing nor my degree of

racism is a basis for categorically accepting or rejecting the

overall content. And third, in this letter I make both neutral

and va 3 ue laden statements, such as in the two paragraphs of

definition of "racism" in Chapter II; and I want it to be clear that the value statements are mine that I openly share with you for you to assess. I am aware that many people feel that value statements have no place in an academic document...my feeling is that I want no part of creating, and then asking you to read, a valueless document about white racism.

A fourth problem has concerned many white people, and that is the question of guilt. In fact, many white people have accused me of doing all this because I am feeling guilty. I accept the question as important, and I can not deny other people's perceptions. The most I can do is candidly express my feelings here for you to judge for yourself. In the past I felt guilty about a number of race related items. For example, I felt some guilt about the overt and covert racist statements and acts of other people; but I came to reason and feel that other people need not feel guilty about what I do, and I need not feel guilty about what others do...this is rooted in my belief that I am responsible for my own action or inaction.

I am responsible for my support or rejection of the racist behavior of other people, and there can be no passive position on my part. If

I support, or fail to openly reject, racist behavior by other people,

I am both responsible for and guilty of overt racism by my own values.

Also, I felt guilty about my own racist thoughts and acts; and I feel the guilt was appropriate in that I can not rationalize that

somehow racism was or is acceptable; however, I have come to feel

as follows: There are three things I cannot change: The PAST The PRESENT The FUTURE All that I can change is NOW.

The PRESENT relates to all people, and NOW relates to me. Therefor, when I think or act in a racist manner, I do feel guilt, but since

I can change my behavior NOW, I go on to the next NOW striving to be

different. Mental gymnastics...maybe. However, this is my means of

not allowing guilt to immobilize me or to serve as a rationalization to

protect my racism so that I can not or will not have to feel responsible

for changing. Each of us must in our own way resolve guilt and its

negative consequences. The main point here is that the countering of

guilt in no way lessens my responsibility to do something about the

unacceptable, which in this case is the cancer of white racism.

Chapter Summary

As we continue let us agree that although there are obvious

problems and communication barriers, it is worth our effort to

explore white racism. In so doing we will move through a number of

chapters, the second being "Premises and Definitions." In this part

terms are defined, and a series of five premises upon which this

study is based are outlined and briefly supported. Chapter three

presents the "Problem Statement," which focuses on the problem of

white self-awareness and behavior, and how this study relates to

that problem. Chapter four specifies the research "Methodology."

In this chapter my long and short term plans are outlined, and the

validation strategy is specified. Fifth are the "Indicators" of 6 white racism that are to be tested for validity. Chapter six reports the data or "Outcomes' 1 of applying the methodology, and includes an analysis of the data. And the seventh chapter, the "Conclusion". - i< contains some alternative activities that could follow this initial

effort to attack white racism. If my premises are generalizable, your reading of the above chapters will bring you and me closer in that we will both be

talking with ourselves through the medium of the text and indicators.

And if this be so, then possibly we'll also share in common the need

to not only talk about, but the need to do something about, our white racism. CHAPTER IX

PRIMISES AND DEFINITIONS Development Progression

The steps through which I progressed toward the development of premises, definitions and indicators of white racism were, first,

I grew up in the white American culture. And, in the later years I read literature by black and white authors dealing with racial interaction. Then, as a consequence of the reading, the premises and definitions that follow were gradually developed. And finally, from literature, personal experience, and much introspection the indicators of white racism that are here being tested were developed*

The following figure gives a sense of my growth process:

Assimilating White Culture and Reading “White" literature

Feeing \ Premises Obvious ) INTROSPECTION ► D efinitions D isparity / Indicators

Reading "Black" literature “Red" "Yellow" "Brown"

Figure 1 Growth Process 8

Ky personal idealism emphasised the disparity between "what is" and "what can/ought to be." Further., my learning style, which is characterized by internalization of macro details with little interest in micro detail, led to long, often painful, and continuing introspection about my personal racial assumptions, definitions, and actions. And it is on the basis of introspective insight that I base my hypothesis that as a product of the

American culture I share some nearly universal racist feelings and behaviors with my peers, other white Americans.

Definitions

1. Racism i s the assum ption by an in d iv id u a l, group, or

institution of the inherent racial superiority of one

race relative to another, accompanied with the power to

enforce the assumption, which results in actions

beneficial to the "superior" race and detrimental to

the "inferior" race. Thus, there are two major elements:

1 ) an assumption of racial superiority, and 2 ) the use

of power to act discriminately relative to race.

But le t's not let, the above definition cloud the issue in

an attempt to be academically or definitionally "clean."

American racism is the conscious and Intentional creation

by individuals and Institutions of separate racial

societies for the benefit of white people and the detriment

of other people with the intent that there be no hope of 9

escape* Racism is an ugly, deadly cancer, and a ll the

whitewash in the world w ill not change that*

2* White Racism is racism practiced by white people or

white controlled organizations toward red, black, yellow,

and brown people* In America i t is synonomous with the def­

inition above* Within the parameters of the assumptions and indicators that follow, the focus is on white racism

directed toward black people, but it is fully recognized

that all other racial groups are subjected to white racism* 3* Black Racism does not exist in America* It could have had

our history been reversed, or just different. Explicit

in the definition of racism is that one factor is the 4 power and acts of one race to subjugate another, and in

America the black population has never controlled the white

population, much less subjugated it* When some black

Americans distrust, dislike or hate white people it is

in part a reaction to the treatment black people have

historically received from white people; the negative feelings may also be a function of prejudice, as defined

below* Further, if one is to condemn "reverse racism" or

"black racism" as being the opposite of white racism, one must assume that the opposite of bad "black racism" is

good "white racism*" And in so doing one must also assume

that the treatment of black people by white people has

been acceptable, humane, and justifiable*• .and I need only

cite slavery, the Jim Grow Laws, lynching, or school segregation to fully support the statement that white racism has not resulted in acceptable* humane, and justifiable behavior of white people toward black people*

Racial Prejudice is a judgement or opinion formed without supporting facts about another racial group. In practice, racial prejudice is usually a generalized negative bias directed toward another racial group based on particular evidence or experience that is generalized to the whole of the other group* For example, a white person who has had a negative experience with a black person may generalize fear and distrust to all black people.

It is very important that the distinction between

"racism 11 and "prejudice" be clear, for the two are often

confused. The concept of prejudice partly fu lfills only the first half of the definition of racism stated above

in that there is an assumption of superiority of onefe race

over another; I say "partly", for one could be prejudiced

toward a group one feels to be superior. But prejudice

does not contain the second element in the definition of

racism, the use of power to enforce the attitude or

feeling of superiority on the "lesser" race. This is

critical, for using the above definitions, in America

only white people have ever had the power to actively

enforce their prejudices on black, red, yellow, or brown * peoples. 11

Therefor all peoples, red, yellow, brown* black, and white, can as individuals or groups be prejudiced due to general­

ized unsubstantiated assumptions about other peoples, but

in America only white people have had and used power to

create, enforce and maintain personal and institutional

racism . 5* A premise is a statement differing from a hypothesis in

that it is one or more of the following: 1 ) supported by

previous research findings, 2 ) supported by documented

evidence other than research, 3 ) a self-evident belief, observation, or truth within the particular social system,

*0 a conclusion derived from rational cause-effect

reasoning, or 5 ) admittedly unsupported,or so far

unsupportable* This definition is included to establish

that I do not intend to "prove" or substantially defend

my premises, for each is in itself a major task* But I

do include a brief rationale for each as supporting

evidence* In summary, the definitions lead us to the following statements: in America racism is white; prejudice is multi-racial; black racism as the opposite of white racism does not and can not exist; and the concepts of "reverse racism" and "white backlash" are no more than white people exhibiting the necessary power to act out their racism* 12

Premises And Rationale

The following premises form the foundation for my hypothesis that there are some nearly universal and some relatively widespread Indicators of white racism, and that in America white racism is primary and vastly more pervasive than most of us like to accept.

The premises will be stated first* followed by supporting rationale.

At this point it must be clearly understood that although I state.and assume that white racism is directed toward black, red, yellow, and brown people, the focus of my premises, supporting rational, and indicators is on black-white interaction. Thus, although I make no attempt to do so here, 1 believe indicators

similar to those in Chapter V can be generated for white racism directed toward red, yellow, and brown people. 13

Prem ise I : RACISM IS AN AMERICAN CULTURAL VALUE.

A major indicator of the existence and prevalence of a cultural value in a society is widespread behavior associated with the acting out of that value. Countless texts document the pervasiveness of negative attitudes and values of white Americans reflected 'in overt and covert behavior toward black, brown, yellow, and red

Americans. And this behavior has historically been extended to non-Americans through the exploitation of foreign nationals in the American labor force such as African slaves, Chinese railroad builders, Mexican fann laborers, and others; this exploitative behavior has included whites such as Irish, Italians, Polish and others who came to America as first generation Americans to be later assimilated into the overall white majority; and this same basic behavior Includes minority groups such as the poor whites who work the Appalachian coal fields, or females who labor under differential pay scales. Thus, the basic exploitative behavior cuts across ethnic, class, economic, and sex variables as well as across race. The following texts are but a sample that document the racist behavior of white Americans toward black Americans: The VJhite ■j Problem in America is a compilation by the editors of Ebony

—------■ —— - ■ —------The Editors of Ebony* The White Problem in America. Lancer Books, Inc., New York, 1965* magazine of essays by authors such as Dr.' Martin Luther King, J r.,

James Baldwin, Whitney M. Young, Jr., Kenneth B. Clark, Louis E.

Lomax, and others who comment on the broad spectrum of black-white experience in America; William H. Grier and Price M. Cobbs, both 2 psychiatrists, relate in Black Rage some of the conflicts, frustrations, and anger generated in black Americans who are confronted with Inescapable white racism; Robert W. Terry in 3 For Whites Only proposes a Nnew white consciousnessn for white Americans, which is an awareness of the meaning of whiteness and how i t relates to race problems; Barry N. Schwartz and Robert 4 Disch in White Racism. Its History. Pathology and_Practlce, present an extensive anthology of historical and contemporary writings bearing on the long history of American racism; Stanley M. Elkins in

Slavery, A Problem in American Institutional and Intellectual Life,'*

explores the uniqueness of American slavery, and in so doing points out the continuing destructive effects of white racism on both black 6 and white Americans; Dr. Kenneth B. Clark in Prejudice and Your Child

2Grier, William H., M.D., and Price M. Cobbs, M.D., Black Rage, Bantam Books, New York, 1968. -'Terry, Robert W., For Whites Only. William B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., Grand Rapids, Michigan, 19?0. ^Schwartz, Barry N., and Robert Disch, White Racism. Its History. Pathology and Practice. Dell Publishing Co., New York 1970.t pElkin 3 , Stanley M., Slavery. A Problem in American Institutional and Intellectual Life. The Universal Library, Grosset and Dunlap, New York, 1963* Clark, Kenneth B., Prejudice and Your Child. 2nd edition, Beacon Press, Boston, 1963* analyzes factors which contribute to prejudice in American children, and he suggests ways to combat the prejudice and the teaching of it*

In addition, Clark's report on "The Effects of Prejudice and

Discrimination on Personality Development in Children" was cited in the May 195^ United States Supreme Court decision which ruled unconstitutional racial segregation in public education; and the

U. S* Riot Commission Report, entitled officially the Report of 7 the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, extensively documents the nationwide incidence of racism in today's America.

One of the strongest statements in the report is supported by all the preceding references*

What white Americans have never fully understood— but what the Negro can never forget—is that white society is deeply implicated in the ghetto. White institutions created it, white institutions maintain it, and white society condones it. (p. 2 )

Another means of supporting the premise that racism is an American value is through the thinking of some psychologists in the area of internal dissonance. The rationale can be generalized as follow s:

If Internal dissonance causes people to behave in accordance with their core values to maintain a healthy emotional equilibrium,

and if most white Americans exhibit some degree of racist behavior.

Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders. Bantum Books, New York, 1968. 16

Then most white Americans are acting out core racist values.

Thus, research studies, documented events, self-evident obser­ vation, and rational theory strongly support the premise that in

America racism is a cultural value*

Premise II: RACISM IS A WHITE VALUE IN AMERICA

Premise I and II are synonymous, as were the definitions of

"racism 11 and "white racism" earlier in this chapter. The adding of the term "white" is strongly supported by the extensive documen­ tation in, and the quotation cited above, from the Report of the

National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders. ' In addition, the overwhelmingly disproportionate majority of American leaders have been white people selected or elected by white people. There have been exceptions, but their rarity 3trongly supports the thesis that racial discrimination is both enforced and widespread in American so c ie ty .

One rationale to support the assumption is based on numbers:

According to the 1970 U.S. Census, the American population is approximately 87# white, 11# black, and 2# other. Thus, the vast majority of potential racists in America are white, and unless the

13# of black and other peoples are practicing acute self-discrim­ ination, the vast majority of racists in America must be white. The fact that most American leaders have been and are white is not an indication of racism; but the fact that the proportion of white control has far exceeded the percentage of whites in the overall population is racist.

Also, the definition of racism stated previously in this chapter explicitly defines racism in America as being a combination o f 1 ) white assumptions of racial superiority, and 2 ) white use of power to act discriminately relative to race. And although this definition is not universally accepted, it is accepted by many reputable anti-racists. •

Thus, documentation, observation, arithmetic, and definition, support the premise that racism in America is a white value.

Premise III;

WHITE PEOPLE HAVE ISOLATED THEMSELVES FROM BLACK PEOPLE, AND CONSEQUENTLY WHITE PEOPLE HAVE LITTLE DIRECT EXPERIENCE WITH WHICH TO RELATE TO . BLACK PEOPLE.

Many documents attest to the historical isolation of white from black people in America. All of the documents cited in

Premise I and many others support this premise, particularly the Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders in "Part II. Why Did It Happen?" Few white people have failed at one time or another to ask "But what do all those people want...?"

And It is such statements that lead to the self-evident observation that there is pronounced social distance when one group, in this case white people, often refer to black people as "they" or "them." 18

The obvious Implication is that there are at least two distinct social groups, "We" and "They*" The fact of separateness and differentness is here unchallenged, for such is the case, but the assumption here is that the social distance is primarily caused by conscious personal and institutional white American racism as supported in Premise II* For example, relative to racial segregation in housing, the 1970 U.S. Census shows that housing segregation in America has increased between the years of 1960 and

1970. The assertion is not that Beparateness Is undesirable, but rather that the increased isolation noted in the census data is a function of conscious white behavior to further separate from black, brown, red, and yellow peoples. This fact alone makes incredible the belief of many white Americans that in America there is continuing "racial progress," unless of course increased segregation of the races is considered to be progress* It is easily observable that if the American society were not highly segregated in such areas as education, housing, work, religion, and social interaction, then white people could note that on the average about one person in ten they encounter is black* The thesis here is that few white people can cite more than token or superficial contact with black people across the varied experiences of a day, week, or year* And consequently, white people in general have consciously avoided direct experience on which to rationally evaluate or relate to black people* 19

Premise IV:

BLACK people are necessarily aware THE! LIVE IN A RACIST NATION.

Research has been done in the area of the effect on minority ch ild ren of becoming aware they are a “Them." The tim ing v a rie s depending in part on the economic level of the black or minority family* but the fact that the black person must face and cope with a racist society is clearly established. The study by Kenneth

B. Clark* "The Effects of Prejudice and Discrimination on

Personality Development in Children" that was instrumental in the

Ma^ 195^, United States Supreme Court school desegregation decision clearly states the negative effects that racism, evidenced by racial segregation, has on black and white children. Authors, mostly black, have documented the coming of racial awareness for black people that in the American society blackness is a severe and crippling liability. For example, Jay David in Growing Up g Black documents the coming of awareness for a number of black children. And in every instance the shock of racial awareness was administered by or because of white people. Baldwin said it in g Going to Meet the Man »

Q David,Jay, editor, Growing Up Black. Pocket Books, New York, 1968.q ^Baldwin, James, Going to Meet the Man. Dell Publishing Co., New York, 1966. 20

...Your Daddy never did really get right again. Till the day he died he weren't sure but that every white nan he saw was the nan that killed his brother...I ain't telling you all this...to make you scared or b i t t e r o r to make you h a te anybody. I'm telling you this because you got a brother. And the world ain 't changed. The world ain't changed, (pp. 100- 101)

A particularly self-evident phenomena acted out by millions of black Americans has been the increase in social protest.

American news media have carried countless accounts of black, and some white, people confronting racist American institutions and individuals. Rosa May Parks triggered the lengthy Montgomery,

Alabama, bus boycott, and Dr. Martin Luther King, Malcolm X, and the thousands who inarched on Washington, D. C. in the late 1960's have registered undeniable protest.

This premise is based on research, the documented struggles of thousands of people, and in the reality that most black people are necessarily aware of, that they live in a racist nation.

Premise V:

RACISM IS SO INTEGRAL A PART OF THE WHITE INSTITUTIONAL AND PERSONAL VALUE SYSTEMS THAT ITS PRESENCE IS OFTEN 1) IGNORED OR 2) DENIED.

There is no sequel to Jay David's Growing Up Black, cited in

Premise IV, titled "Growing Up White.". There is no need for it. for in America the advantages of being white are so obvious that most I

21

white people have comfortably ignored the consequences of white

racism. Vlhite people have Ignored their whiteness as they have the air until polution becomes a threat to comfort and eventually to

survival. The reality is that most white people as individuals

or as a group need not be concerned about their racism as long

as the absolute power of the white establishment is not threatened.

For example, the commissioning of the National Advisory Commission

on Civil Disorders by President Lyndon B. Johnson to find out why

black people were rioting in the black ghettos of America was a

response to a threat to the "American system," and suggests an

outright nation wide denial that white American racism was one of the

obvious basic causes. And even if the commissioning of the panel

is not accepted as a denial of an obvious reality,the subsequent

controversy and overall ignoring of the Commission's recommendations is undeniable. Further, the Report of the National Advisory

Commission on Civil Disorders was nationally advertised and distributed

and is available to any American who can buy or borrow a paperback

edition.. .thus no white American can legitimately claim unawareness

that racism is a fundamental part of our society or that there are

no remedies. The conclusion drawn here is that most white Americans

have consciously ignored and denied white racism.

An everyday example of white denial of white racism is the

question, "But what do all those people want?" If the white reader

. at this moment does not know the answer to that question, he or she 22 is acting out the stated premise.

And several bits of documentation support this premise:

In Washington, D.C., are the original documents of the Constitution of the United States of America, the Bill of Rights, and various subsequent Civil Rights laws* If racism is not pervasive in

America, why is It necessary to now grant rights and enforce laws for human equality for black, red, yellow, and brown people nearly 200 years after the writing of the United States

Constitution? Why? Unless the current Civil Rights laws are but an academic democratic exercise, there is a real need for them now. And what is that need if it is not to uncover, confront, and counter the white racism so integral to institutional and personal white society that its presence is often ignored or denied.

Where I t ’ s A t. Now

The preceding five premises and supporting rationale were generated over the past several years of observation and reading, and over 33 years of living inside my white racist value system.

Each of us must somehow live with that which we have come to know and be, and we roust act or not act on that which we know and are. I am aware that you may read and feel that this is another white liberal attempt at passiflcation of increasingly dangerous black, red, yellow, or brown people; or that the previous statements about desiring change are Intellectual academic masturbation. I can give only two responses: first, there are other reasons to change white racism other than fear that the oppressed will rise and kill the oppressor*.*that is, I don't need a gun at my head to desire change, for a brain in it is sufficient.*.for if it is accepted that white racism is conscious and intentional, it should also be accepted that one may consciously think and act non-racist. Further, I fed there is such a thing as Right and Wrong, and racism is Wrong* Second, watch and observe me for a few months to assess if X am attempting and succeeding to change and live more humandy. Then judge. CHAPTER I I I

PROBLEM STATEMENT

This chapter contains the formal version of a problem statement which can be summed in the words, "Now that I know better,

Do I t . " « The five premises and supporting rationale in chapter II support the following general statements!

AMERICAN WHITE RACISM IS DIRECTED AGAINST BLACK, RED, YELLOW AND BROWN PEOPLE.

AMERICAN WHITE RACISM HAS RESULTED IN MOST WHITE PEOPLE IGNORING OR DENYING THEIR RACISM.

Based on my values im plicit and explicit in this document, I present the following general problem statements:

THE RELATION BETWEEN WHITE PEOPLE AND BLACK, RED, YELLOW, AND BROWN PEOPLE NEEDS TO CHANGE.

IF RACE RELATIONS ARE TO CHANGE FOR THE BENEFIT OF ALL, WHITE PEOPLE MUST ACCEPT RESPONSIBILITY FOR, AND ACTIVELY PARTICIPATE IN, THEIR OWN CHANGE.

Thus, I conclude that the best answer to the question

- 24 25 to be actively perpetrated, then, to survive, black, red, yellow, and brown people must force change* The issue here is to seek for all people an alternative to the use of destructive force, for war is the only real option for change for black, red, yellow, and brown people in America today where white racists hold absolute control over the legal, governing, police, military, and social processes. Is it all that bleakt Think about it*.**

No attempt will be made here to discuss how white people can or should change, but the following change sequence in Figure Z provides a general framework on which the premise and statements to follow will focus.

Figure 2 Change Model

The Premises indicate that most white people ignore or deny that white individuals, groups, or institutions have a specific problem, white racism. Both the premises and the general change sequence support the problem statement that:

WHITE PEOPLE WHO FEEL THERE IS "NO PROBLEM1' OR "THERE IS A RACIAL PROBLEM," OR "THERE IS A BLACK PROBLEM" MUST 26

CHANGE THEIR IGNORING AND DENIAL OF PERSONAL AND INSTITUTIONAL RACISM TOWARD BLACK, RED, YELLOW, AND BROWN PEOPLE.

This research effort is directed toward the end of creating a v eh icle 1) for creating white committment to the specific need for non-racist behaviors, and 2 ) for creating a basis for action once committment is focused. Initially, white people need do nothing; rather we need to stop being racist, and subsequent action will be to undo that which has been done in preparation, or reparation, for living positively and humanely with other people. In particular, this research will systematically validate indicators of white racism that may be developed into instruments and methods to aid change'to enable us to identify our specific need to change, I.e., to eliminate or control our white racism, and to help us change our behavior. One of the problems I face is knowing that while white folks become aware, and get committed to change, and then try it, millions of black, red, yellow, and brown people continue to be oppressed...my strong feelings are that the only acceptable time frame for destroying white racism is NOW. CHAPTER IV

METHODOLOGY

Lone Range Plan The following plan serves two purposes: first, a developmental

sequence is suggested for the validated indicators; and second,

the limited scope of this validation process is put in perspective

to my overall effort. The validation process within this study will occur only at the 5.1 level in the long range plan outlined

in Figure 3* 1.1 1.2 \ 1.3 1.4- ' R acist Administer White Change of Behavior Instrument or Committment White Experience / To Anti-Racism, Behavior j

2.1 Develop\ Array of Instru­t ments ( 2 -5 y ears)

3*1 Modify and Revalidate (6 months) 4.1 Survey and Incorporate—► 4,2 Develop and Pilot Test Pro­ A vailable totype Instruments (2 years) Instruments

X 5*1 Validate Universal Indicators Of White Racism (1-2 y ears)

Figure 3 Projected Activities 27 Note .that stage 1*1 in the above plan incorporates steps 1 , 2, and

3 in the general change sequence shown in Figure 2 in Chapter III*

The developmental process shown in levels 2 through k will create differentiated m aterials, instruments, and processes to accommodate various degrees of white racism and will adapt the presentations to the particular needs of various audiences* For although white racism and the indicators thereof may be to some degree universal, the language in which to communicate the message must be appropriate to the receivers, and the responsibility to put forth an appropriate message lies with the senders*

One important point must be kept in mind to keep this particular research effort in perspective. Referring back to the

Chapter II definition of "white racism," it is an overall hypothesis that white racism oppresses black, red, yellow, and brown peoples.

However as stated before, this effort, and the language of the indicators, relates primarily to black-white relations in America.

Upon completion of this validation process relative to black and white people, the useful indicator concepts can be translated to be appropriate for white racism directed specifically toward red, brown, and yellow peoples. Thus, the overall concepts are intended to relate to all peoples, although for research purposes the focus here has been greatly limited* And this same basic process may be applied to indicators of sexism, for although I have no hard data, there seems to be a high positive correlation between sexism and racism . 29

General Strategy

This research effort is divided into phases. First, Phase I was the living out and writing of Chapters I through V. Phase II

involved a panel of twenty-four critics who were asked to critique

Chapters I through V, and to recommend people for the Phase III panel. Phase III was the validation study that produced the data for Chapter VI. Phase IV produced this final edited document, which includes Chapter VII, the "Conclusions." And finally.

Phase V will be an attempt to find the human and financial

resources to carry on the work here started.

The phased strategy was designed, to incorporate developmental

and research methodologies. One of my intents was to document my own change process to serve two purposes: 1) to describe th e

context in which the indicators were developed, and 2 ) to share with you my experiences to be used as you see fit.

Phase II Methodology

The Phase II review panel received Chapters I through V of

the projected seven chapter final draft, the "Outcomes” and "Conclusions" being undetermined until the end of Phase IV.

The criteria for selecting the Phase II panel were: 1) that

the person be recommended by me o r one o f my graduate committee,

2 ) that the person is known to be interested in social and racial

change, and 3 ) that the person accepts a minimum of six of the

original eight premises. Three premises were subsequently i

30 dropped, for they were racist, and the remaining five that appear in Chapter II have been edited to improve clarity and to sharpen the focus* Criteria three being the most important, each critic was asked to note in the margin of the draft they reviewed whether they accepted each premise* In the case less than six of the eight are accepted, the critic was requested to return the draft to me at that point, doing no further critiquing, which was the case w ith one of th e tw enty-four member panel*

Ywenty o f the o rig in a l tw enty-four member Phase I I Panel accepted six or more of the eight premises, and were asked to do the following:

1, Critique chapters I through V, making notes on the draft,

fo r 1) clarity of presentation, and b) rationality of

arguments, statements, and evidence* They were also

asked to make specific suggestions of how to strengthen

the document*

2* Assess the Chapter V indicators for 1) content, and b)

universality relative to whether the reviewer felt the

indicator applied to 90$ or more of white people to give a pre-test for the validation effort*

3* Hake suggestions for additional indicators*

4 . Submit as many names as p o ssib le f o r th e Phase I I I

validation panel who they felt met the following criteria:

a) The person seems Interested in helping change the

current state of American race relations* 31 b) The person will likely take the tine to help validate

the Indicators of white racism*

c) The person falls into one or more of the following

general categories*

1* Black racial expert - a person actively working for

race relations change, such as an Urban League d irecto r*

2* White racial expert - a person actively working

for race relations change, such as the director

of a race relations project*

3* Black wlnner-cltvH professional - a person

actively working with either black or white

people at the on-line operational level, such as

a Model Cities administrative staff member*

^* White " in n e r-c ity 11 professional - a person actively

working with either black or white people at the

on-line operational level, such as a consultant

or staff member of a Model Cities or similar effort* 5* Black professional - a person whose work or interest

relates to some facet of racial change, such as a

university professor, social worker, teacher,

or government official•’

6 * White professional - a person whose work or interest

relates to some facet of racial change, such as a

university professor,' social worker, teacher. 32

or government official*

7* Black ,tlayH citizen - a person whose work or interest

relates to some facet of racial change* such as a

Model Cities citizen task force member*

8 * White "lav" citizen - a person whose work or

interest relates to some facet of racial change*

such as a community action or service volunteer*

The following twenty of the twenty-four originally selected participated in the Phase II review panel:

A* The Ohio State University Faculty of Educational Development

1• Dr* Charles Olatt, Director* The Midwest Institute for

Equal Educational Opportunities*

2. Dr* Ross L* Mooney* Professor* Department of Educational

* ♦ Development*

3* Dr. William W. Wayson, Chairman* Department of Educational

Development,

B. The Ohio State University, Others

1. Dr* Donald R. Bateman* Associate Professor, Department

of Humanities Education, 2* Dr* Luvern L* Cunningham* Dean, College o f Education*

3* Dr* William J. Halloway, Vice Provost of Minority

A ffa irs,

4-. Dr. Arlis L. Roaden, Dean* Graduate School,

5* Dr* Charles 0. Ross, Associate Professor, School of

Social Work, 6 . Dr. Gregory Thomas, Assistant Professor, Black

Education Program,

7 , Dr. Lonnie Wagstaff, Associate Professor, Educational

Administration,

O thers

1. H r. Lawrence A uls, Community O rganization S p e c ia lis t,

Model C ities, Columbus, Ohio. 2. Dr. Carl Candoli, Superintendent, Lansing School

D istrict, Lansing, Michigan.

3. Dr. Wayne Carl, Superintendent, Dayton Ohio Public

Schools, Dayton, Ohio.

Dr. Mark Chessler, Professor, Department of Sociology,

University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan,

5. Dr. Delmo Della-Dora, Principal, Mill Valley Kiddle

School, Mill Valley, California.

6 . Dr. Robert Mastln, President, Futuremics Inc.,

Washington, D. C.

?. Mr. Robert W. Terry, Associate Director, Detroit

Industrial Mission, Detroit, Michigan.

8 , Mr. Alvin Toffler, Author and Futurist, New York,

New York*

9. Mr. Ralph R. Weidner, Director, Academy for Contemporary

Problems, Columbus, Ohio. 10. Dr* Robert Greer* Assistant Superintendent for Urban

Education* Ohio State Department of Education* Columbus* Ohio*

Phase III Methodology

Each member o f the Phase I I I v a lid atio n panel received one-

half of the indicators in Chapter V along with a cover letter and

rating forms requesting that they indicate on the following

seven point scale the degree the indicators are indicative of

white racist behavior or attitudes relative to their experience

and observations:

Less Very Nearly More Than Few Few About Most All Than 2* 10* 25* 50* 75 * 90* 98 * / / / / ii /

Figure 4 Indicator Validation Rating Scale

Included with the indicators were two Mnon-indicators", numbers and 32, that are not indicators of racism and therefor should be rated "low" to "very low" by the judges. This procedure was an internal validity check on the judges' descrimination and perception in making their judgment.

The Phase III Validation Panel category breakdown was as follows: 35

Category Number of Members T otal Black White Numbe7~~ Percent

1. Racial Expert 36 22 58 25 2. Inner-City Professional 26 20 46 21 3. Professional Mi- 37 81 35 4. Lay Citizen 1,£ 24 03 !£ 125 103 226 100

Table 2 * Phase I I I V alidation Panel Category Breakdown

The 228 raters were divided into two groups, and each group received one-half of the total of 36 indicators plus one non­ indicator. Also, two forms of the rating scale were used to balance right-left hand bias.

The response breakdown from the Phase III Validation Panel was as follow s:

Category Response Total Black White Number Percer

1 . Racial Expert 15 14 29 26 2 . Inner-city Professional 8 11 19 17 3. Professional 19 21 40 37 4. Lay Citizen 6 16 22 20 48 62 110 100

Table 3 Phase III Validation Panel Response Breakdown

The maximum difference per category between indicators sBnt and those returned was 43 for category 2 , the other three being within 2$. Thus, the response rate per category very closely 36

matched the category rates of the overall panel. The overall response ra te fo r th e 228 member Phase I I I V alidation Panel was

48.2JS.

Analytical Process The data will be divided into two categories, Mnon-indicator

OKjH and "non-indicator not OK." An Analysis of Variance will be run to check for significant difference at the .01 and .0 5 le v e ls between the two categories. If any of the four validation panel subgroups have a significant variance between the "OK" and "not OK" categories, the two categories will be separated for independent analysis; if there is no significant difference between the "OK" and "not OK" categories, the two categories will be separated for independent analysis; if there is no significant difference between the "OK" and "Not OK" categories, the data will be analyzed as a whole. Either way, the following analytical process will be performed;

1. Ratings for each indicator will be tabulated for range, mean, and standard deviation.

2. Ratings for each indicator for each of the four subgroups will be

tabulated for range, mean, and standard deviation.

3. Ratings for each indicator for black respondents will be

tabulated for range, mean, and standard deviation.

4. Ratings for each indicator for white respondents will be tabulated for range, mean, and standard deviation. 5* If there are sufficient respondents in each cell, an analysis

of variance will be run to check variance between black and

white respondents and between subgroups; if analysis of variance

is inappropriate, a regression analysis will be used to test

for interactiveness.

The primary intent with the statistical analysis is to order the

indicators by degree of perceived "universality" by the Phase III

Validation Panel, All other comparative data is secondary, and will

be reported only if the data is sufficient to warrant statistical a n a ly sis.

Analytical Criteria

For Indicators to be considered "universal" the ratings of the

Phase III Validation Panel judges must fall within the following parameters: 1) The overall range for all judges for each indicator must, on the 7 point scale, fall between and ?, and the mean must be 6 or higher; 2) The overall range for each judge for each non­

indicator must on the 7 point scale fall between 0 and 4, and the mean for all raters must be 2 or lower. In the event an individual

judge's rating of the non-indicator falls outside the above parameters,

all the data for that judge will be grouped with similar returns to be analyzed and reported separately from those whose judge's ratings fall within the non-indicator parameters.

The criteria for universality is purposely set high to 1) establish 38 a high degree of universality, 2 ) eliminate marginal indicators, and

3) increase credibility of the outcomes. Although the term universality implies an absolute, it is here used to indicate a very high degree of probability per item so that if an Individual white person were to rate himself or herself, or be rated across all the "universal" indicators (s)he would have to at least internally come to the conclusion, "Yes, that is me." And referring back to the problem statement at the conclusion of Chapter III, the white person would be more likely to answer to the question of "Who has the racial problem?" with "I do." CHAPTER V

INDICATORS

General Description

The indicators that follow vary In format and content* but the « central purpose of each one Is to touch a central undeniable part of the white person In such a way that (s)he can at least Internally admit Kyes» that Is me." The Indicators are a statement of situation and feelings; they are In no way Intended to be in finished form appropriate to different local audiences; and they a re presented one by one in random o rd er with no in te n tio n th a t in their current form they could be used as a cohesive instrument*

The indicators that are individually validated as being universal relative to the criteria stated in Chapter IV* or that are highly generalizable, will in the next stage in the long range plan cited in Chapter IV be developed into instruments appropriate to .various settings and audiences*

It should be noted that the indicators are written in the

3rd person in descriptive form to aid in validation of the basic ideas* for initial trials of indicators written in the first person created such, intense reader-indicator interaction that the white reader could not then act as an even reasonably objective judge. 40

I project that the indicators judged universal or highly gfeneralizable will be translated into first person form in the next phase of the long-range plan to increase the probability that white people will react in the first person with nI do" to the question, "Who has the racial problem?"

In d ic a to r 1; RASK ORDER 16, ?5-9C$ OF WHITE AMERICANS. One of the outcomes of racial segregation, both physically and intellectually, is that most white people are unfamiliar with black people. White people are often unable to differentiate black individuals or even black subgroups. In this indicator the white persons are asked to carefully consider the following: 1. Have you felt, said, or thought relative to a black person or a group of black people something to the effect: "If you've seen one, you've seen them all...they all look alike?" Yes No 2. Do you sometimes have trouble recognizing a black person at a time after (s)he was introduced or pointed out to you because you are not sure that is the one you met? Yes No

3. Think of two people you have met about equally often, one white and one black. Then as clearly as possible describe both people so that a stranger might recognize them getting off a crowded train.

Black Description White Description Did you use skin co lo r terms? Yes N o ____

a) I f "Yes, 11 did you use the color distinction for both colors of people? Yes No____

b) Do you normally describe a white person you know, your best friend for example, by saying (s)he is "white?" Yes No____

c) Do you usually mention skin color when you speak of black people, even when you are not txying to describe them physically? Yes No

5* Did you have more trouble describing the black person than the white person in #3 above? Yes No

After carefully thinking about and doing the above, the white persons

are asked to indicate on the scale below their feelings about

their ability to accurately recognize black people:

Almost Always Usually Sometimes Rarely Recognize Recognize Undecided Recognize Recognize

And below indicate the degree of difficulty you experience when you

attempt to describe black and white people: Blacks Blacks Whites Whites Easiest Some Easier Undecided Some Easier Easiest l ______L______I______L _ /

In d ic a to r 2: RANK ORDER 2?, 75-9°’! OF WHITE AMERICANS.

White people have accepted terms into their everyday language without questioning the racist assumptions behind them. For example, white people such as Jerry Ruben are known as "radicals". This

. connotes a political philosophy at an extreme relative to the

established political or social norm of "mainstream" America. 42

However, black people such as Stokely Carmichael are known as

"militants’* and "extremists," and usually are referred to as

"black m ilitants". The assumption is that whites are "radical" when they advocate some extreme, be i t Jerxy Rubin to the left or George Wallace to the right; but "militants", particularly

"black m ilitants," are violent and destructive regardless of their political or social position. In reality, the terms should be reversed, for historically whites have been more violent toward each other and toward blacks than have black people against either; and further, black demands for equality and freedom based on Constitutional as well as human rights are certainly radical relative to the established white social and political system. Thus, white people often accept discriminatory language based on assumptions that only whites are smart enough to be extreme thinkers, and that blacks are subintelligent physical brutes prone to violence.

In this indicator the white persons are asked to think about how they have used the terms "radical" and "militant" in the past, and how the terms are interpreted when read or heard in the news media. They then are to rate below the degree they racially differentiate by using the term "radical" to refer to white people and "militant" to refer to black people, when the actual behavior may be the same, such as giving a fiery speech condemning police conduct during a legal protest march: Rarely Sometimes Usually Always Differentiate Differentiate Undecided Differentiate Differentiate L______I______I______t______/

In d ic a to r 1; RANK ORDER 12, 75-90J8 OF WHITE AMERICANS.

All people carry within them conscious or unconscious standards of physical attractiveness that they apply to themselves and to others* In this indicator the white persons are asked to describe briefly their ideal of physical beauty for men or women by which they judge themselves and others:

Description Male Female

1• H air c o lo r 1 . 1 . 2* Hair length 2 . 2 . 3* Weight 3. 3. Jf* L ips 4 . 5* Eye color 5. 5. 6 . Nose 6 . 6 * 7* Facial shape 7 . 7. 8 . O ther 8 . 8 .

The white persons are asked to briefly close their eyes and visualize the composite picture or pictures of their ideal of a physically beautiful person. Then they are asked to indicate the answers to two questions:

1. What was the skin color of the attractive person you visualized?

Black Dark Undecided Light White

2* Could a black person fu lfill all the criteria you noted above as you described beautiful physical characteristics? Yes Maybe Undecided U nlikely No / -_/______J ______L______L The vhite persons are then asked to judge and indicate whether they feel their standard of physical beauty prejudices then against the beauty of black people:

Very Very Pnprejudlclal Pnprejudiolal Undecided Prejudicial Prejudicial

In d ic a to r 4: RANK ORDER 22, 75-90# OF WHITE AMERICANS. Many white people think or say black people are not Inferior to white people; or that white people are not superior to black people or that black and white people are racial equals. In this indicator the white persons are first asked: Are vdaite people superior to black people? Yes No Are black people superior to white people? Yes No

They are then asked to think and feel how they would respond in the following situations:^

1 • You are to be tried in a court of law by a black judge and jury.

2. You are to have major heart surgery based on the diagnosis of a team of black surgeons. 3. You are to be represented in a court of law by a black lawyer in a case in which you are mistakenly charged with murder. 4. You are to be taught, criticized, and graded by a black instructor while you are learning a very difficult and exacting ta sk .

It should be noted that in the five situations the black people are in positions in which they have been accepted, or have "made it," according to established white standards. 4-5

5* The area where you live has had a rash of burglaries and assaults, and round-the-clock police surveillance has been promised. You meet a tall black man in a police uniform outside your door vhen you return one night.

After the white persons have carefully thought how they would think, feel, and respond to each of the above situations, they are asked to

indicate their overall inner reactions*

Very Very Comfortable At Ease Undecided Uneasy Uneasy L______L______L______L____ _/

In d ic a to r ■?; HANK ORDER 7. 75-9<>i» OF WHITE AMERICANS. host white people ignore or deny, the institutional influences that have in the past, and stall do, influence their attitudes and behavior towards black people. One of the consequences of racial segregation is an unawareness of segregation when it occurs normally

and repeatedly. In this indicator the white persons are asked to list all the places they have lived since birth. They are then

asked to note after each home listed:

1) Where you have lived next door to black people? 2) Where you have lived in the same block or apartment complex with black people?

3) Where you have lived in a neighborhood of 11 # or more black people? 4) Where you have liv e d in the same suburb of 11# o r more of black people?

5) After thinking over your above responses, do you conclude that your living patterns over the years evidence institutionalized separation of black and white people?

After having answered the above questions, the white persons are asked k 6

to Indicate their degree of housing racial isolationt

Very Very Integrated Integrated Undecided Isolated Isolated L______L______L______L______/

If the white persons have lived in integrated housing* they are then

asked to carefully consider the question: "Did you interact

differently with the black people than with the white people?" Very Very Similarly Similarly Undecided Differently Differently l ______L______1 ______L______/

In d ic a to r 6 i rank ORDER 1?, 75-90? OF WHITE AMERICANS. Kost white people accept the fact that black and white people are not exactly alike* for the designations of black and white

skin color make that fact obvious. In this indicator the white

persons are asked to list* for their information only, as many specific physical characteristics as they can in which black and white people are alike and are different:

Likenesses Differences

1 . (example)welght range 1 . (example) average skin color 2, 2 . 3: h• • etc ! etcI The white persons are then asked the following questions: 1. Which list is longest? Likenesses Differences

2. Are you aware that most physiologists agree that between races there are approximately 97 similarities for every 3 differences? Yes„ No____ 3. Does your lis t reflect the ratio of approximately 97 likenesses for every three differences? Yes No

The white persons are then asked to review their lis t relative to their own awareness about racial differences, and then to indicate below their long ’ standing inner feelings about the degree they feel

that blacks are different from whites:

.Blacks Blacks Very Blacks Very Blacks Different Different Like Whites Like Whites Undecided From Whites From Whites L______L ______L ______L______I

In d ic a to r 7: rank ORDER 28, 50-7$$ OF WHITE AMERICANS. White American movie actors, w riters, and some others have

traditionally used pseudonyms in their public and sometimes in their

private lives. This practice is fully accepted, keeping in mind the

vast majority of American actors, writers, and others who are white.

In this indicator the white persons are given the following three

specific examples of Americans who have changed their names:

1. In 1969 the holder of the U.S. heavyweight boxing title was stripped of his title by the boxing commission. His name i s : _ _ Cassius Clay ______Muhammed A li ______(Never heard th e names above) The boxer has publicly strongly stated the name he prefers. The white persons are asked to think of the recent times they have thought or said the boxer's name, and to record their response below.

A li Clay All Mostly Undecided Mostly Clay /______I______L______I ______/ 2. A well known professional basketball star changed his name from that which he became famous under during his college 48

play fo r UCLA* His name i s : ______Lou Alcindor ______Kareem Abdul Jabbar ______(Never heard the names above) The basketball player has publicly strongly indicated the name he prefers* The white persons are asked to think of the recent times they have thought or said the player's name, and to record their response, below*

Jabbar Alcindor Jabbar Mostly Undecided Mostly Alcindor . /- /______L______L______I 3* A well known writer* speaker* and leader changed his name from MALCOM LITTLE to MALCOM X when he became a f f ilia te d with the Muslem movement* At the time of his assassination he was widely known as a strong spokesman for freedom for all oppressed peoples* and particularly for American black people.

The w hite persons a re asked to w rite "Muhammed Ali*" "Kareem Abdul Jabbar*11 and "Malcom X11 below* and to say a ll three names aloud: 1* / 2 .______3* ______.______After the white persons have reacted to the above* they are asked to think about what they have thought, said, and felt when they have encountered African, Muslem* or black names such as All* Jabbar* and

X that are obvious deviations from the original "Christian" names given within the white society. Then the white persons are asked to indicate those inner feelings below:

Conscious of Uneaey Unaffected Difference Undecided Feeling Offended L______L______L______L______/

In d ic a to r 8 : RANK ORDER 14, 75-90^ OF WHITE AMERICANS. A very common question asked by white people* particularly during ^9

tines of Inter*racial conflict, is who or what is responsible for the trouble* In this indicator the white persons are asked to list possible or probable causes of racial tension and conflict* The white persons are then asked to consider the following questions:

1* Did you clearly state that you are or have been in any way responsible? Yes _ — No 2. Considering that the American society is approximately 87$ white, who do you feel controls what goes on in the overall society? Black people White people 3* Now, and in the past, have you avoided accepting personal responsibility for being a part of the causes of racial tensions? Yes No

The white persons are then asked to study carefully the list of possible causes of racial tension they have listed, and to indicate below in general who they meant was responsible for American racial ten sio n s: White Mostly White Undecided Mostly Black Black People People People People i l :______l______i______i

In d ic a to r 9 : RANK ORDER k, 75-90$ OF WHITS AMERICANS.

White people are often unaware of the childhood indoctrination they received relative to black people. In this indicator the white persons are first asked to think of specific instances of racist indoctrination from their childhood. The response usually is, "I can't think of any." They are then asked to recite and fill 50 in the blank in the following nursery rhyme: Eany meany miny mo Catch a by the toe If he hollers let him go Eany meany miny mo

The white persons are then asked how they recite or have recited the rhyme (possibly to their own children), and to record if their automatic filling in of the black above reflects childhood racist indoctrination• No Maybe Undecided Probably Yes L______L______I— ______t ______/

Indicator 10: RANK ORDER 11, 75-9036 OF WHITE AMERICANS. Many white people think or say black people are not inferior to white people; or that white people are not superior to black people; or that black and white people are racial equals* In this indicator the white persons are first asked:

Are white people superior to black people? Yes No Are black people superior to white people7 Yes No

They are then asked to think and feel how they would respond in the following situations:

1* Your teenage daughter who is still dressing asks you to answer the door for her date. The young man is tall and black.

2. You are invited out to dinner by a new black acquaintance to a popular neighborhood restaurant where you will certainly be seen by many white people you know*

3. You are asked by a reporter, to pose for a picture to be run on page 1 of your local newspaper in which you are to have your arm around the shoulders of a black person to show your appreciation for their help. 51

4, You are Invited to a social gathering place where inter-racial dating and married couples frequent*

5* You have been assigned a roommate for a week long gathering you are attending* The person is black*

After the white persons have carefully thought how they would think* feel, and respond to each of the above situations, they are asked to indicate their overall inner reactions.

Very Very Comfortable Comfortable Undecided Uneasy Uneasy L______L______1 ______L______I

In d ic a to r 11: RANK ORDER 3. 75-90# OF VIHITE AMERICANS.

Host white people are unaware of their very deep fear or dislike of black people, or deny or are reluctant to admit the fact if they are aware* Many of these same white people say they have

“nothing against blacks,11 or that "blacks are as good as anybody else*" In this indicator, if the above statements are truly how the white persons feel, then they should react no differently in the situations below whether the participants were black or white:

1) The white person is walking alone at dusk on a deserted street near home or work when a car with k black men in it pulls up along the curb, and one man rolls down the window to speak*

2) The white person is walking alone at dusk on a deserted street near home or work when (s)he rounds a comer and sees at the next corner where (s)he must pass a group of 10 black people gathered in conversation*

3) The white person is in a town distant from home and is looking for a restaurant to eat dinner* (S)he sees an ordinary, clean looking establishment, and walks in* (s)he appears to be the only white person in the place* 52

The white persons are asked to visualize how they would feel, think, and react to the above and similar situations, and to indicate that feeling below: ^

Perfectly Brief \ Very Normal Surprise Undecided Apprehensive Anxious L______L______L______L______/

I n d ic a to r 12: RANK ORDER 30. 50-75# OF WHITE AMERICANS.

Most white people make a bapic assumption about black people that transfers all responsibility for racial strife to black people in general, i.e ., the assumption frees the individual white person and white people in general from accepting responsibility for creating, and particularly for maintaining, American racism. The assumption is manifested in part in the following behavior: In a one-to-one conversation between a black and white person, white people often bring up the topic of race relations. The black person is asked to express for all black people how "they" feel relative to race relations. The black person is viewed by the white person as a “racial expert" solely because (s)he is black. And often this topic may be the only one the white person feels (s)he has in common with the black person. In essence, the'black person is asked directly or indirectly "What do all you people want?" In 1 - I f th e respondent i s a woman, she i s asked to se p a ra te any general fear she may have of men due to the fear of rape, and to respond only to her reactions to black people regardless of sex. Further, be the respondent a man or woman, (s)he must respond to racial feelings and not to a generalized fear of strangers. 53

so doing the white person avoids expressing* or even thinking about what (s)he wants, for that could be embarrassing* When

the white person approaches only a black person for information

about black people in general, and expects the black person to

speak for all blacks, the white person is consciously or unconsciously

assuming, 11 If you have seen one, you have seen then a ll,tt

In this indicator the white persons are asked to think about the topics of conversation they often introduce socially or

sometimes professionally when speaking with a black person. That

is, does the white person bring up the topic of race with a black person relatively more often than when interacting normally with

other white people. After thinking about their interaction, the

white persons are asked to indicate their behavior on the following

scales:

Never Rarely Often Always Introduce Introduce Introduce Introduce Race Race Undecided Race Race I ______L______L______L______/ And if the white persons rate themselves at the "Never Introduce

Race" or "Rarely Introduce Race" levels, they are asked to

respond on the following scales if the variables are appropriate: Very Very Comfortable Comfortable Uneasy Uneasy Doing So Doing So Undecided Doing So Doing So

^If thcTrespondent is a professional anti-racist, then (s)he obviously would often introduce racial topics; however, the number of white anti-racists are currently so few that their number will not affect the universality of the indicator. 54

Always Often '>'< Rarely Never Converse Converse Converse Converse With Blacks With Blacks Undecided With Blacks With Blacks I ______L______L______L______/

In d ic a to r 13: RANK ORDER 24, 75-90,1 OF WHITE AMERICANS*

That which a person notices and overlooks during everyday activities is an indicator of selective awareness. In this

indicator the white persons are asked to recall the past few

days as they traveled to and from activities. They are asked if they notice the presence of black people in the normal crowds of

white people or if they notice black people alone on the streets;

that is, are the black individuals noticed only as being black,

rather than also being tall, or overweight, or uniquely dressed,

etc? For example, does the white person specifically notice a black

child standing quietly within a similar group of white people?

The white persons are asked to reflect on to what degree, during

normal daily activities, they consciously or unconsciously

selectively notice black persons because they are black rather than because of color contrast and other characteristics. They are then asked to indicate their degree of racial selective awareness that

focuses on blacknoss and race rather than on differences or contrasts

that would cause one to notice a particular white person,^

* Today to be racially ’’colorblind" is also a negative factor, for in reality black people have been set apart and thereby are "different" from white people; in an ideal future where racism is nonexistent the scale would be reversed, and "Always Notice" would become the most negative factor. Thus currently, aware anti-racists must notice black people because that is necessary in the process of countering racism. 55

Never Sometimes Usually Always Notice Notice Undecided Notice Notice L______L______L______L______/

In d ic a to r 1fr: (THIS IS A NON-INDICATOR OF RACI31 USED AS AN INTERNAL RESEARCH CONTROL ITEM. See page •)

In this Indicator the white person is given the following

incident: ^ The following behavior was noted in a downtown department store near the drug department* A white man was

spending the day passing out samples of suntan lotion to all

customers passing down the aisle* All day he had automatically

said as a customer passed* "Please accept this sample of 'Sun

Bronze1 lo tion...it is one of our finest new lines.* Suddenly he realized that he had said his line but the customer had not accepted the sample...the first time all day someone had refused his offer* The salesman then looked at the customer* a black man* and as they both chuckled, the salesman said* "Man, I had

to be kidding.11

Then the white persons are asked to consider the assumptions

the white salesman may have made, and to then indicate below to what degree the above inbident is an example of white racism;

Very Very Non-racist Non-racist Undecided Racist Racist L______i______I______L______J

^Rush, Sheila, and Chris Clark, How to Pet Along with Black People. Joseph Okpaku Publishing Co., Inc., New York, 1971» p. 52. 56

In d ic a to r 15: RANK 0RD3R 31. 50-75$ OF WHITE* AMERICANS.

Many white people think or say black people are not inferior to white people; or that white people are not superior to black people; or that black and white people are racial equals. In this indicator the white persons are first asked:

Are white people superior to black people? Yes No Are black people superior to. white people? Yes No

They are then asked to think and feel how they would respond in the following situations:^

1. You are to be instructed and monitored by a black foreman or supervisor.

2. You are to be working for a black person having less education and experience than you.

3* You are to be held responsible and accountable for a critical task outcome when you shared the work with a black person.

4. You are in a position to hire or recommend a white person to be a janitor and garbageman.

5* You are invited to a party by a black work supervisor where you will be introduced as his or her "employee" and must identify him or her as your "boss."

After the white persons have carefully thought how they would think, feel, and respond to each of the above situations, they are asked to indicate their overall inner reactions. Very Very Comfortable Comfortable Undecided Uneasy Uneasy L______L______L______t______/ ------It should be noted that in four of the five situations the black people are in positions in which they have been accepted or have "made it," according to established white standards. 57-

Indicator 16: rank ORDER 9» 75-90;? OF WHITE AMERICANS. In this indicator white persons are confronted with their lack of racial interaction. They may have made a statement similar to,

"Some of my best friends are colored", or the white person may have been asked "How many of your friends are black?n The white persons may claim to know no black people, which strongly suggests they are consciously avoiding contact with about 11$ of the American popula­ tion, or they are living in a highly racially segregated society, which may be either conscious or unconscious avoidance of black people. The white persons will often claim to have from one to many colored friends; in this case the following questions are asked of the white persons:

1• How do you define a friend?

2. About how many 'friends* do you have?

3* What are examples of things you do with the friends you have?

Of your "x" number of friends, how many are black?

5* When is the last time you interacted with a black person in th e same manner and to the same depth as c ite d in your examples?

6. Is there a discrepancy between your statement of having "many colored friends" and the facts as you revealed them about the way you interact with black and white people?

The above line of questioning will usually reveal that the "colored friends" are only acquaintances, usually connected with a work or impersonal social activity, and the white person really knows much less about black "friends" than about white "friends." 58

After the white persons have thought through the above questionst they are asked to indicate on the following scale the answer to the question, "How many black friends do you really have?"

Many More Than Undecided • Less Than None 1 out of 11 1 out of 11 L______L______t______I______/

In d ic a to r 17; RANK ORDER 15, 75-90$ OF WHITE AMERICANS. Many white people think or say black people are not inferior to white people; or that white people are not superior to black people; or that black and white people are racial equals. In this indicator the white persons are first asked; Are white people superior to black people? Yes No Are black people superior to white people? Yes No

They are then asked to think and feel how they would respond in the following situations: 1. Your child is to be protected by a black lifeguard.

2. You stop to pick up a hitchhiker during a heavy rain. You then see that (s)he is black.

3* Your car breaks down in the rain on the freeway, and the car that stops.to pick you up is occupied by two black people.

4. In an emergency you call a babysitting service that in the past has always sent white babysitters, and just as you are to leave the house the only babysitter available arrives. The babysitter i s black. 5* Your child is assigned a black counselor at school.

After the white persons have carefully thought how they would think, feel, and respond to each of the above situations, they are asked to indicate their overall inner reactions. 59

Very Very Comfortable Comfortable Undecided Uneasy Uneasy L L L

In d ic a to r 18; RANK ORDER 5. 75-90;$ OF WHITE AMERICANS.

In this indicator the white persons are given the following

situ a tio n : A white automobile driver or passenger is traveling down a street when suddenly an auto driven by a black person swerves or cuts in close

in front of the white driver's auto, causing the white driver to slow or

swerve his auto. The white driver will either think or say angry, derogatory remarks about the other driver, and a part of the criti­ cism will be racially biased. For example, the white driver may say or

think to the effect, "You black SOB!", or later (s)he may think about or tell someone about the close call, with words and feelings to this

effect: "...then a nigger in a flashy car cut in", or "Some black bastard almost got me on the freeway...." The hypothesis is that either

a racial slur or at least racial reference will be a major part of the

reaction, thinking, or reporting of the incident which has no racial bearing.

The white persons are asked to recall carefully and very fully their

reaction to a similar incident, which may or may not involve automobiles,

and to rate on the scale below the reaction that they felt inside.

No Negative L ittle Negative Undecided Some Negative Strong Negative Racial Racial Racial Racial Reaction Reaction Reaction Reaction 60

In d ic a to r 19.1 RANK ORDER 2, 90-98$ OF WHITE AMERICANS. Most white people are unaware of their very deep fear or dislike of black people* or they deny or are reluctant to adroit the fact if they are aware. Many of these same white people say they have "nothing against blacks," or that "blacks are as good as anybody else." In this indicator, if the above statements are truly how the white person feels, then as white parents (s)he should not object or feel anything but the delight and joy grandparents usually express when they first see their son or daughter*s child, even if their grandson or granddaughter is black or brown.

The white persons are asked to imagine how they would feel, think, and react if a son or daughter placed a black child in their arms that had their first, middle, or last name and that bore a strong family resemblance. The white persons are then asked to indicate their feelings on the following scale:

Very Very Joyous Delighted Undecided Apprehensive Upset L ______L______L______L______f

In d ic a to r 20; RANK ORDER 25, 75-90$ OF WHITE AMERICANS.

Most white people have a rationale that allows them to state to themselves and others, "Relative to race, I'm 'OK'." Such a statement is a very strong internal defense against change and the associated guilt that may be implied. Further, the more "liberal" a person considers him or herself, the greater the strength of the defense mechanism. Thus, most white people have one or more examples that 61

can be brought forth to prove that they personally are not raclst( 1.e., that they are “OK" and need not seriously consider changing

their basic attitudes, beliefs, and particularly behavior. For

example, the following are examples white people use to

support their contention of being racially OK: 1• X grew up with black kids in high school and we treated each other as equals.

2. We used to have a colored maid etc. we all dearly loved, and she said often that “If only all white folks were like you."

3. I work with black people and we get along fine*..we respect each other.

4 . In our school we had a b e a u tifu l black g i r l as a homecoming queen candidate, and I voted for her even when my firends didn't.

5* When Martin Luther King was shot I felt so aw ful....I have great sympathy and respect for his people.

6* Some of my children's playmates are colored, and when they come to our house we treat them like one of us.

7. I remember once when X was a teenager I went to visit relatives, and I was shocked that Negroes had to ride in the back of the buses. So all that summer I walked to work instead of riding the bus because I felt so strongly about the injustice of it all.

8. I have thought about it, and if any of my children date or decide to marxy one of them I will point out the problems they and their children will face, but I will support their decision no m atter how much i t h u rts .

In this Indicator the white persons are asked to recall if they have one or several specific instances they repeatedly bring forth when

they are challenged about their racial interaction. They are then asked to rate their response on the following scale:

Never Cite Seldom Cite Undecided Sometimes Cite Always Cite Instances Instances . Instances Instances 62

In d ic a to r 21: RANK ORDER 32, 50-75$ OF WHITE AMERICANS.

One of the ways for white people to get at their inner or deeper thoughts is to be confronted with the difference between what they initially think and what they are later willing to commit to paper to be seen by someone elBe. In this indicator the white persons are asked to complete the following sentences as if they w ill be made pu b lic:

1* Negroes are... 2. Most black people.•• 3* Interracial marriage is... k. You can tell a Negro by... 5. Race is ... 6. White people are... 7* Different skin colors mean... 8. People from Africa are... 9* Negroes want... 10. Blackness symbolizes.•• 11. Whiteness symbolizes.•• 12. I am glad I am white because.•• 13* My black friends usually... 14. Black ghettos exist because.•• 15* People on welfare are usually.•• 16. Racial equality is... 17* Race riots a re ... 18. Militancy is... 19* Martin Luther King and Malcom X were... 20. My parents said Negros were... 21. Negro slavery was...

The white persons are asked to pause and recall very carefully, and to then indicate below, whether they wrote down exactly what their first thoughts were for each item.

Almost Almost Always Usually Undecided Sometimes Never / •__/______L ______L______/ 63

The white persons are then asked to reflect 1) if their first flashes of thought are "acceptable" to make with black people present, and

2) if those in itial thoughts are generally negative toward black people. The white persons are asked to indicate below the feeling and

general content of the in itial inner responses i

Very Very Positive Positive Negative * Negative Toward Toward Toward Toward Blacks Blacks Undecided Blacks Blacks L______L______L______L - /

In d ic a to r 22 i RANK ORDER 23, 75-90# OF WHITE AMERICANS. Many white people have stated, "I don't care what color a person's skin is." That statement nearly always refers to the color of

someone elses skin. However, some white people have asked them­

selves what it must be like to be black. But that is not the

essential question, for that is to miss or avoid the crucial reality in the American white majority culture. The question is "What must

it be like to be treated like a black person by other white people."

Every white person knows how other white people regard and feel

about black people in general...it can be felt even if nothing is overtly said or done. Thus, in this indicator, with all else remaining exactly as it is now, the white persons are asked to indicate below their willingness to exchange their white skin color

for a black skin color to see what it is really like to be treated

like a black by white Americans in general, and by their white 6h

friends and peers in particular. 1. For Always Yes No 2 . 5 y ears Yes No 3* 1 year Yes No 4 . 6 months Yes. No 5* 1 month Yes No 6 . 1 week Yes No 7* 1 day Yes No

The white persons are then asked to indicate if they feel skin color does make a d iffe re n c e to them.

Yes No____ Then the white persons are asked to recall carefully their thoughts and feelings as they considered being black for the times indicated

above, and to then indicate their overall feelings about them personally being black as they relate to their husbands, wives,

lover, friends, and others. Very Very Comfortable Comfortable Undecided Uneasy Uneasy

In d ic a to r 23: RANK ORDER 3^, 50-75# OF WHITE AMERICANS. One of the often heard or thought statements by white people is

"The Irish, Polish, Jews, and others have made it in America, so what is wrong with the Negroes...why can't they make it?" Those who make or accept this question, and the unspoken assumption that black people as a group can not fit into the American ideal

satisfactorily, usually fail to recognize one crucial and most fundamental difference between other ethnic and/or racial groups in America. Thus, in this indicator the white persons are asked: 6 5

What is the one most basic historical difference between the American experience of Irish, Polish, Jewish, etc*, Americans and black Americans?

After the response, if there is one, the white persons are asked if they ever considered that of all the groups identifiable in America, only black people came to America as sla v es. The w hite persons are asked to rate how aware they are of the histoiy of slavery that makes up the bulk of the black American experience since 1619 when the first twenty slaves arrived in Virginia. Vexy Aware Aware Undecided Unaware Very Unaware

L ______L______L______I t______I

In d ic a to r 2h-: rank 0RE2R 36, 5°-75# W WHITE AMERICANS.

White Americans are aware in general of ethnic customs and preferences of some minority peoples relative to some foods, dress, and recreation. And white Americans feel comfortable referring to other members of their own ethnic or racial group as "white" or as

"whites." However, few white people are certain of what to call people with black skin. The white person often does not understand, and therefor feels uncomfortable and awkward when i t is necessaxy to refer to a black or brown skinned person as a member of a specific racial group. In this indicator white persons are asked to define the following terms, indicating a general sub-group of black or brown skinned Americans who prefer.the particular designation:

1• Colored 2 . Negro 3* black ______66

Black '

The white persons are then asked if they know when to use which when conversing with one or more members of the "black" group of people who make up approximately 11$ of the American population* Then they are asked to indicate on the scale below their awareness and therefor certainty of the acceptable use of the terms*

Very Aware Aware And Unaware And Very Unaware and Certain Certain Undecided Uncertain And Uncertain l ______L______L______L______I

In d ic a to r 25: RANK ORDER 26, 75-90$ OF WHITE AMERICANS.

Most white people are unaware of the degree the English language prejudices them toward blackness and black people. In

this indicator the white person is asked to add to the list below

as many English terras that connote or denote positiveness and

negativeness relative to the terms of "black" and "white":

Black White' Positive Negative Positive Negative Terms Terms Terms Terms

1• in the black 1 • blackball 1 • purity 1 • whitewash 2* black belt 2* blackmail 2. white 2* whitey lig h tn in g • * • # • • • • • etc* etc* etc. etc* 67

The white persons are then to use both a dictionary and a thesaurus to supplement the terms drawn from their everyday vocabulary. They are then asked to indicate below the number of terms in each list, and to note which lis t is the longest:

Black White

Negative ( ) Negative ( ) Positive ( ) Positive ( ) They are then asked to rate in the following scales the implications of their above responses:

1. The lis t you generated unaided from your personal vocabulary reveals the greatest number of positive terms to be where on the scale7

Black Very Black Some Undecided White Some White Very Pos itiv e P o s itiv e ______^______P o sitiv e ______P o s itiv e

2. And from your personal vocabulary, where on the scale describes the lis t with the greatest number of negative terms2

Black Very Black Some Undecided White Some White Very Negative Negative Negative Negative L______L______1 ______L______/ 3. The list you compiled using your original lis t plus the terms drawn from the dictionary and thesaurus reveals that overall the - English language contains the greatest number of positive terms on which end of the-scale?

Black Very Black Some Undecided White Some White Very Positive Positive Positive Positive L______L______/______/ h. And overall, the English language contains the greatest number of negative terms on which end of the scale?

Black Very Black Some Undecided White Some White Very Negative Negative . Negative Negative I______L______L______L______/ 68

After reexamining the above, the white persons are asked to think about the implications, and to note below the degree they fed the

English language tends to prejudice white people toward blackness and black people:

Language Hot Language Language Language Prejudicial Little Undecided Some Very Prejudicial Prejudicial Prejudicial L______L______J

Indicator 26: RANK ORDER 19, 75-90, % OF WHITE AMERICANS.

Most white people carry inside them a racial stereotype relative to black people that, although there are variations, is consistent enough to allow clear communication among whites at the nonspecific level. White people in general have similar enough assumptions about black people that communication among whites about blacks is usually clear without mentioning a general stereotype, in this instance the

"Sambo" o r "Rastus" image. Thus, when one w hite person says to another white person the word "Sambo", or td ls a racial joke, they have the same general understanding of the stereotype that they have assimilated from the overall white culture. Some of the common elements assumed in the "Sambo" or Negro personalities are: 1• blackness 2. childishness 3. irresponsibility 4 . e te rn a l good humor 5. natural rhythm 6. sexual promiscuousness 7. abdication of family responsibility 8. black female dominance of black males 9* manual labor or servile work roles 10. rolling eyes and flashing teeth 69

. In addition to "Sambo" and "Rastus," there are the similar common stereotypes associated with the rotund and smiling "Aunt Jemima"

associated with a common syrup label, and "Amos 'n Andy" of radio

and television fame.

In thi3 indicator the white persons are asked if most of the

above ten assumptions are a part of their assumptions when they hear the terms of "Sambo", "Rastus", "Aunt Jemima," or "Amos 'n Andy",

and to indicate the degree of their assumptions on the following

scale: Never Rarely Sometimes Always Associate Associate Undecided Associate Associate L______L______L______L ______I

. In d ic a to r 27: . RANK ORDER 29, 50-75^ OF WHITE AMERICANS. Many white people think or say black people are not inferior to

white people; or that white people are not superior to black

people; or that black and white people are racial equals. In this

indicator the white persons are first asked: Are white people superior to black people7 Yes No Are black people superior to white people? Yes No

They are then asked to think and feel how they would respond in the i following situations: 1. (Female) You are to be examined internally by a black gynecologist. ~ ■ ■■■■, . . — It should be noted that in four of the five situations the black people are in positions in which they have been accepted, or have "made it," according to established white standards. 70

2. (Male) You are to be examined for a reproductive organ ailment by a black physician.

* 3* You are to receive blood from a black donor.

4. You take your bleeding and unconscious child to a clinic . and are assigned a black doctor. 5* Following a severe head injury, your child Is to be taught how to talk again by a black speech therapist.

After the white persons have carefully thought how they would think, feel, and respond to each of the above situations, they are asked to indicate their overall inner reactions.

Very Comfortable Undecided Uneasy Vexy Comfortable Uneasy L______L______L______L______/

In d ic a to r 28: RANK ORDER 20, 75-901! OF WHITE AMERICANS.

Catch phrases, or idioms, in American English reveal a set of assumptions that pervades the society. Nearly every white person knows automatically the meaning and implications of the phrase "free, white, and twenty-one". The three critical factors are to be free rather than a slave, to be white rather than black, red, yellow, or brown, and to be an adult rather than a child. The term as used and understood by white people is a positive statement about status, for in America it is good to be free, white and twenty-one; whereas, it certainly is not good to be a black slave without the rights of adulthood. When a white person hears the phrase it triggers a set of white cultural assumptions based on the conscious unpleasant reality of what it means to be black in a white controlled society that 71 assumes and enforces black racial Inferiority*

In this Indicator the white persons are asked to think about what the term "free, white, and twenty-one" means, and what must then be the conscious or unconscious assumptions behind their interpretation and understanding* Keeping in mind how sure they are of what the phrase meant, even if they had never before spoken it, the white persons are asked to rate below their degree of inner fam iliarity with the assumptions that give meaning to the phrase

"free, white, and twenty-one,"

Very Very Unfamiliar Unfamiliar F am iliar F am iliar With th e With th e With th e With th e Assumptions Assumptions Undecided Assumptions Assumptions L______z ____ / L___

In d ic a to r 29; RANK ORDER 33. 50-75^ OF WHITS AMERICANS.

Many white people think or say black people are not inferior to white people; or that white people are not superior to black people; or that black and white people are racial equals. In this indicator the white persons are first asked;

Are white people superior to black people? Yes No Are black people superior to white people? Yes No They are then asked to think and feel how they would respond in each of the following situations;

1. You are selling your home in an all white neighborhood, and a prospective buyer arrives. He or she is black.

2. You are seeking another home,' and the realtor takes you to 72

see a house or apartment in a racially integrated neighborhood.

3* You are looking for an address* and you have a choice of asking a black person walking along the street* or of driving on to find a service station where you may get directions.

4. Your clothing has been destroyed in a fire. You are confronted with the offer of the "choice of the closets" fo r you and th e ch ild ren from a black fam ily whose income i3 far more than yours.

5» You are invited to a party you can easily decline where you know the main food will be "soul food."

After the white persons have carefully thojsght how they would think, feel, and respond to the above situations* they are asked to report their overall inner reactions.

Very Very Comfortable Comfortable Undecided Uneasy Uneasy 2______L______Z______l .______/

In d ic a to r 30; RANK ORDER 10, 75-90# 0? WHITE AMERICANS

Most white people have observed for as long as they can remember racial discrimination in job opportunities. Over time, white

people* and many blacks too, come to expect as normal job differentia­

tion based on race or skin color. In this indicator the white persons

■ are asked to read the following lists to see if they can determine

which is "white work" and which is "black work":

1. J a n ito r 1. A rchitect 2. Garba genian 2. Mayor }• Hand Laborer 3* Heavy Machine Operator 4. Criminal 4, Judge 5. B ell Boy 5. Hair stylist 6. Shoeshine Boy 6. Sales Manager 73

?. Doorman ?• Doctor 8. Preacher 8* Banker 9. Waiter 9* School Superintendent 10. Maid 10. P o lice Chief

If the white persons can tell which list is "black" and which is "w hite", th e next question i s , "How did you know?" The th e s is here is that through years of living in the white dominated society, white persons have assimilated assumptions about job appropriateness relative to race. The white persons are then asked to rate on the following scale the degree to which their white society has taught through example the lessons of racial job discriminations

Very Little Little Some Very Much Discrimination Discrimination Undecided Discrimination Discrimina­ tio n L______L______L______L______/

In d ic a to r 31: RANK ORDER 1, 90-98-S OF WHITE AMERICANS. Most white people often ignore or deny their own, as well as other white people's, specific assumptions about black people. White people usually identify the skin color of a black person even when skin color has no bearing on the event; however, if the same event occurred only among white people, the white participants will rarely be described by their skin color. Thus, "whiteness" is the assumed norm. For example, envision two w hite people walking down a street with a big dog, say an Afghan, on a leash and they meet two black people walking a large Irish Setter, and the two couples stop to admire the dogs. Later the white people describe the walk and 7b

encounter. In most cases the white persons will say to the effect, "We met a black couple with a beautiful Irish Setter over in the park...." If both couples had been white the statement would likely be, "We met a couple with a beautiful Irish Setter over in the park...."

There is no reason to differentiate people by skin color in the above example, yet white people usually indicate the "blackness" as a matter of course when describing encounters with black people.

In this indicator, the white persons are asked to think over the example and then rate the degree to which they normally make racial identifications when speaking to other people, particularly white people, about black people.

Never Make Sometimes Make Usually Make Always Make Racial Racial Undecided Racial Racial Reference • Reference Reference Reference I______u ______t______L______/

In d ic a to r 32: (THIS IS A NON-INDICATOR OF RACISM USED AS AN INTERNAL RESEARCH CONTROL ITEM. See page 3^. )

In this indicator, the white persons are given the following incident that occurred in a grocery store: A white mother and 3 year old child are standing in line by the check-out counter*

Immediately in front of the pair stands a black man who is also waiting. The three finally move into the check-out area. As the black man places his purchases on the counter the white child touches his hand and exclaims, "Look mommy, his hand is all blackl" The man does not react, and the mother replies, "Yes, his skin is just a different color from yours." The man extends his hand for the 75

child to examine. The child touches and examines the hand, and then asks the mother for chewing gum.

The white persons are asked to consider the assumptions the white child may have made, and to indicate to what degree the incident is an example of racist indoctrination of the child by the white parents?

Very Very Non-Racist Non-Racist Undecided Racist Racist L______L______L______L______/

In d ic a to r 33 < RAM ORDER 13. ?5-9°2 OF WHITE AMERICANS.

Most white people ignore or deny the institutional influences that have in the past, and still do, Influence their attitudes and behavior towards black people. One of the consequences of racial segregation is an unawareness of it when it occurs normally and repeatedly. In this indicator white persons are asked to lis t all the churches they have ever attended, either regularly or on special occasions. They are then asked to note after each church listed:

1. Where you have ever sa t next to a black person?

2. Where you have ever sa t in th e same row w ith a black person?

3* Where you have ever sat in the same church with black people?

4. If you now attend church regularly or upon occasion, is the church predominately white? 5* If you now attend church regularly or upon occasion, do you pass a closer "black" church to go to a more distant "white" church? 76

6. After thinking over your above responses, do you conclude that your church activities over the years evidence institutionalized separation of black and white people? Yes No_____

After having answered the above questions, the white persons are asked to indicate their degree of religious racial isolations

Very Vexy Integrated Integrated Undecided Isolated Isolated L______L______L______/...... • I

In d ic a to r 3^: RANK ORDER 6, 75-90# OF WHITE AMERICANS.

A common American expression is “to pass," meaning that a person may be viewed as being of more than one racial group. However, the term has more specific meanings* In this indicator, the white persons are asked to state the meaning of the following sentences:

1• Eli ja and Cynthia have three children, one of which can pass.

2. Sam has been at the mill for seven years, and we were amazed to find out that for all that time he has been passing.

3* Although Kraig's hair is brown and his eyes are bluish, his nose will probably not allow him to pass.

Due to past interracial sex relations and the subsequent children, there are an untold number of Americans who have moved from the South to the North, or just to some other place, so that they can successfully pass.

The white persons are asked to re-read their answers, and then to

answer the following questions about their answers: 77

1. When a person "passes" he or she: Xs black passing for white 2) Is white passing for black

2. Do you know of any term that means that a white person is assumed by others to be black; that ist is there a comparable term to "to pass" that applies to white people? Yes No____

The white persons are then asked to consider why some black people would choose to pass for white, and why the reverse, for which there is no descriptive term, is rarely the case* And second, they are asked to pause and reflect how they would fed. and react if they were to learn that a long time friend had in fact passed for white. The white person is asked to indicate below his or her conclusions on why "to pass" is generally understood to mean that a black person is passing for a white person;

Black is Black is Undecided White is White is Very Some Some Very Desirable Desirable Desirable Desirable L______L______I— ______L______/ *

In d ic a to r 351 RANK ORDER 21, 75-90fS OF WHITE AMERICANS. Many white people have stated, "I don't care what color a person's skin is." That statement almost always refers to the color of someone elses skin. However, some white people have asked themselves what it must be like to be black. 3ut that is not the essential question, for that is to miss or avoid the crucial reality in the American white majority culture. The question in "What must it be like to be treated like a black person by other white people?" Eveiy white person knows how o th e r w hite people regard and fe e l about black people in general...we can feel it even if nothing is overtly said or done.

In this indicator the white persons are asked to lis t as many

advantages as they can for being white and for being black:

Advantages of Being White Advantages of Being Black

1. 2 2. 3 3.

• e tc e tc .

The white persons are asked to review their lists and then to indicate the consequences of being black or white in the current American

so c ie ty :

Black is Very Black is Some Undecided White is Some White is Very Advantageous Advantageous Advantageous Advantageous / /

White is Very White is Some Undecided White is Some White is Very N egative N egative P o s itiv e P o s itiv e

/ .... / / . _ _ _ / /

Black is Very Black is Some Undecided Black is Some Black is Very N egative N egative P o s itiv e P o s itiv e _____ / /

In d ic a to r 36: RANK ORDER 35, 50-75# OF WHITE AMERICANS.

There are a number of "racial" terms acceptable to different groups of black people, such as "colored," "Negro," "black,"

and "Black." Members of groups or individuals who refer to 79 themselves by one of the terms often resent being designated by one of the other terms since some terms are felt to be derogatory*

Alsoi appropriate use of the "racial” terms recognizes the right of people to name themselves. In this indicator the white persons are asked to recall what term they apply to non-white people (except­ ing red, yellow, and brown people). They are then asked to indicate if they accept and try to use the particular tenns non-white people, be they groups or individuals, wish applied to them.

Always Often Rarely Never Differentiate Differentiate Undecided Differentiate Differentiate Teipns Terins ^ Terms ^ Terms ^

The white persons are then asked to indicate how they feel about being asked to use the various terms:

"Absolutely ‘ "Necessary "Unnecessary "Absolute Necessary" Bother" Undecided Bother" ^ Nonsense11^

Indicator 37: RANK ORDER 18, 75-90 $ OF WHITE AMERICANS.

Most white people Ignore or deny the institutional influences that have in the past, and still do, influence their attitudes and behavior towards black people. One of the consequences of racial segregation is an unawareness of segregation when it occurs normally and repeatedly. In this indicator the white persons are asked to lis t all the schools they have attended, public and private. They are then asked to note after each school listed: 80

1* Where you were in th e same school w ith black students*

2* Where you were in th e same school w ith 11# o r more black students?

3* Where you were in a school that had a black administrator?

h. Where you were in a school where at least 11# of the administrators were black*

5» Where you had a black teacher?

6* Where 11# or more of your teachers were black?

?• Where you were in th e same classroom w ith black students?

8* Where you regularly sat next to a black student by your own choice? 9* Where you regularly worked with or studied with a black student by your own choice?

After having answered the above questions, the white persons are asked to indicate their degree of educational racial isolation:

Very Very Integrated Integrated Undecided Isolated Isolated L______L______I ______Z ______/ If the white persons have attended integrated schools for the most part, they are then asked to carefully consider the question: "Did you interact differently with the black people than with the white people?"

Very Very Similarly Similarly Undecided Differently Differently l ______L______/ ' /______/

In d ic a to r 33: RANK ORDER 8, 75-902 OF WHITE AMERICANS. Actions and reactions that have teen practiced over many years 81

become so much a part of a person that (s)he Is seldom aware of the behavior, and thus the action or reaction becomes unconscious

normative behavior. Most white people strongly notice interracial

couples who are obviously lovers or married; and following the

"noticing11 of black/white couples comes a voluntaiy or involuntary

negative reaction to the interracial coupling. In this indicator

the white persons are asked the following questions:

1. Do you notice interracial black/white couples?

2. What was the first thought that came to you the last time you saw a pair of black/white lovers?

3. If you have never seen an interracial black/white couple, have you ever wondered why not?

Jf. Have you ever seriously considered a lover or mate who is black? Yes No_____ a) If "yes", what happened? b; If "no", why not?

The white persons are then asked to think back over their thoughts and feelings relative to the above questions, and then to indicate their

overall reaction to interracial black/white couples:

Strong Some Undecided Some Strong Approval Approval Disapproval Disapproval . / • / ______l ______L______I The white persons are then asked to visualize themselves as a member

of an interracial black/white couple who do exactly the same things

they do with their white partners. They are then asked to indicate

their feelings on the following scale:

Strongly Some Undecided Some Strongly Positive Positive Negative Negative L ______L______L______L______/ CHAPTER VI

OUTCOMES

Research Design Problems The wisdom of hindsight has been enlightening, and one consolation is that where I messed up I did it consistently and systematically. a The following are seven specific design problems that tend to weaken the outcomes.

First two different non-indicators, numbers 14 and 32, were used instead of a single non-indicator for the two groups who rated indicators 1-19 and 20-38. Although the discrepancy did not statis­ tically effect the outcomes, it would have been better to have used a uniform non-indicator for the internal validity check, or to have given both groups both of the non-indicators. The splitting of the overall sample into two groups, one to receive indicators 1-19 and one to receive indicators 20-38, required the assumption that the random ordering of indicators, and the systematic assignment of each half of the indicators, resulted in a uniform sub-group of raters, half that rated indicators 1-19 and half that rated indicators 20-38. Although the randomness and systematic assignment rationally cuts the probability of group difference, the assumption is not statistically acceptable.

82 83

Another problem was the difficulty some respondents had

following the directions. First, the indicators do look like

measuring instruments, and my disclaimer was not always fully

understood. Second, both the racial concepts and tasks required of

the validation panel were complex and difficult. And although I

tested and re-tested the directions prior to use, there was an

undetermined variance in the level of respondent understanding of

the directions.

Fourth, some white judges found it difficult if not impossible

to remain personally aloof from the Indicator concepts being tested.

Also, some black judges found it difficult to project the indicator concepts to the white society and thereby bridge between the two

cultures. The. degree of this problem is undetermined, but it did not

seem to be great. The returns resulted in a highly unequal number of responses

in the eight race and job category sub-groups. This difficulty was

adequately compensated for by the use of a two-way analysis of

variance using regression models.

Sixth, the 48# return rate was lower than desired. It can be

rationalized that I was lucky to get as many returns as I did, but an

80# or higher return would have resulted in both a larger and more diverse Phase III Validation Panel.

Possibly the greatest problem was the time demand placed on the panelists, which ranged from approximately one to four hours. First, the time spent, physical surroundings, and number of interrup- 8 4 tions were not consistent, and the extent to which these and other variables affected the rating process is undetermined. And second, the time demand certainly cut the response rate. It was hypothesized that the splitting of the indicators into 1-19 and 20-38 sets would cut the time demand, and thus be worth the disadvantages noted previously, by increasing the response rate as well as cutting the fatigue factor. But there is no way to determine what would have occurred had I done it differently.

Overall, I feel that the time factor was the most significant in determining the low rate of return, but this factor did not seem to adversely effect the ratings of those who in fact took the time to respond. Thus, since the time required and effort required to respond was high, I feel that the panelists who responded were a determined, interested, and highly motivated group, who took care in making their judg ments. Thus, the time factor could have been either a weakness or a strength, and frankly, I don't know which way the balance tips.

Research Design Strengths The following are eight specific design strengths that tend to offset the weaknesses, and strengthen the overall design and outcomes. First, the phased approach allowed me to draw on the research expertise and experience of my graduate committee and the Phase II

Panel who all critiqued the design and methodology. In addition, by using the Phase II Panel to select the Phase III Validation Panel I 85 greatly lowered the probability of researcher selection bias; also* the probability of Phase III Panel expertise and diversity was increased* The non-indicator internal validity check adds credibility to the validity of the ratings overall, and it allowed we to use. the least advantageous ratings relative to universality when I rank ordered the indicators in terms of applicability to the white American population*

The longitudinal search for existent measures and indicators of racism increased the probability that the indicators and data here tested are unique and original. Also, the lack of indicators revealed in the search suggests that the outcomes of this study may be a useful addition to the literature, and more importantly to the field of activists engaged in anti-racism work. Fourth, the Phase III Panel was reasonably large, and they spoke as a group in their rating of the indicators, with only six exceptions being revealed in the statistical analysis. This adds credibility to the judgements of the Panel in that for the most part they spoke as a unified group.

Another strength is the simplicity and "cleanness" of the statistical data used. First, the primary universality questions were te s te d using simple Kean and Range d ataj and second, although th e secondary questions about group race and job variance used complex analytical techniques, the tests were statistically sound and the outcomes were veiy clear cut. 8 6

Sixth, the people who responded did not seem to be defensive about either white racism in general or about their personal racism.

This was suggested in th e numerous l e t t e r s and comments th a t were returned with the rating scales. The non-defensiveness would seem to

increase the probability that the ratings reflect an honest attempt to project the applicability of the indicators to the white American population, while making no attempt to make themselves "look good."

Related to the above strength, thirty-four respondents returned the actual indicators they had filled out, thus providing additional unsolicited data that will be later used in instrument development.

Thus, a preliminary indicator instrument feasibility check was obtained,

informal as it may be* I should also note that the current form of

the indicators seems to lend itself to use as an instrument, thus,

encouraging further formal instrument development as planned.

And possibly the greatest strength is the clarity of the outcomes. And although no indicator met my stringent criteria for universality, two came close, twenty-five apply to 75-90$ of white

Americans, and all apply to a minimum of 5°$ of the white American population. That is either very encouraging or very discouraging, depending on the point of view.*.anti-racists do have another potential tool to use>but it doesn't feel particularly good to have to take on nearly all of white America.

Overall, I feel the clarity of outcomes is the most significant strength. The design was developed over a long period of time with the input of many people and was shaped to fit the specific problem.

My assessment of the appropriateness and credibility of the design and

outcomes, given the information I now have, is highly positive. I

recognize that X am biased due to uiy long and deep involvement,

thus, I solicit and remain open to post reporting criticism that bears on the validity and credibility of my findings and conclusions.

Data Presentation Format Chapter VI contains a description of the analytical process

actually used, an analysis and summary of the data, and the conclusions

derived. The statistical data is in Appendix B whenever possible.

And although the computer print-out is four inches thick, the tables

in Appendix 3 contain a ll the data from which conclusions or inferences

were drawn.

An In itial Assumption

As noted in Chapter XV, the racial and job groups were divided

in half to have each half rate only one-half of the total of 38

indicators. Since the indicators were randomly ordered, and the assignment of who received which half of the indicators was done systematically by every-other-one, it is assumed that there is no

significant difference in indicator rating within the race and job

categories due to each half having rated a different set of indicators.

Thus, the ratings for each half of the indicators within the race and job categories was combined as if in fact each panel member had 88 rate d a l l 38 of the indicators.

It should be noted that there has been no analysis to compare variance between indicators; each indicator is treated separately, for there is no sound statistical basis to do item analysis at this stage of indicator development.

Initial Data Processing Five sets of Mean, Standard Deviation, and Range data were obtained for the following groups:

1. Those who rated indicators 1-19 and whose internal validity

check rating on non-indicator 14 was low, between 1-4, on the

1 -7 s c a l e d 2. Those who rated indicators 1-19 and whose internal validity

check rating on non-indicator 14 was high, between 5-7» on 2 the 1-7 scale. 3. Those who rated indicators 20-38 and whose internal validity check rating on non-indicator 32 was low, between 1-4, on the 3 1-7 sc ale . 4. Those who rated indicators 20-38 and whose internal validity check rating on non-indicator 32 was high, between 5-7» on 4 the 1-7 scale. 5. The combined ratings for those who rated indicators 1-19 and

20- 38.5

pSee Appendix B, Table 8, fo r data. ^See Appendix B, Table for data. 3See Appendix B, Table 10, for data. ^See Appendix 3, Table 11, for data, ^See Appendix 3, Table 13* for data. 89 t Test The t test was performed for each indicator to see if there was a significant difference between the ratings of respondents who rated non-indicators 14 and 32 high and low as specified by the internal validity check described in Chapter IV.

The t test revealed the following:

1. There was the expected significant variance on indicators 14 * and 3 2 .1 2. There was a significant difference between the two groups of non-indicator raters for 5 of the 36 indicators. Indicators

2, h-, and 15 had . 05, or high, variance, and indicators 12 and

13 had a .01, or low, variance.^ 3. With one exception, number 4, the raters who rated the non­

indicators low also rated the indicators for which there is 1 variance lower than the other group. Based on the above, all data for the two non-indicator rating groups was combined except for the 5 indicators for which there was a significant difference. This effectively doubled the number of respond­ ents for analytical purposes for 33 of the 38 indicators. Further, examination of the Keans for the five indicators, 2, 4, 12, 13. and 15, for which there was a significant difference revealed that in four of the five instances those respondents who had rated the non-indicator low relative to the internal validity check criteria (1-*0 had also rated the four indicators lower than had those who had rated the non­ indicator high (5-7)* Thus, the following decision was made relative

1------See Appendix B, Table 12, for data. 90 to the overall ratine of the 38 indicators for universality.

1. All data would be combined for the 33 indicators for which

there was no significant difference between those who rated

the non-indicators high or low.

2, The lowest rating would be used for the five indicators plus

the two non-indicators for which there was a significant difference between those who rated the non-indicators high

or low. Thus, the data for the low rating non-indicator group

would be used for non-indicator and 32, and for indicators

2, 12, 13, and 15;* and the data for the high rating non- . 2 indicator group would be used for indicator The effect of this arrangement of the data was to have an overall Phase III Validation Panel rating for 33 of the 38 indicators, and to use the lower rating for the five indicators for which there was s ig n ific a n t group disagreem ent. The in te n t was to strengthen the credibility of the ratings by consistently using the lowest ratings obtained.

Indicator Ratings This is what the study has been all about: 1) are there any

“universal1' indicators relative to the criteria set forth in Chapter

IV?; 2) What is the order and degree of applicability of the indicators to the white American population?; and 3) To what percent of the white

^ee Appendix 3, Table 5, for data. ^See Appendix 3, Table 9, for data. 91

American population does the Phase III Validation panel feel the indicators apply. Figure 5 is the rating scale upon which the data i s based.

Less Very Nearly More Than Few Few About Most All Than 2# 1036 2^6 ,50# 7f5j> 90$

Figure 5 Indicator Validation Rating Scale

Table 4 summarizes the Phase III Validation data:

TABLE k

INDICATOR UNIVERSALITY

Order of Indicator £ Qf White Mean on Applica- Number Population Universal 1-7 bility Scale

1. 31 90-98 NO 6 .0?1^ 2 19 90-98 NO 6.0328

3 11 75-90 NO 5 .9 3 ^ 4 9 75-90 NO 5.8361 5 18 75-90 NO 5.8033 6 3* 75-90 NO 5.7561 7 5 75-90 NO 5.75^1 8 75-90 NO 5.73S1 9 16 75-90 NO 5.7213 10 30 75-90 NO 5.71^3 11 10 75-90 NO 5.6833 12 3 75-90 . NO 5.6721 T------See Appendix 3, Table 13. for data. 92

TABLE 4 —Continued

Order of Indicator $ o f White Mean on Applica­ Number Population U niversal 1-7 b i l i t y Scale

13 33 75-90 NO 5.6190 14 8 75-90 NO 5.6167 15 17 75-90 NO 5.5000 16 1 75-90 NO 5.4426 1? 6 '75-90 NO 5.3934 18 37 75-90 NO 5.3809 19 26 75-90 NO 5.3571 20 28 75-9 0 NO 5.3333 21 35 75-90 NO 5.2683 22 4 75-90 NO 5.2564 23 22 75-90 NO 5.2143 24 13 75-90 NO 5.0417 25 20 75-90 NO 5.0238 26 25 75-90 NO 5.0238 27 2 75-90 NO 5.000

28 ' 7 50-75 NO 4.9836 29 27 50-75 NO 4.9524 30 12 50-75 NO 4.8333 31 15 50-75 NO 4.8333 32 21 50-75 NO 4.8095 33 29 50-75 NO 4.8049 34 50-75 NO 4.7381 35 U 50-75 NO 4.6905 36 24 50-75 NO 4.5122

37a 14 . 10-25 NO 2.7083 38a 32 10-25 NO 2.6538

si Non-Indicators

So What Have We Got? From Table 4 a number of statements can be made:

1. Tito indicators apply to 90-98$ of the white American popula­

tion, but since neither met t,he other criteria for 93

" u n iv e rs a lity ," NO INDICATOR IS UNIVERSAL,

2. The order and degree of applicability of the indicators to

the white American population is given in the left two

columns of Table

3* The percent of the white American population the indicators apply to are:

TABLE 5 PERCENT OF APPLICABILITY TO WHITE AMERICANS

Quantity of $ of White In d ic a to rs Americans

90-98 75-90 50-75 10-25

a Non-Indicators

Thus, at this point in indicator development, the following can be sta te d :

1. A RANDOM SAMPLE OF ALL 36 INDICATORS OF WHITE RACISM WILL

APPLY TO A MINIMUM OF 50?!- OF WHITE AMERICANS, 2. CF THE 36 INDICATORS OF WHITE RACISM, 2? WILL APPLY TO A

MINIMUM OF 75;o OF WHITE AMERICANS. 3. OF THE 36 INDICATORS OF WHITE RACISM, 2 WILL APPLY TO A

MINIMUM OF 90,3 OF WHITE AMERICANS. 9 4

Two-Way Analysis of Variance Using Regression Kodels

The purpose of this analysis, in addition to the previous ordering of Means to establish relative degree of indicator universality, was to examine the Phase III Validation Panel to see how diverse were the indicator ratings relative to race and job classifications, and to see if these variables interacted. It is as.sumed that the more homogeneous the panel is the more credibility that can be placed in their group perceptions. Thus, for the panel perceptions of degree of universality of the indicators to be strongest the panel needed to have great concensus in their rating of the indicators; and if there was great race or job variance, or great race-job interaction, the outcomes would be greatly weakened due to the divergent perceptions for which there were no controls.

The criteria for panel selection was based on race and the four job categories, and common to all were three criteria: 1) to be in one of the eight race and job categories, 2) to be actively interested in racial change, and 3) to be likely to take the time to rate the indicators. The intent of the criteria was to select a national panel across the race and job variables that would achieve a reasonable concensus on indicator universality. That is, the validation panel was intended to represent a credible sample of racial experts whose experience and activities would make their judgments credible.

A two-way analysis of variance using regression models was used instead of a conventional analysis of variance program. This was done 95

because the regression analysis takes into account the extremely

unequal number of ratings in each cell, whereas a conventional

analysis of variance program assumes an equal or nearly equal number

of ratings per cell. Thus, the error factors are minimized in the

regression analysis, resulting in credible statistical outcomes appropriate to this set of data in which there is a highly unequal

number of ratings per cell. Thus, the statistical inferences are

sound, and no attempt w ill be made to make inferences beyond that which most competent sta tistic a l would accept.

It should again be noted that the analysis was performed for

each indicator separately, for there is no sound statistical basis

for item analysis at this stage in the indicator development.

Figure 6illustrates the two-way set of variables that were tested.

Prof. Inter-City Prof. Lay Citizen Anti-Racist Prof.

Black

White

Figure 6 Regression Analysis Katrlx

For each indicator two questions were asked, one relative to race effects, and one relative to job category effects. The following two

figures are outlines of the statistical process used to ask the two hypothesized questions relative to F Tests made in comparing the

* ap p ro p riate e rro r suras of squares of the regression models: 96 (Step 1) Question 1a: Is there variance between job categories within racial groups?

(Step 2) NO YES (Step 4) F test not significant F test significant a t th e > .05 le v e l. a t th e > .05 le v e l. (Table 14, Column 1)

(Step 3) I Question *1b:I Conclusion: Is there an interac­ There is no job effect. tion effect between job categories and racial groups?

YES F test not significant F t e s t s ig n ific a n t a t the > .05 le v e l. a t the > .05 le v e l.

I 1 Question 1c: What was Conclusion: the level of significance There is an inter­ of the job effect noted in active effect step 4?, high (.0 1 level) or between job and low (.0 5 le v e l). race. i Do post hoc analysis to determine where specific differences a re .

Figure 7

Statistical Process for Job Effect Question 97 (Step 1) Question 2a: Is there variance between racial groups within each job category?

(Step 2 ) NO YES (Step 4) F test not significant F test significant at the a t th e > .05 le v e l. > .0 5 le v e l. (Table 14, Column 2) (Table 14, Column 2)

(Step 3) Question 2b:TI (Step 5) Conclusion: I Is there an interaction There is no race effect. effect between racial groups and job categories?

(Step 6 ) NO YES F test not significant F test significant at the a t the > .05 le v e l. > .0 5 le v e l. (Table 14, Column 3)

(Step 7 ) i Question 2c: What was Conclusion: the level of significance There is an interactive of the race effect noted effect between race and in step 4 ?t high (.01 job. level) or low (.0 5 le v e l) . (Table 14, Column 4)

Do post hoc analysis to determine where specific differences are.

Figure. 8

Statistical Process for Race Effect Question 98

The following table gives the outcomes of the two-way analysis 1 of variance using regression models:

TABLE 6

TWO-WAY ANOVA WITH REGRESSION MODELS RESULTS

SD - Significant Difference NSD - No Significant Difference High = Significance at .0 5 le v e l Low = Significance at ,01 level

iicator Job Variance Race Variance Race-Job Significance of ' W ithin Race W ithin Job Interaction Race Variance

1 NSD NSD 2 NSD SD NSD High 3 NSD SD NSD High 4 NSD SD NSD Low 5 NSD NSD 6 NSD NSD 7 NSD NSD 8 NSD NSD 9 NSD NSD 10 NSD SD NSD High 11 NSD NSD 12 NSD NSD 13 NSD NSD 14 NSD NSD 15 NSD NSD 16 NSD SD NSD High 17 NSD NSD 18 NSD NSD 19 NSD NSD 20 NSD NSD 21 NSD NSD 22 NSD NSD 23 NSD NSD 24 NSD NSD ’ 25 NSD NSD 26 NSD NSD

' See Appendix 3, Table 14, for data. 99

TABLE 6—Continued.

Iica to r Job Variance Race Variance Race-Job Significance of W ithin Race Within Job Interaction Race Variance

27 NSD NSD 28 NSD SD NSD High 29 NSD NSD 30 NSD NSD 31 NSD NSD' 32 NSD NSD ■ 33 NSD NSD 3H* NSD NSD 35 NSD NSD 36 NSD NSD 37 NSD NSD 38 NSD NSD •

Figure 9 represents the data from Table 6 that indicates that there was no significant difference between any of the job combinations within either of the racial groups.

Prof. Inter-City Prof. Lay Citizen Anti-Racist Prof.

Black *

White

Figure 9 Job Effect Matrix

And since in no case was there a race-job interaction, it can be infer­

red that the only remaining variable is race, shown in Figure 10. 100

Prof, Inter-City Prof. Lay Citizen Anti-Racist Prof.

Black NSD

White NSD

Figure 10 No Significant Job Effect Matrix

Thus, i t can be sta te d th a t ACROSS THE OVERALL PHASE I I I VALIDATION PANEL, THE DIFFERENT JOB CATEGORIES HAD NO BEARING ON THE PANELIST'S

RATING OF THE INDICATORS: THUS, RELATIVE TO JOB CATEGORIES, THE PANEL

RATED THE INDICATORS AS A UNIFIED BOUT. Figure 11 represents the data from Table 6 that indicates that there was no significant difference between racial groups within any of the job categories for 32 of the 38 indicators; and Figure 12. represents that there was a significant difference for 6 of the 3B indicators, representing 16$ of the total.

P ro f. In te r-C ity P rof. Lay C itizen Anti-Racist Prof.

.Black NSD NSD NSD NSD £ A A A White NSD NSD NSD NSD

Figure 11 Race Effect Matrix for 32 Indicators 101

Prof. Inter-City Prof. Lay Citizen Anti-Racist Prof.

Black

White * SD

Figure 12 Race Effect Katrix for 6 Indicators

Thus, there was a race variation in the rating of 16$ of the indicators and no race effect in the rating of 84$ of the indicators.

Examination of the six indicators where there was a race effect

reveals that there was a low effect for indicator 4, and that there was a high to very high racial variance for indicators 2, 3, 10, 16, and 28. Table ? summarizes the variance for the six indicators.^

In all of the six indicators black respondents rated the indica­ tors higher than white raters. And looking at the indicator topics

reveals that in the area of "professional interaction" the difference

is not great, but in the two general areas of "language usage" and

"personal interaction" the difference in perceptions is great. No

causality inferences can be drawn, but the premises in Chapter II would

support the hypothesis that black people are more sensitive to covert

racism than are white people, including avowed anti-racists; and another hypothesis is that, in general, white folks are on shakey ground when thinking or feeling that they either have black friends to the degree

^See Appendix 3, Table 15* for data. 102

they think, or that their perception of a black-white friendship is mutual*

TABLE 7

BLACK-WHITE RATING VARIANCE Black or White Significance of Indicator Indicator Highest Rating Difference Topic

Black High Radical-Militant Language Usage

3 Black High Standard of Beauty

k Black Lou Professional Interaction S itu atio n s

10 Black High Home and Social S itu atio n s

16 Black High ■ Definition of Friends

28 Black High Free, White, and 21—Language Usage

Hovrever, given the variance fo r 6 o f 38 in d ic a to rs, i t can be stated th a t ACROSS THE OVERALL PHASE I I I VALIDATION PANEL, RACE HAD SOKE, BUT NOT A CONTROLLING, EFFECT ON THE PANELISTS RATING OF THE INDICATORSj IN ALL INSTANCES OF RACE VARIANCE, BLACKS RATED THE

INDICATORS HIGHER} THUS, RELATIVE TO RACE, THE PANEL RATED THE INDICA­

TORS AS A UNIFIED BODY M OF THE TIKE. 103

When the results of the analysis relative to the race effect, job effect, and race-job effect are combined, it can be stated that, with the six race variance exceptions, the panel was highly homo­ geneous relative to how they perceived the universality of the indica­ tors. Figure 13 represents the overall unanimity of the Phase III

Validation Panel:

Prof. Inter-City Prof. Lay Citizen Anti-Racist Prof.

Black 2 3 4 10 16 28 White

Figure 13 Combined Race and Job E ffect M atrix

Since there was no significant difference between job categories within either race, thus inferring no job effect across the entire panel, and since there was only 16$ race variance within job categories, it can be sta te d th a t THE OVERALL PHASE I I I VALIDATION PANEL IS HIGHLY SIMILAR IN THEIR RATING OF THE INDICATORS: THUS, RELATIVE TO JOB CATEGORIES AND RACE, THE PANEL RATED THE INDICATORS FOR THE HOST PART AS A UNIFIED BODY. And this being the case, i t is assumed that in the in itial analysis of Keans reported previously that THE ORDERING OF

INDICATORS BY KEANS TO INDICATE DEGREES OF UNIVERSALITY REFLECTS A HIGH CONCENSUS OF THE OVERALL PHASE I I I VALIDATION PANEL. ' 10*|. Conclusions

The following is a summary of my conclusions drawn from the living out and writing of this document. There are many other more tentative conclusions that could be made, but I choose to leave those until I have more and better data.

CONCLUSION 1; THERE ARE MANY GENERALI ZABLE INDICATORS OF WHITE

AMERICAN RACISM.

A. Thirty-six were tested, and eighteen were reported but untest­

ed, and it is certain that many more than fifty-four remain

to be documented.

CONCLUSION 2: NO INDICATOR WAS UNIVERSAL OF THE THIRTY-SIX TESTED RELATIVE TO THE CRITERIA FOR UNIVERSALITY STATED IN CHAPTER IV.

A. Indicators 19 and 31 apply to 9°-98# of white Americans.

B. Twenty-five other indicators apply to 75-90# of white

Americans.

C. Nine other indicators apply to 5°-75$ of white Americans.

D. All thirty-six indicators apply to a minimum of 50# of

white Americans.

COKSLUSION 3: THE PHASE I I I VALIDATION PANEL RATED THE INDICATORS AS

A UNIFIED GROUP FOR THE MOST PART. A. There was no significant difference in how the groups in

different job categories rated the indicators. B. There was no significant difference in how black and white

groups rated 32 of the 38 indicators, which is 84# agreement; 105

and there was a significant difference in how black and white

groups rated 6 of the 38 indicators, which is 16# disagreem ent.

CONCLUSION 4: THE RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY IS APPROPRIATE,

CREDIBLE, AND USEFUL.

CONCLUSION 51 INDICATORS OF WHITE RACISM CAN BE DEVELOPED FOR BROWN,

RED, AND YELLOW PEOPLE.

CONCLUSION 6: INDICATORS OF SEXISM CAN BE DEVELOPED USING A SIMILAR

RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY.

C0N5LUSI0N 7 : THERE IS A NEED AND DEMAND FOR FURTHER DEVELOPMENT OF

THE INDICATORS OF WHITE RACISM TO GENERATE USEFUL METHODS AND

INSTRUMENTS TO IDENTIFY AND MEASURE WHITE RACISM.

CONCLUSION Si I'M GLAD THIS PHASE OF MY ANTI-RACISM WORK IS NEARLY

DONE...I'M ENCOURAGED, BUT TIRED, AND AM GOING TO SEND MYSELF ON A

VACATION TO GET READY FOR THE NEXT GO AT IT. CHAPTER VII

CONCLUSION

Turn About's Fair Play

Now that the study is done and reported, I am reminded of the

story of the professorial communications expert who designed a

slide rule type calculator to rate the readability of language. He

gave it to his freshmen to use to check their English themes,

stipulating he would accept no paper rated less than 85 on a

0-100 scale. And some student, no one knows how (s)he got admitted to the university in the first place, first used the calculator to test the directions printed on the calculator. The score was 26.

I am too close to this document and my own racism to calculate the racism herein. I have to the best of my ability written a non-racist, an anti-racist, document. However, I feel it would be useful for someone to carefully analyze my words, and my assumptions, to seek out where I an l) overtly or covertly racist, and 2) where I make racist assumptions. I feel this would help establish the degree of credibility of this document, and at least help put it in perspective relative to other anti-racist efforts.

Sexism One of the issues that I have met repeatedly during this study is sexism. In fact, I had to re-edit it completely to tiy to 106 eliminate sexist references and assumptions of “he this" and "he that." I have no data to support this observation, but I strongly feel that there is a high correlation between sexism and racism, for the strong societal inclination for oppression and the maintenance of superiority seems common to both. Thus, I feel it is possible for someone to use a similar process and methodology as I have used to specify and validate indicators of sexism. I feel racism and sexism are both closely related and relatively universal throughout America.

Action Matrix

One powerful concept that I picked up from Robert Terry, author of For Whites Only,^ relates to active and passive racism. The following matrix sums the position, which I strongly support, that in America anti-racists are by definition actives

P assiv e ’ R acist A ctive R acist R a cist 1 2

4 3 A nti- A ctive R acist A n ti- R a cist

Passive Active

Figure 1^ Active/Passive Racism

^errv . Robert W.. For Whites Only. William B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., Grand Rapids, Michigan, 1970. 108

Cell 4 Is empty, for in a society where racism is the norm both personally and especially institutionally, to be passive is to reinforce the racist norm. Thus, for a person or institution to be anti-racist, action must be taken to counter or change the racist norm. This concept is reinforced by the definition of racism in

Chapter II where the exertion of power is one facet of racism, for in a society where the "unsilent11 white majority rules and thereby in effect speaks for the "silent11 white majority, the consequences of passiveness is to support the racism of the individuals or groups that actively exercise power.

This concept has direct implications for the white "liberal" who feels or states that (s)he is against racism, that all people are equal, that the U.S. Constitution is for all Americans, or some variation thereof. The white "liberal" is for all practical purposes as racist as his or her "redneck cousin" if (s)he does not actively engage in anti-racist activities that specifically counter the white racist norm. Feelings of sympathy are commendable, but if not acted upon, are but evidence of passive racism.

I find the concept particularly appealing because, first, it seems rational, logical, and congruent with what I perceive to be the American reality{ and second, it supports my thesis stated previously that white people need to answer "I do" and/or "We do " to the question, "Relative to racism, who needs to change?" 109

Additional Untested Indicators Since the thirty-six indicators were written into a fora for validation* I have become aware of eighteen more that are here summarized* Some of the items are from tqy own awareness* some were suggested by Panel members, and some were suggested by other people interested in this effort. At some future time these too could be validated and then developed into useful instrument items. Here only the concepts will be sketched out, thus these potential indicators are not yet in the foraat of those that were tested for validity. My assumption is that if I can specify fifty-four potential indicators of white racism in this short time, there must be many more. I believe I have at most chipped the top of an iceberg... and please forgive the play on words when I say it .has been "cold b u sin e ss."

Untested Indicator 39;

The term "non-white" is a racist term in most white usage that relates to race. First, the term is usually used by white speakers or writers to mean everyone who is not Caucasian, and the underlying assumption is that whiteness is the norm from which all others deviate. At this point most white folks deny the above assertion or assumption...look at and listen to actual usage, and that evidence is even harder to deny. Further, the term 'hon-white" is used mostly by white people to indicate black, yellow, brown, or red 110

people, but those same whites rarely or never use the terms "non-red",

"non-brown", "non-yellow", and "non-black" to refer to themselves

or to other white people. Thus, the term is used one-way by white

people about others, and the assumptions do not allow for reciprocity.

Untested Indicator 40; The concept of "integration" as used in America is of white

racist origin. First, it is assumed that black, red, yellow or brown

peoples want to or should mix with white people...the oppressor has rationalized his or her racist position and behavior to make it

deeirable, and the oppressed are expected to accept the white norms.

Second, integration originated as one solution to the "Negro problem,"

a racist projection of causality from the oppressor to the oppressed.

Third, integration is usually a conditional concept in that separate- but-equal is often the intent..."Y a'll can go to any school, work

anywhere, and do your own thing, but don't move next door to me

and don't date my son or daughter." Fourth, if integration

were accomplished, there could be no identifiable black, red, yellow

or brown power groups to press for. minority rights; thus, the

"Negro problem" would disappear through assimilation and other

minorities would be dispersed and lose identity and power, or

minorities would truly be assimilated by "turning white" and

thereby lose both identity and power....either way, white power prevails as before. And finally, if integration is imposed, is the law of the land, then again the white majority has imposed its will on minority peoples, giving .noone the choice of separatism, integration, or assimilation. And again the outcome is maintenance of white supremacy, for even with total minority assimilation

(13/5) into the white majority (87$) the result would be only a slight dilution of the pervasive white culture and power structure.

Thus, in a racist society "integration1' too becomes racist as red, black, yellow, and brown peoples are forced to integrate with whites...for white folks do not consider that the process is two-way and that white people must also integrate, and thereby change, with black, brown, yellow, and red people.

Untested Indicator ; Some white people use the following defense to deny their responsibility for racist behavior by shifting the blame to other white people. The white statement is to this effect: "I am not prejudiced or racist myself, but I have to act that way sometimes because of the people I work with who are very prejudiced and racist." Another variation of this is: "I know others are prejudiced and racist, but I just keep quiet, for what can I do about it?" Thus, instead of blaming the oppressed ("There is a

Negro problem.") or accepting partial responsibility ("I have a race problem."), the white person focuses blame on other people in his or her white peer group ("I'm OK, but thqy aren't."). 112

Untested Indicator h2;^

Many white people overestimate the number or effect of black people present in a group, and this is increased in tiroes of threat, crises, or confrontation. This idea has been tested informally, but there is no hard data; however, the hypothesis here is that if the white teachers in a 20# black and 80# white school were asked what percent of the school was black, the responses would range approximately from 15# to 70 # with a median of 25# or higher,

, 1 Untested Indicator h3: Many white people overestimate the physical size of black people, particularly in time of threat, crises, and confrontation. And although the reaction to threat may be normal, the hypothesis here is that under duress the effect will be above normal relative to blacks, and will still occur when there is no threat intended o r implied. In a sense, maybe the slave master still fears the oppressed slave will rise and attack the oppressor.

2 Untested Indicator W;

The practice of meritocracy by white people effectively keeps black people out of white Jobs. Rather than specifying hiring goals or engaging in what has been called "affirmative action

Source: William W. Way son, The Ohio State University 2Source: Dr. Wayne Carl, Superintendent, Dayton Ohio City Schools. 113

programs," many white administrators maintain institutional racism through merit hiring and merit promotion practices. Further, as long as white people continue to rely on personal contacts for locating and selecting employees the outcome will be a continuation of

"for whites only," or "X can't find qualified blacks," or the various forms of tokenism.

, 1 Untested Indicator *5:

The democratic practice of one-man-one-vote is another way white people maintain majority white control. For as long as white folks vote out of racist feelings and assumptions, the so-called democratic process will serve to maintain white racist control. For example, full minority participation is a farce at best, and a lie in reality, if for example, a 90$ white student body votes to select a homecoming queen from one black and th ree white c a n d id a te s .,.. Thus democratic ideals are converted to continuation of racist institutions when the majority of one-men doing the one-voting are racist.

Untested Indicator ^6: One of the arguments white people often, invariably, use to discourage interracial marriage is, "But think what will happen to the children...no one will accept them." A little elementary arithmetic reveals that since 67$ of Americans arc white, it must

Source: Dr. Wayne Carl, Superintendent, Dayton Ohio City Schools. 114

be white folks who are doing most of the rejecting. The hypothesis here is that when a white person uses the "children" argument (s)he is 1)projecting his or her own biases to other whites and to all blacks, and 2) (s)he is acknowledging the pervasive white racism in the American society.

Untested Indicator 47: Socially, personally, and legally, white Americans have long made a racist assumption that any person who is more than 1/32

(or often less) black is all black. Thus, white people categorize people racially as follows: White = 100# - 97# white Black = 0# - 3# white

or

White = 3# - 0# black Black - 100# - 3# black

The ratio is consistently one-way, sets up whiteness as the norm for purity, and thereby derogates red, yellow, brown, and black people.

Untested Indicator 43:

People who claim to be white usually make an assumption of white racial purity...i.e., there is no "nigger in the woodpile," or is that in the "family tred'? This assumption makes whiteness a positive norm at the expense of red, brown, black, or yellow people. 115

In fact, the 300 year history of slavery, and the last 100 years of so-called emancipation, resulted in countless rape and child bearing fathered by white "masters" and black mothers. As centuries progressed and people mix, as "light" or "yellow" blacks pass for white, the genetic mixing has continued. I have no data, but the white American assumption of racial purity does not seem possible statistically, nor does it wash well since the assumption is also one of white racial superiority*

Untested Indicator 49: Often heard in white American society is the theory of "progress," i.e ., "Things are getting better for black people, so let's go slow and not rush them." The assumptions are, first, that today black people are very much better off than before rather than being just in a different context, and second, it is tacitly assumed that black people are unready or incapable of being free, free of white oppression.

The line between oppression and paternalism is thin, and both are racist and dehumanizing when applied on racial grounds.

Untested Indicator 50; Many white people claim to be "colorblind," i.e ., they do not notice or discriminate between black and white people. The reality is that black and white people have been highly segregated in

America for ^00 years, and consequently there are two separate 116

societies and cultures. The "colorblind" white 1) denies the reality of separateness, 2) denies the existence and validity of the black culture, 3) denies the very existence of 11$ of the American popula­ tio n , and k) assumes that whiteness is the norm.

Pntested Indicator 51:

White people in general suffer from an ignorance of black history; in fact, many whites believe black people have no history beyond being a part of the white man's .slavery. In addition, when black history is taught, white people usually assume it is for black people only and that whites don't need it. University black studies programs are mostly by and for black people, and were usually instituted due to extreme pressures by black people to have access to their own heritage. Again, white people often assume black history and culture is an adjunct to white western culture and history, denying that most of the world's history, culture, and people are brown, red, yellow, and black;

Untested Indicator 52:

The white conception of Christianity has historically reinforced the idea of white supremacy and red, yellow, brown, and black inferiority...white folks are civilized, and everyone else is a heathen. It has been said that when the white man went to Africa the black people had the land and the .white people had the Bible; 117

and now the white people have the land and the black people have the Bible. White Christianity usually assumes a white Jesus and a black Hamm, yet even the Holy Bible does not cite the color of whom was what. In addition, the concept that earthly suffering would be compensated by heavenly reward has been used to passify black people and to rationalize and preserve white supremacy. And mixed in the religion issue is overt sexism...some folks would smile if the heavens were to open and God were to be revealed, and She Is

Black.

Untested Indicator 53; Kany white people use a very limited cause and effect reasoning process to justify racial discrimination and the maintenance of racist institutions. For example, many whites recognize that many black people are "unqualified" to perform some technical skills, and that the cause is poor education or academic achievement. What is ignored or denied is the rest of the sequences

Job Discrimination White Housing Discrimination Poor \ Unqual Racism Judicial Discrimination Education/ Ified E tc. Figure 15 Racist Cause and Effect The rationale effectively blames the victim and releases the white

person from feeling responsible. 118

Untested Indicator f&: Many white people eat Brazil nuts, particularly around

Christmas time. So far so good. However, many 1) know them only as "Nigger Toes," or 2) were taught the derogatory term as children and s till carry and sometimes in white company use the term, I guess I won't suppress this here: "Merry Christmas, ya'll."

Untested Indicator 55:

Several terms going back to the days of slavery that were signs

of childish inferiority and emasculation are still in use in white

America, The terms "boy" and "girl" or "gal" are still applied to

black p eo p le. The w ell known Dodge autom obile commercial b ro ad casts

the "Come here, boy" concept on national white television, and it

is still used by garden variety white Americans. The actual usage is often applied to other whites, but the tone of voice is always

that of a superior commanding, reprimanding, or suppressing an

Inferior, Black adult males are "men" and black adult females are "women," The terms are usually an unconscious part of the white

speaker's vocabulary that is systematically applied. Further, whites who hear the derogatory terms rarely object, thereby passively

supporting the racist stereotype of the childish irresponsible black

who needs a white master to take care of him or her. 119

Untested Indicator 56:

One very common white American belief that is often expressed

is that education is the solution to the racial problem. Here I ask, whose education? For the racist assumptions are at least twos

First, white people often assume that if black people are educated

they will then be accepted by white Americans; however, it is the

racially segregated white American school systems that have

systematically and intentionally provided the "inferior" education,

separate and unequal; further, this assumption is another form of

blaming the victim. And second, the assumption does not usually

include specific and overt education of white people to be non or

anti-racist; thus here again the victim must bear the responsibility

for racial change. * One of the findings of attitude and prejudice research has been that the degree of bias does,across a population decrease as the level of education increases,- but the change in bias is not great... a white high school drop-out and a white. Ph.D. do generally differ in their degree of bias, but not as much as most educated tdiite

folks like to believe.

The reality of one of the consequences of white American

education has. been summed in the answer to the following question:

Question: "What do you call a black Ph.D.?" Answer: "Nigger." 120

Alternative Future Activities

The following are a number of ideas of what X and or others may do with the outcomes of this effort.

A possibility is to put together a corporate group of people with complementary skills to conduct workshops and to carry on long-term training for school staffs, corporate groups, and government employees. The intent would be to work with people who recognize that they have a problem about which they need to take action. The group would have research, teaching, planning, evaluation, psychological, change, and organizational skills in addition to a continuing growing awareness of the meaning of whiteness, blackness, redness, yellowness, and browness. We would be a m ulti-racial group dedicated to bridging the racial worlds to help other people change their own world as well as interact positively with others.

One premise of the group would be that behavior change preceeds attitude and value change; we would emphasize action over talk. Thus, the workshops would involve role-playing, awareness building activities, and active planning to make specific personal and institutional changes. And one of the tools to stimulate awareness and action would be the further development and evaluation of the racism indicators here validated, plus indicators for other racial minority groups and possibly for women*

Another possibility is to seek federal funding as an independent organization or through an established anti-racist group. The first

» task would be to incorporate the indicators here tested with other 121 anti-racist materials to build an array of tools to combat racism.

Initially the effort would be developmental with the intent of later dissemination of materials and methods to all who want them. This

effort would also be undertaken through a federal agency which will be mentioned later, for a number of federal agencies are to one degree or another in the racial change business.

The same kind of effort as mentioned above could be conducted with private funding such as foundations or special interest groups.

For example, the YWCA has a national goal of attacking racism, and from that base a nationwide effort could be developed and coordinated within the organization as well as in communities served. Another example is the National Association of Social Workers who have an interest in both personal and institutional racism. These and similar nongovernmental groups could sponsor model projects to attack institutional and personal racism at the agency level, and then disseminate the processes and outcomes to other agencies across the nation.

A fourth possibility is for me to work in any number of planning, evaluation, administrative, or teaching fields to provide a source of income while I work on ray own at indicator and materials development. However, this is not a very satisfactory arrangement, for the priorities are reversed...I would prefer to work full-time as an anti-racist and I hope I do not compromise this resolve.

Fifth, I could join a university faculty in any of several 122 teaching and research areas. A university base is a rich resource for talent, research, reference materials, and student input, and it would provide consulting opportunities to further infuse the field and academia.

It is also possible that I could join a specific state or federal government agency staff to 1) further develop the indicators and 2) to f help apply them within that agency and to appropriate constituencies.

Racial discrimination is a reality in many, if not most, federally funded projects, and efforts to eliminate racism in these areas could have positive implications across the nation. For example, the

National Institute of Education may find it desirable to fund a unit to monitor racism both internally and in its many funded projects across the nation...such an effort could reach deeply into American education down to the classroom level. And it would not look bad to have a Department of Anti-Racism on the N. I. E. organization chart.

Then again, such a group could be useful elsewhere in the Department of Health, Education and Welfare. Further, a Department of Anti-

Racism would be very appropriate as an addition to the President's cabinet staff, possibly under the Secretary of Housing and Urban

Development. And while I'm dreaming, a-new presidential cabinet p o st headed by the Secretary of Social Change would be the most appropriate base for an anti-racism effort that would touch upon a need that adversely effects every American, and a whole lot of 123 other people too. Why not? The federal base is particularly appealing, for within the federal government institutional racism is both apparent and potentially open for scrutiny and change... here the change would be focused from the top down since racial change can be tied to federal appropriations.

Seventh, the same possibilities above apply to business organi­ zations, both large and small. Kaybe Xerox, I or A T & T, Gulf

Oil, the gas company, etc., would find it appropriate to extend their ecology and some racial peace efforts to specific organiza­ tional and societal activities to combat racism. For example, the Xerox sponsored Black America video series is commendable, but how about taking care of business in white America with a companion series called White America that focuses on the racist forces that necessitated the making of the original series. In such a series the indicators of white racism could be vividly brought home to white T.V. America, in either black and white or c o lo r.

With the support of private or public funds, there is a need to do additional work on the indicators of racism. Instrument development is needed, but prior to that there is need for additional validation work. For example, the sample used in this study is small, primarily limited by my personal financial resources, and several more thorough validation efforts could be conducted.

First, a larger expert group of raters could be selected, and response variables could be better controlled. Second, a smaller 124

expert group could be brought together in several locations across

the nation to insure close control of a number of experimental

variables* Also such an assembled group could provide developmental

input* And third, there is a need for validation efforts across

samples of the overall white American population. This kind of data collection would be on scale of a national survey or of national

poll, thus it would be complex and expensive...and useful.

And ninth, another activity to further indicator development

would be to select a panel of "racial experts" to seek consenses

through the Delphi technique of the ordering of the indicators relative

to universality. The Delphi could be run with two panels independently and slmiltaneously. Then the outcomes of the two could be compared

with th e o rig in a l study. The two o r th re e way discrepancy an aly sis

would add credibility to the indicators unanimously selected as

being highly universal, and would help select out marginal

indicators. Also, if the process were repeated over time new

indicators could be appropriately inserted and those going out of

date could be eliminated. This would effectively be an updating

process that would save continual re-validation using the original methodology.

In all of the nine alternative futures mentioned above, is the explicit intent of developing the concepts in the indicators of

racism into usable processes and instruments to be applied in the

real world of white America. Writing about racism, researching

about racism, talking about racism, etc., etc., etc., about racism

are necessary acts, but the primary act is to engage in anti-racist 125 activities, that is, to go to work, to school, to church, to vote, to homey and th e re Do It*

Warming Up And all that has been said before was said with real and great feeling*• .white feeling, my feeling. Come Freud, come all who can— who must—analyze, come all who will explain and rationalize this great and monstrous lie. The white American written English, the ireflexable graduate school format, the computer, the systematic rational scientific methodology, the neatsie diagrams, are all tools I use to lie. I feel no guilt. Only pain and anger. Not for being taught to lie, not for having learned to lie, not for feeling I have to lie...but for Being a liar. I have used all that has gone before to disguise my loss, my inability, to fill the irrecallable loss of humanity that I may have could have would have Been. There is only one way for you and me to read this D-0-C-U-M-E-N-T...the lines on the paper are but the outline of my Being, and I am the whiteness that flows, ebbs, and goes between the lines. I am a blind man living between the marching a,e,i,o, and you's...I must feel the walls and then imagine the shape, form, Being, the me, that pulses between. And as I write now I am trying to create new characters to form new corridors to Be in, to Live in, to Love in, that will be formed by an alphebet I Am but have never known. I can yet not speak in symbols and tongues unknown. I am right NOW slipping back into the a,b,c's, and I fear that wili bring us closer where we will again communicate with proper written words and an analysis of 126

variance. That is, i.e., for example, e.g., I must footnote the following to enter the fraternity of Ph & D., but where do I put the footnote that is me?

ARCHIBALD: Be quiet, (to the audience): This evening we shall perform for you. But, in order that you may remain comfortably settled in your seats in the presence of the drama that is already unfolding here, in order that you be assured that there is no danger of such a drama's worming its way into your precious lives, we shall even have the decency—a decency learned from you—to make communication impossible. We shall increase the distance that separates us—a distance that is basic—by our pomp, our manners, our insolence— for we are also actors. When my speech is over, everything here—(he stamps his foot in a gesture of rage) here 1—will take place in the delicate world of reprobation. If we sever bonds, may a ^ continent drift off and may Africa sink or fly away...

I know the answer. I am lost if I don't act on what I Am, for 2 I knew it back in sentence one of Chapter I: I am Ken Eye. And if my epitaph isn't that I succeeded, then let it be that I lived, trying to take care of business.

Jean Genet, The Blacks: a clown show. Grove Press, Inc., New York, 1960, p. 12. APPENDIX A

1. Introduction and Summary ...... •••••••••128

2. Informal Queries ...... 130

3* Field Agency S earch ...... 130

Phase II Panel Queries ...... 133

5. Mechanized Information Center Current Awareness Search • 13^

6* Formal Library S earch ...... •••..13**

7, ERIC Retrospective Search ...... 137

8. Conclusion ...... 137

127 INDICATOR SEARCH

Introduction and Summary

Traditionally dissertations have a formal literature search in which the candidate quotes enough experts of this-n-that to build a rationale for hypotheses that will eventually be nulled or rejected. and since I feel the way the above sounds* I chose to do a validation study of indicators of racism using a non standard research design.

However, to satisfy academia in general, my advisory committee1s well-founded concerns about legitimization of the product, and my desire to not re-invent the wheel, I conducted a six phase longitudinal search for indicators and measures of white racism.

By design the search waB overlapping and conducted over a period of two years because my expectations were that little or no data would be uncovered, and it took me that long anyway. Thus, I was faced with tiying to establish that indicators of white racism do not formally exist, and obviously*I can't do that unless I search every source completely...lurking out there somewhere may in fact be the wheel that I have here re-invented. My intent has been to use the longitudinal overlapping search to increase the probability that if in fact there is a prior wheel out there, it will be rusty and out of service, or it will be so well hidden that I won't feel negligent in having missed it. The search began two years ago through my asking many people informally if they knew of measures of racism; this activity has continued up to this writing* The informal search led me to the files of the Center For Resources on Institutional Oppression,

Detroit, Michigan, where a nationwide search had been conducted to seek descriptive data about active anti-racism activities* A * thorough search of the files was made, and although no evidence was found of the use of indicators of racism as such, the thirty- two most active sources were selected for a written queiy, which was the second phase of the search. The third effort was to ask the twenty-four Phase II Panel of critlquers if they were aware of instruments or measures similar to those in Chapter V* Fourth, over the past eight months The Ohio State University Library

Mechanized Information Center has been conducting a bi-monthly current awareness search. Fifth, with the guidance of a library research specialist, a formal library search was conducted, going back a minimum o f tw elve y e a rs. And s ix th , a comprehensive ERIC retrospective search was conducted within the past month.

The six phased search revealed a uniform absence of formal indicators or measures of white racism. There are many attitude scales, and even more sociological comparative studies of black and white perceptions. But, given my premises back in Chapter II, it is not surprising that the reference "racism" is scarce, and that

"white racism" is almost nonexistent. • White referencers for white publishers for predominantly white authors from white scholarly 130

Institutions within a white society have had little to index relative to white racism,••• In reality, white scholarship has busied itself analyzing and researching the "black problem," And let me mention one example that reflects the feeling I get when I search the white literature: In searching Psychological Abstracts

I would flip through until I found the lengthy "rat" section, and then I would slow down so as not to miss the page or so of l'race" items preceeding it* The scholarly scientific empirical evidence is dear: white rats are luckier than black cats.,.and I don't have to be no scholar to know that the analogy has something pretty direct to say about folks. And although the above reveals my feelings about the process, the following summaries the systematic and thorough search I have conducted for indicators or measures of white racism:

Informal Queries Several hundred people over the past two years have been informally asked in conversation if they have or are aware of measures and instruments relating to racism. The response is either "No," or a referral is given. And after checking the referrals the answer is still "No." In general, measures and Instruments cited are attitude scales designed for analyses of group behavior.

F ield Agency Search The Center for Resources on Institutional Oppression, Detroit, Michigan, directed by Dr. David J. Snider, made available to me files of active anti-racist organizations. From across the nation, i Dr. Snider had identified thirty-two of the most active organizations, 131

and to these I sent a request for instruments or processes. that are used to assess institutional racism (See Appendix C for form letter)*

The following organizations or individuals responded!

1* South Carolina Council on Human Relations - Sent "A Comparative Study, Race-Sex-Salary?*.no measures or instruments*

2. United Project Understanding, La Mesa, California - Sent "Project Understanding Opinion Survey"••*no validated measures or instruments*

3* Fellowship for Racial and Economic Equality. Lynchburg, Va*, - sent newsletter and workshop brochure* **r.o measures or instruments*

Ut Center for Resources on Institutional Oppression. Detroit, Michigan1 - couxa'c'ife" only Project' understanding Opinion Survey" (see 2 above) and a related research effort by Pat Bidol, New Perspectives on Race, Detroit, Michigan.. *no measures or instruments.

5* Washington State Human Rights Commission - sept copy of Washington State Law Against Discrimination.*,no measures or instruments. 6. Dr. James Crowfoot, University of Michigan - has no formal instruments or criteria, but uses a set of general concepts all of which are included in the indicators in this study... no measures or instruments.

7. National Neighbors. Philadelphia, Pennsylvania - sent general criteria for institutional racism: equal treatment of racial groups.•.no measures or instruments. 8. The Interreligious Foundation For Community Organization. New York, New York - sent promotional m aterials...no measures or instruments.

9* Congregation for Reconciliation. Cincinnati, Ohio - sent description of their efforts...no measures or instruments.

10. World Council of Churches. New York, New York - sent reports and newsletters...no measures or instruments. 132

11* New Perspectives on Race, Detroit, Michigan - sent invitation to meet with staff, which was done...no measures or instruments* l£« Detroit Industrial Mission. Detroit, Michigan - sent referral to Pat Bidol (see 11 above) and Dr. Mark Chessler, University of Michigan.. .no measures or instruments.

13. Dr. Frank Sciara, Ball State University - sent papers and comment ...no measures or instruments.

1*f. Dr. David R. Burgest, Siyracuse University - sent paper "Criteria For Assessing Racism," a conceptual framework relating to primarily institutional racism...no measures or instruments.

15- Highlander Research and Education Center, Knoxville, Tennessee - sent newsletter. • .no measures or instruments. .

The following agencies were queried, but did not respond. Based

on the negative findings from the fifteen above, it is here assumed the non-replies indicate a lack of measures and instruments for

assessing racism; this assumption is reinforced by the fact that each

organization had responded to queries about their anti-racist activities

made by Dr. David Snider of the Center for Resources on Institutional

Oppression, and in my checking of the CRIO files for each non­

responding organization I found no indication that racism measures

or instruments were being developed or were in use. The non­

responding agencies were:

♦ 1• Jews for Urban Justice, Washington, D. C.

2. Coalition Against Discrimination. Seattle, Washington. 3. Inter-Faith Centers For Racial Justice. Inc., Detroit, Michigan.

4-. Southern Conference Education Fund, Louisville, Kentucky. 133

5* United Customers for All-American Hiring. Seattle, Washington, 6. Project Equality Council, Chicago, Illinois.

7 . 19th Ward Community A ssociation, In c ., Rochester, New York. 8. Midpeninsula Citizens For Fair Housing. Palo Alto, California*

9. Central Seattle Community Council, Seattle, Washington.

10. New Metropolis, Chicago, Illinois. 11. Planning for People Coalition, Downers Grove, Illinois.

12. Washington Suburban Institute, Fairfax, Virginia.

13* Community Change, In c. , W akefield, M assachusetts.

14. Center for Urban Ethics, Hartford, Connecticut.

15. Race Institute, Washington, D. C.

16. The Africa Fund. New York, New York.

17* Commission on Religion and Race, Washington, D. C.

The field agency search for measures and instruments of racism

was negative. From the letters received, and the telephone conver­ sations, it is clear that active anti-racists must, for the most

part, act on their shared experience relative to specific indicators

of racism* and in all cases respondents requested whatever materials

I may come up with since they need indicators such as I described

from Chapter V of this study.

Phase II Panel Queries

The twenty-four member Phase II panel (See Chapter IV) were

queried by telephone in our in itial co’ntact to determine if they V

134

were aware of any measure, instruments, or indicators similar to

those I presented* No similar formal work was revealed, although

the basic content of most of the indicators was common knowledge

to the active anti-racists*

Mechanized Information Center Current Awareness Search

Over a period of eight months, The Ohio State University Library

has conducted a Current Awareness Search through the Mechanized

Information Center* Although this service overlaps with the ERIC

system, the searches have been conducted separately, one being

ongoing and the other being a single search. The ongoing search

has revealed much about attitude measures, more about race cars, and * * * nothing about indicators, measures, or instruments relating to

racism* Thus, the MIC Current Awareness Search has been negative*

Formal Library Search A systematic and comprehensive libraxy search was conducted.

I relied heavily on the guidance of Ms* Ruth Erlandson, an excellent

research consultant and lecturer in bibliography on The Ohio State

University Libraxy staff, to help select the sources for me to

search. It must be clear, however, that I bear full responsibility

for what I either found or failed .to find**.Ms. Erlandson helped

me be systematic and comprehensive, but only I am responsible for being accurate and thorough. The following sources were searched 135

for indicators or measures of white racism* Although much related information was found, particularly in the area of scale and

instrument development, no indicators,instrum ents, or measures of

racism were found. The following sources were searched:

1* Anderson, James G., Research Design and Analysis in the Behavioral Sciences. An Annotated Bibliography. New Mexico State University, University Park, New Mexico, 196?.

2* Annual Review of Psychology

3* Bibliographic Index

Catalogue of UNESCO Publications. UNESCO, Paris, 1971.

5* Dissertation Abstracts

6. Education Index 7. Faris, Robert E. L., Editor, Handbook of Modern Sociology. Rand McNally and Co., Chicago, 1966.

8. A Guide For Evaluating Research Plans In Psychology and Education

9. Hare, A. Paul, Handbook of Small Group Research. The Free Press, N.Y., 1962. 10. Haselitz, Bert F., A Reader's Guide to the Social Sciences. The Free Press, N. Y., 1967.

11. International Index

12. Lazarsfeld, Paul F., William H. Sewell, and Harld L. Wilensky, Editors, The Uses of Sociology. Basic Books, Inc., N. Y.» 1967*

13. Library of Congress Catalog

14. Lindzey, Gardner, and E lliot Aronson, Editors, The Handbook of Social Psychology, second edition, Vol. II, Addison-Wesley Pub. Co., Reading, Massachusetts, 1968. 136

15. Lindzey, Gardner, and E llio t Aronson, E ditors, The Handbook of Social Psychology, second edition, Vol. V, Addison-Wesley Pub. Co., Reading,Massachusetts, 1969* 16. Lunday, G. Albert, Sociology Dissertations in American Universities 1893 - 1966. East Texas State University, Commerce, Texas, 19&9- 17* Main Trends of Research in the Social and Human Sciences. Part One; Social Sciences. UNESCO, Paris, 19?0.

18. M ille r, D elbert C .t Handbook of Research Design and Social Measurement, second edition, David McKay Co., Inc., N.Y., 1970*

19* Pinson, William M., Jr., Resource Guide to Current Social Issues. World Books, Waco, Texas,' 196?.

20. Psychological Abstracts

21. Public Affairs Information Service Bulletin

22. Reader’s Guide to Periodical Literature

23. Sheldon, Eleanor Bemert, and Wilbert E. Moore, Indicators of Social Change Concepts and Measurements. Russell Sage Foundation, N.Y., 1972.

24. Swigel, Erwin 0 ., E d ito r, Handbook on the Study of Social Problems. Rand McNally and Co., Chicago, 1971*

25. Sociological Abstracts 26. . Social Sciences and Humanities Index

27. Theodorson, George A., and Achilles G. Theodorson, A Modern Dictionary of Sociology. Thomas Y. Crowell Co., N.177 lyoy.

28. Universal Reference System

29. West, Earle H., A Bibliography of Doctoral Research on the Negro 1-933-1966. Xerox, U niversity M icrofilm s, 1969. 13?

ERIC Retrospective Search

An ERIC Retrospective Search was conducted using a wide range of descriptors. The output was fourteen references, of which eight related to attitude scales and six were not related to racism as such. It should be noted that the catalog of ERIC descriptors does not lis t "racism," consequently the term was only picked up in titles. Thus, the ERIC search for indicators, measures, and instruments for racism was negative. Subsequent to the ERIC search and up to this writing the output of the ERIC Current Awareness Search too has been negative.

Conclusion

In summary, I have over a two year period used six strategies to seek out indicators and measures of white racism. I feel the odds are very high that 1) I have not overlooked existing work, and 2) that this effort may help open a field where much more knowledge and action is needed. However, if you the reader know of measures of white racism, which I obviously have missed, please drop me a line at the following permanent address:

Ken Eye c Jo 7^5 Sheridan Street Salina, Kansas 6?*f01

I have no fear of being found deficient in this indicator search; if there is a tool out there I will use it if I can find it, for I have no time or patience for academic embarrassment. APPENDIX B

1i Table 8 Low Non-Indicator Group Ratings For Indicators 1-19 • • • 139

2 . Table 9 High Non-Indicator Group Ratings For Indicators 1-19* 140

3. Table 10 Low Non-Indicator Group Ratings For Indicators 20-38. • • 141

4. Table 11 High Non-Indicator Group Ratings For Indicators 20-38 . . 142

5. Table 12 t Test Data ...... 143

6 . Table 13 Combined High and Low N on-Indicator Group Ratings For Indicators 1-38 ...... 145

7. Table 14 Two-Way ANOVA with Regression Models D a ta ...... 147

8. Table 15 Black-White Rating Variance Data ...... 149

138 139

TABLE 8

LOW NON-INDICATOR GROUP RATINGS FOR INDICATORS 1-19

Standard Range Range In d ic a to r Kean Deviation Range Maximum Minimum

1 5.3750 1.0135 3 7 it 2* 5.0000 1.2511 5 7 2 3 5.6667 1.0901 4 7 4 5.916? O.88 O5 3 7 1 5 5.7500 1.1132 4 7 3 6 5.3333 1.2740 5 7 2 7 4.916? 1.3486 6 7 1 8 5.3913 1.4378 5 7 2 9 5.7083 1.5737 6 7 1 10 5.416? 1.4116 ' 5 7 2 11 6.0833 0.7755 2 7 5 12a 4.3333 1,4646 6 7 1 13a 5.0417 1.2329 4 7 3 Ilia 2 . 7 O83 1.1602 3 1 15° 4.8333 1.4646 5 7 2 16 5.6667 1.3077 5 7 2 17 5.1250 1.3290 5 7 2 18 5.5833 1.0180 3 7 if 19 5.9167 1.5012 5 7 2

aKeans used in indicator rating 140

TABLE 9

HIGH NON-INDICATOR GROUP RATINGS FOR INDICATORS 1-19 Standard Range Range In d ic a to r Kean D eviation Range Maximum Minimum

1 5.*8?2 1.0227 4 7 3 2 5.7179 1.0990 4 7 3 3 5.7179 1.0247 5 7 2 4 a 5.2564 1.4458 6 7 1 5 5.7692 1.037? 5 7 2 6 5.3846 1.4621 6 7 1 7 5.0256 1.2245 5 7 2 8 5.6923 1.1506 5 7 2 9 5.897* 1.1*2* 5 7 2 10 5.8421 1.0533 4 7 3 11 5*79*9 0.9782 5 7 2 12 5.8461 1.0397 4 7 3 13 5*9467 1.024? 4 7 3 14 5.897* 0.8206 2 7 5 15 5*6842 1.1879 4 7 3 16 5.7*36 1.2506 5 7 2 17 5.7105 1.0631 4 ' 7 3 18 5.9*8? 0.6863 3 7 4 19 6.0769 1.2005 4 7 3

SHean used for indicator rating. 141

TABLE 10 LOW NON-INDICATOR. GROUP RATINGS FOR INDICATORS 20-38 Standard Range Range Indicator Kean D eviation Range Maximum Minimum

20 5-1154 1.2434 5 7 2 21 4.9615 1.3994 5 7 2 22 1.9663 6 7 23 £ '5 3 § 1.5551 6 7 24 4.5200 1.6361 6 7 4.9615 1.7546 6 7 262f 5.1538 1.5670 6 7 27 4.9615 1.5357 5 7 2 28 5.1154 1.3365 4 7 3 29 4.8077 1.i|428 5 7 2 30 5. 5OOO 1.5556 5 7 2 31 6.0385 1.1826 5 7 2 32a 2.6538 1.1981 3 4 . 1 33 5.3^61 1.7422 6 7 1 5.9200 1.1874 7 2 fs 5.1200 1.9000 I 7 1 36 4.7308 1.4576 6 7 1 37 5.3846 1.2354 5 7 2 38 5.7308 1.3728 5 7 2

aKeans used in indicator rating. 142

TABLE 11

HIGH NON-INDICATOR GROUP RATINGS FOR INDICATORS 20-38

Standard .Range' Range Mean B tv iatio n Range Maximum Minimum

20 4.9474 1.2681 5 7 2 21 4.5263 1.6114 5 7 2 22 5.3684 2.0333 6 7 1 23 4.8947 1.4489 6 7 1 24 4.3158 1.7014 6 7 1 25 5.0526 1.8401 6 7 1 26 5.5263 1.2635 5 7 2 27 4.8947 1.8528 6 7 1 28 5.6316 1.1161 4 7 3 29 4.7222 1.8087 6 7 1 30 6.0000 0.8165 2 7 5 31 6.-1579 0.6021 2 ? 5 32 5*7895 0.9177 2 7 5 33 6.1053 0.9366 3 7 4 3*** 5.6842 1.2496 5 7 2 35 5-5789 1.5024 5 7 2 36 4.7895 1.1822 4 6 2 37 5.5263 1.3068 4 7 3 33 5-7895 1.3572 6 7 1 143

TABLE 12

t TEST DATA NSD = No Significant Difference

1 Degrees of id icato r t Score Freedom Significance

1 - .424 61 NSD 2 b 2.388 61 .05 \ - ,187 61 NSD 4 b 2.016 61 .05 5 - .069 61 NSD 6 - .142 61 NSD 7 - .339 61 NSD 8 - .906 60 NSD 9 - .551 61 NSD 10 - 1.356 61 NSD l ib - m a w 13b ~ 3.156 61 .01 14a 12.767 61 .01 15b - 2.509 60 .05 16 - .255 61 NSD 17 - 1.916 60 NSD 18 - 1.703 61 NSD 19 - . ^ 7 61 NSD 20 • 'rf'f 45 NSD 21 .967 45 NSD 22 - .420 45 NSD - . 78:1 NSD 11 .403 NSD 25 - .169 4¥ 5 NSD 26 - .853 4 5 NSD 2? .132 45 NSD 28 - 1.369 **5 NSD 29 .174 4 5 NSD 30 - 1.276 45 NSD 31 - .403 ^5 NSD 32a - 9.536 45 .01

1The Keans compared with the t test are those listed on Tables 8 and 9 for indicators 1-19, and on Tables 10 and 11 for Indicators 20-33. TABLE 12-Continued

Degrees of In d ic a to r t Score Freedom Significance

33 - 1.723 45 NSD 34 .638 44 NSD 35 - .866 44 NSD 36 - .144 45 NSD 37 - .371 45 NSD 38 - .142 45 NSD

aNon-Indicators. Expected Significant Difference. ^Indicators with A Significant Difference. 145

TABLE 13

COMBINED HIGH AND LOW NON-INDICATOR GROUP RATINGS FOR INDICATORS 1-38 Standard Range Range In d ic a to r Mean D eviation Ranges Maximum Minimum

1 5.4426 1.0251 4 7 3 2a 5.4754 1.2056 5 7 2 3 5.6721 1.0444 5 7 2 4a 5.5410 1.2189 6 7 1 5 5.7541 1.0592 5 7 2 6 ‘5.3934 1.3201 6 7 1 7 4.9836 1.2844 6 7 1 8 5.6167 1.2635 7 2 9 5.8361 1.3316 1 7 1 10 1.2281 2 11 m 0.8920 f ? 2 12a 5.4426 1.3105 6 7 1 13a 5.6229 1.1426 4 • 7 3 I4a 4.6229 1.8272 6 7 1 15a 5.3167 1.3591 5 7 2 16 5.7213 1.2797 5 7 2 17 5.5000 1.2003 5 7 2 18 5.8033 0,8528 3 7 4 19 6.0328 1.3287 5 7 2 20 5.0238 1.1150 5 7 2 21 4.8 0 9 5 1.4690 5 7 2 22 5.2143 1.9448 6 7 1 23 4.7381 1.4324 6 7 1 24 4.5122 1.6143 6 7 1 25 5.0238 1.6891 6 7 1 26 5.3571 1.3937 6 7 1 27 4.9524 1.5610 5 7 2 28 5.3333 1.2623 4 7 3 29 4.8049 1.5687 6 7 1 30 5.71*0 1.3486 5 7 2 31 6.0714 0.9974 5 7 2 32a 3.9286 1.8792 6 7 1 33 5.6190 1.5134 6 7 1 34 5.7561 1.2203 5 7 2 146

TABLE 13-Continued

Standard Range Range iicator Mean D eviation Ranges Maximum

35 5.2683 1.7752 6 7 1 36 4.6905 1.3523 6 7 1 37 5.3809 1.2678 5 7 2 38 5.7381 1.3803 6 7 1

aCombined group data not used for these items due to variance; low sub-group ratings used instead. 147

TABLE 14

TWO-WAY ANOVA WITH REGRESSION KODELS DATA

1 2 3 ^ Job Race Race-Job Significance of Varianc e Varianc e Interaction Race Variance F. Prob. F. Prob. F. Prob. F. Prob.

1. .3119 .9281 .4264 .7889 .2047 .8927 1.1384 .2904 .9618 .4596 2.9123 .0295 .9437 .4259 8.8434 .0042 t 1.2902 .2771 2.938? .0284 1.0701 .3694 8.5135 .0050 v 1.2993 .2730 2.5813 .0472 2.1766 .1012 3.5778 .0635 5 .8798 .5159 1.0157 .4074 1.2797 .2905 .2207 .6403 6 .8221 .5577 1.2943 .2836 .3991 .7541 4.1074 .0473 7 .8588 .5309 1.1225 .3554 1.2644 .2957 .6876 .4103 8 1.0354 .4126 1.3877 .2503 1.3769 .2595 1.3928 .2427 9. 1.4309 .2196 1.4956 .2162 1.9604 .1307 .0963 .7574 10' .9733 .4520 3.0482 .0244 1.3101 .2804 8.1321 .0060 11 .4031 .873S .6726 .6138 .6567 .5822 .7334 .3953 12 .4373 .8507 1.4533 .2290 .8261 .4852 3.3651 .0717 13 1.2636 .2893 2.3504 .0654 1.8170 .1548 3.7907 .0564 14 .8016 .5729 .0160 .9995 .0187 .9965 .0083 .9278 15. .8034 .5716 2.3411 .0663 .7567 .5233 7.1850 .0095 16‘ 1.0915 .3791 2.9364 .0285 1.7051 .1767 6.3970 .0141 17 1.2665 .2379 2.0731 .0968 1.8403 .1506 2.6560 .1085 18 1.3905 .2349 2.4098 .0601 2 .O752 .1141 3.2337 .0773 19 1 .2034 .3185 1.5804 .1925 1.2079 .3156 2.6690 .1077 20 1.2854 .2879 1.4072 .2507 1.8761 .1506 .0006 .9804 21 1.64?0 .1619 2.1836 .0899 2.9072 .0475 .0112 .9164 22 .6350 .7014 .4049 .8039 • 5398 . 658 O .0001 .9937 23 .4316 .8531 • 5575 .6948 .1564 .9249 1.8798 .1780 24 • 5208 .7898 .5001 .7358 .6427 .5925 .0745 .7864 25 .8902 .5120 .2904 .8823 .3490 .7901 .1205 .7303 26 1.1379 .3601 2.2437 .0830 1.3318 .2788 4.8583 .0333 27, .2074 .9722 .1920 .9410 .0505 .984? .6637 .4200 28' .5345 .7403 3.9499 .0091 .7719 .5172 13.7185 .0006 29 .3114 .9270 .2896 .8528 .1907 .9021 .6245 .4340 30 .5605 .7587 1.1496 .3487 .7617 .5228 2.3554 .1327 31 1.6425 ,1631 1.4511 .2368 1.7131 .1812 .6313 .4315 32 .8504 .5398 1.2742 .2976 1.2490 .3060 1.3250 .2565 33 1.7439 .1332 2.0280 .1105 2.5666 .0692 .3690 .5470 .4768 .8212 1.0126 .4135 .4168 .7420 2.9283 .0947 148

TABLE 14-Continued

Indicator 1 2 3 4 Job Race Race-Job Significance Of Variance Variance Interaction Race Variance F. Prob. F. Prob. F. Prob. F. Prob.

35 .4251 *8575 .7221 .5824 .7759 .5150 .5706 .4544 36 .7845 .5376 .8413 .5030 1.1061 .3590 .0465 -8303 37 .2884 .9387 .2170 .9273 .1928 .9006 .3084 .5818 33 .3109 .9272 .5866 .6743 .3151 .8143 1.4771 .2313

indicators for which there was a race variance within job categories at the .05 o r .01 le v e ls . 149

TABLE 15

BLACK-WHITE RATING VARIANCE DATA

Black or White In d ic a to r In d i­ Black White Black-White H ighest . Topic c a to r Mean Mean Mean D ifference Rating Diff. Signif. 2 5.8621 5.0382 .7739 .05 Black R adical/ M ilita n t Language Usage

3 6 . 03*1-5 5.4118 .622? .05 Black Standard of Beauty

4 5-7931 5-264? .5284 .01 Black Professional Interaction S itu a tio n s

10 6 .0 3 4 5 5.3636 .6709 .0 5 Black Horae and Social S itu a tio n s

16 6.1 0 3 4 5*3823 .7211 .05 Black Definition o f F riends

28 6.0000 4.8000 1.2000 .05 Black Free, White, and 21, Language Usage APPENDIX C

1* F ield Agency Search Form L e tte r ...... 151

2. Phase II Panel L etter ...... 152

3* Phase III Validation Panel Nomination Letter Sent to the Phase II Panel...... 155

4. Suggested Additional Indicators Form Sent to the Phase II Panel ...... * ...... 158

5* Phase II Panel Follow up L etter ...... 159

6 . Phase III Validation Panel L etter ...... 160

7 . Phase III Validation Panel Rating Scale, Form 1 * . . . 162

8 . Phase III Validation Panel Rating Scale, Form 2 . . . . 168

9. Phase III Validation Panel Follow up Letter 1 ...... 174

10. Phase III Validation Panel Follow up Letter 2 ...... 175

150 151

1. F ie ld Agency Search Form L e tte r 18 O ctober, 1972

Dear

I an in the process of a research effort in which I am developing a number of universal indicators of racism with the emphasis being on "white” racism. I am seeking existing information in the anti- racism field of indicators or processes of assessing racism. Would you please advise me of how you assess racism or the degree thereof as you work with your clients and your internal staff? I would appreciate samples of instruments, formal or informal, that you use or are aware of.

I am seeking this data to insure that my efforts compliment the work of others in the anti-racism field, and to insure that I do not re­ plicate work already done. The projected outcome of my research and development effort, currently underway, will be a series of conceptual and behavioral indicators of racism that apply at the personal or individual level. Thus, the intent is to develop instruments, pre­ sentations, etc., appropriate to different audiences that will aid in the identification of racism within the individual. The intent is to produce undeniable indicators, therefor the idea of universality that will help people become more aware that one basic answer to "who is responsible for institutional and personal racism?" is "I am."

I will greatly appreciate learning how you address the problem of assessing racism, and I hope to develop means of allowing us all to do the task better. Thus, I need your help.

S incerely,

ken Eye The Ohio State University 304 0x1 ey Hall 1712 N eil Avenue Columbus, Ohio 43210 KE:mrd 152

2, Phase II Panel Letter*

September 25» 1972

Ken B&re Telephone: pie Ohio State University OSU: 1-614-422-1368 1712 N eil Avenue Home; 1-614-291-8293 215 0x1 ey Hall Columbus, Ohio 43210

Enclosed is the Phase II draft of my Ph.D. dissertation entitled "Universal Indicators of White Racism." I very much need your help in the process of validating the indicators. The process through

■which you were selected for participation in the Phase II panel is outlined in chapter IV, particularly on pages 24 through 28. I feel you have much to contribute to my effort, and. I realize I am placing great demands on your time; however, as you read the document you will recognize the great importance I place on what is potentially to be my life 's work...I hope you will too feel the effort is important enough to warrant your involvement of both time and effort.

As noted in Chapter IV, you were selected because my graduate committee and I feel that you are deeply interested in social and racial change, and that you w ill accept a minimum of six of the eight premises outlined in Chapter II. Thus, I am asking you to do two major tasks for me: First, critique the overall document relative to the variables below; and second, submit names for the Phase III validation panel who you feel meet the criteria below (This specific information is included in Chapter IV, pages 24 through 26). 153

Task 1:

A. Read chapters I and II, and in the left margin of Chapter II check off whether you accept or reject each of the eight premises.

t. In the event you accept five or less of the eight premises, please return the draft to me in the enclosed envelope. I will be veiy grateful for your participation, but will ask no more of you.

2. In the event you accept six or more of the eight premises, please continue critiquing the overall document as follows:

a) Making notes on the draft copy, critique chapters I through V for a) clarity of presentation, b) rationality of arguments and evidence, and c) make specific suggestions of how to strengthen the document.

b) Making notes on the copy and in the left margin, assess the Chapter V indicators for a) content, and b) universality relative to if the reviewer feels the indicator applies to 90 $ or more of white people.

c) On the form supplied, make suggestions for additional indicators.

Task 2:

A. Submit as many names as possible for the Phase III panel on the form provided who you feel meet the following criteria:

1• The person seems interested in helping change the current state of American race relations.

2. The person will likely take the time to help validate the indicators of white racism.

3. The person falls into one or more of the following general categories (the Phase II panelist is to choose which category in case of overlap...data will be aggregated across all categories, thus, overlap is both acceptable and desirable): a) Black racial expert, b) white racial expert, c) black "inner-city" professional, d) white "inner-city" professional, 15^

e) black professional, f) white professional, g) black "lay citizen", and h) white "lay citizen." Note that operational definitions of each category are provided on the Phase III Validation Panel Nomination form.

Following the completion of tasks 1 and 2, please mail the entire packet back to me in th e enclosed envelope no l a t e r than November 1,

1972. Due to my revision deadlines, I will possibly not be able to use returns mailed after November 1 s thus, regardless of whether you have completed tasks 1 and 2, please mail the packet back. And even if you can not complete the task 1 critiquing, I will greatly appreciate having as many of the task 2 validation panel nominations as you can provide, for this is the most important part of the tasks,

I feel I owe it to you to keep you posted on the results on your input, and on my overall progress. Thus, during January, 1973, I will mail you a brief progress report, and during April, 1973, I will mail you a summary report of the validation outcomes for the overall research effort. I realize this is token compensation for such a great effort on your part. I hope you will feel as I do that this effort may be one of the many needed steps in bringing about signifi­ cant racial change in America. We need it so much, and I can not proceed in this research effort without your help.

Sincerely,

Ken E^e 155

3* Phase III Validation Panel Nominations

Please write below as many nominations as possible for the Phase

III panel* Feel free to submit more than three per category. Please include the address and telephone numbers if you have them, or indicate how I may get them. As i s noted in C hapter IV, page 28, th e Phase I I I panel w ill only receive Chapter V and the associated rating forms, thus, the time demand on them w ill be less than you have been asked to give. This task is critical to my validation study, and I greatly appreciate your considered effort.

1. Black racial expert - a person actively working for race relations change such as an Urban League head.

Names and Position Address Telephone

&■ b . c .

2. White racial expert - a person actively working for race relations change, such as the head of a race relations project. Name and Position Address Telephone

&• b . c . 156

3* Black 11 inner-city w professional - a person actively working with either black or white people at the on-line operational level, such as a Model Cities Administrative staff member.

Name and Position Address Telephone a . b. c.

4. White “inner-city11 professional - a person actively working with either black or white people at the on-line operational level, such as a consultant or staff member of a Model Cities or similar effort.

Name and Position Address Telephone a . b . c.

5* Black Professional - a person whose work or interest relates to some facet of racial change, such as a university professor, social worker, teacher, or government official.

Name and Position Address Telephone c l* b. c . 157

6. White professional - a person whose work or interest relates to some facet of racial change, such as a university professor, social worker, teacher, or government official.

Name and.Position Address Telephone a. b. c.

7* Black "lay" citizen - a person whose work or interest relates to some facet of racial change, such as a Model Cities citizen task fo rce member.

Name and Position Address Telephone a . b. c.

8. ' White "lay11 citizen - a person whose work or interest relates to some facet of racial change, such as a community action or service volunteer.

Name and Position Address Telephone

3* b. c. k. Suggested Additional Indicators Form

SUGGESTED ADDITIONAL INDICATORS From The Phase II Panel

Please use this sheet and others if needed to outline Indicators sources of indicators you feel I should include.

Indicator #1: ' 1

159

THE OHIO STATE UNIVERSITY 5 . Phase II Panel Follow up Letter November 8, 1972

This Is a reminder and an urging to return the dissertation materials on white racism I sent to you last month. The packet contained one handwritten letter, one typed directions cover letter, one additional indicator form, one Phase lit nomination form, and a prepared return envelope plus the bound white covered document entitled Universal Indicators of White Racism by Ken Eye. I have received half the.mater 1 a 1s back which have given me valuable criticism for Chapter I-IV revision, and names for the phase 111 Validation Panel.

I realize the critiquing is time consuming and we now both share a time press. I will greatly appreciate your re-reading the cover letter and scanning the document, and then suggesting names for the Phase 111 Validation Panel. The Phase III nominations are my most pressing and critical need. Please return the nominations and the document to me as soon as possible.

I know we share an interest in the anti-racism work, and I hope you will somehow find the time to provide phase III Validation Panel names, keeping in mind that the time demand on the Phase III group will be much less than I have asked of you. f appreciate your help.

Go wel1,

Ken Eye v The Ohio State University 304 Oxley Hal 1 1712 Neil Avenue Columbus, Ohio 43210

KE:ch

l ialuiilinii (Viili'i , C ollie nI l ilui'.mini |7[J Wil Au'iiiu’ < ulmnhi>. Oliiu -M-HI 6. Phase III Ken Eye 160 Validation Panel Letter The Ohio State University 124 E. Norwich Columbus, Ohio 43201

Phones 1-614-291-8293

23 January, 1973

Dear

Enclosed is a partial draft from the final phase of a three year research project entitled Universal Indicators of White Racism. Your name was given to me by because he felt you have the experience necessary, and will bfc willing to give the time needed, to help judge the racism indicators. You are one of 250 persons from across the nation carefully selected to aid in this finai stage of the research effort, thus your help is critically important to the successful conclusion of this effort to document "universal" indicators of white racism from which working indicators will be developed. The above is a formal way of saying as a researcher that: "X need your help in the final stage of a research effort I have been living with for three years. Please take the time to help me, to help us a l l ."

Your tasks are as follows:

1. READ EACH INDICATOR AT LEAST ONCE.

2. CIRCLE ONE OF THE SEVEN RATING CHOICES ON THE VALIDATION PANEL RATING SCALE FOR EACH INDICATOR.

3. UPON' COMPLETION, KAIL THE DOCUMENT TO ME IN THE ENVELOPE PROVIDED NO LATER THAN FEBRUARY 28. 1973.

Additional information:

1) Due to the time required to judge the Indicators, you have received one-half of the total number.

2) The indicators are not in finished form. The format looks like an instrument, but is undeveloped. Thus, view each Indicator as an attempt to convey an idea upon which instruments and awareness activities could be built. You are being asked to judge the prevelance of an idea, of a concept, that the indicator attempts to portray in written form. 3). Use the seven rating categories to indicate your personal judgement of how prevelant, how generalized, how widespread, is the behavior or attitude in white people that is portrayed in each indicator.

4) Keep in mind that you have been selected for the Validation Panel because you are an expert whose experience and judgement is valuable; please trust your experience, feelings, and knowledge as you stand in judgement of the degree of universality of each indicator.

5) Please judge each indicator separately. Although some are sim ila r to o th e rs, th ey are presented in random o rd er. Each must be judged alone and independent of the other indicators.

6 ) Your responses will be seen only by me, and I guarantee complete confidentiality. All data will be reported as group statistics.

7 ) If you will not be able to give the time to rate the indicators, please immediately return the materials in the envelope provided,

8 ) Please return the completed materials bv February 28 . 1973.

Although it is small return for your time and effort, during April 1973. I will send you a progress report on the universality of all 36 of the indicators. I hope you will help me in this final phase of a research effort that I hope will be useful to anti-racists across the natio n . S incerely,

Ken Eye The Ohio S tate U niversity 124 E. Norwich Columbus, Ohio 43201

Phone; 1-614-291-8293 7. Form 1. VALIDATION PANEL RATING SCALE 162

Judge what proportion of American white people each Indicator concept, behavior, or attitude applies to; and circle the appropriate scale item.

Indicator No. Rating Scale

1. Less Very- Nearly More Than Few Few About Most All Than 102 p 2 9 j$> ^82 I / r 2. Less Very- Nearly More Than Few Few About Most All Than 22 102 2 52 ^02 p 2 902 982

3. Less Very- Nearly More Than Few Few About Most All Than 2 $ 102 252 502 752 902 982 L _ / _./ _ . _ L .... / // 4. Less Very- Nearly More Than Few Few About Most All Than 2# 102 252 502 752 902 982 // I _ / _ / / / 5. Less Very- , Nearly More Than Few Few About Most All Than 22 102 252 50-2 752 902 982 J / / / /// 6. Less Very- Nearly More Than Few Few About Most All Than ¥ 102 252 502 752 902 982 L ... / / / / ./ .... / 7. Less Very- Nearly More Than Few Few About Most All Than 22 102 252 502 7,52 902 982 L _/ // / / 7. Form 1, VALIDATION PANEL RATING SCALE 163

Judge what proportion of American white people each Indicator concept, behavior, or attitude applies to, and circle the appropriate scale item.

In d ic a to r No. Rating Scale

8 . Less Very Nearly More Than Few Few About Most All Than Zi 10# 25# 50# 75# 90^6 98# I /

9. Less Very Nearly More Than Few Few About Most A ll Than 2$ 10# 25# 50# 75# 90# 98# /, / // /______J - /

10. Less Very Nearly More Than Few Few About Most A ll Than 2# 10# 25# 75# 90# 98# I ...... J . __ — 1 . . J ..... I. /. /

11. Less Very • Nearly More Than Few Few About Most A ll Than ¥ 10# 25# 50# 75# 90# 98# / . , / / // /

12. Less Very Nearly More Than Few Few About Most A ll Than 2# 10# 25# 50# 75# 90# 98# / . _ / __ / / / . //

13. Less Very Nearly More Than Few Few About Most All Than ¥ 10# 25# 50# 75# 90# 98# L - J ... . J - 1 ...... ///

14. Less Very Nearly More Than Few Few About Most A ll Than 2# 10# 25# 50# 75# 90# 98# ( / / _V ...... / ? . Form 1 VALIDATION PANEL RATING SCALE

Judge what proportion of American white people each Indicator concept, behavior, or attitude applies to, and circle the appropriate scale item.

Indicator No. Rating Scale

15. Less Very- Nearly Kore Than Few Few About Most A ll Than 2$ 10$ 25$ p $ 98$ / __ r

16. Less Very Nearly Kore Than Few Few About Most A ll Than 2$ 10$ 25$ 50$ 75$ 90$ 98$ / / / / ______J

17. Less Very Nearly More Than Few Few About Most A ll Than 2$ 10$ r jOf, r ^0$ ^8$

18. Less Very Nearly More Than Few Few About Most All Than 2$ 10$ 25$ 50$ 75$ 90$ 98$

/ / _ / / . / . / _

19. Less Very Nearly More Than Few Few About Most All Than 2$ 10$ 25$ 50$ 75$ 90$ 98$

/ / / . ./_ ...... VALIDATION PANEL RATING SCALE 7* Form 1 165

Judge what proportion of American white people each Indicator concept, behavior, or attitude applies to, and circle the appropriate scale item.

Indicator No • Rating Scale

20. Less Veiy N early More Than Few Few About Kost A ll Than 10# 25# 50>S p # 90# p # r 1

21. Less Very- Nearly More Than Few Few About Most A ll Than 2# 10# 25# p # p # p # / r

22. Less Very- N early More Than Few Few About Most A ll Than f 10# 25# 75# p # 98#

23* Less Very Nearly More Than Few Few About Kost A ll Than 2# 10# 25# p # 75# p # p #

2M-, Less Very N early More Than Few Few About Most A ll Than 2$ 10# 25# p # p # p # p # /

25. Less Very N early More Than Few Few About Kost A ll Than 2 i 10# 25# p # 90# p # /, /

26. Less Very Nearly More Than Few Few About Most A ll Than 2 # 10# 25# 50# p # p # 98# / 7» Form 1 VALIDATION PANEL RATING SCALE 166

Judge what proportion of American white people each Indicator concept, behavior, or attitude applies to, and circle the appropriate scale item.

In d ic a to r No. Rating Scale

27 . Less Very Nearly More Than Few Few About Kost A ll Than 10$ 25$ 50$ 98$ f _ / r CO CM . Less Very- ' Nearly Kore Than Few Few About Kost A ll Than 2$ 10$ 25$ 50$ 75$ 90$ 98$ / / . L _ .... / - / / /

29. Less Very Nearly Kore Than Few Few About Most A ll ■ Than 2 $ 10$ 25$ 50$ 75$ 90$ 98$ f _ / _ / J L / /

30. Less Very- Nearly Kore Than Few Few About Most All Than 2$ 10$ 25$ 50$ 75$ 90$ 98$

/ /_ .. / / __ / /

31. Less Very- Nearly Kore Than Few Few About Kost All Than 2$ 10$ 25$ 50$ 75$ 90$ 98$ ( /._ / // / /

32. Less Very Nearly Kore Than Few Few About Most All Than 2$ 10$ 25$ 50$ 75$ 90$ 98$ / _ /_ z_ J // f

33. Less Very Nearly Kore Than Few Few About Kost A ll Than 2i 10$ 25$ 50$ 75$ 90$ 98$ I' _ / —, / -.J / 7* Form 1 VALIDATION PANEL RATING SCALE 167

Judge what proportion of American white people each Indicator concept, behavior, or attitude applies to, and circle the appropriate scale item.

In d ic a to r No. Rating Scale

Less Very Nearly Kore Than Few Few About Kost A ll Than 22 10’S 252 502 752 902 982 / .../ / / / . ______1

Less Very Nearly Kore Than Few Few About Kost A ll Than 102 252 jot 7f& 90$ 982 f /_ .

Less Very Nearly Kore Than Few Few About Kost A ll Than 22 102 2 52 502 752 902 982 ( / ______/

37* Less Very Nearly Kore Than Few Few About Most A ll Than 101 252 50 $ 902 982 / / 7 * 38. Less Very N early Kore Than Few Few About Kost A ll Than 22 102 252 502 752 902 982 / _ - „ ./______L- /, / 8* Form 2 VALIDATION PANEL RATING SCALE 168

Judge what proportion of American white people each Indicator concept, behavior, or attitude applies to, and circle the appropriate scale item.

In d ic a to r Rating Scale No.

1 . More Nearly Very Less Than All Most About Few Few Than 981 901 75$ 501 251 101 21

// / __ f ... . L . ... J ... . /

2. More Nearly Very Less Than All Most About Few Few Than 90$ y $ 50$ 251 101 r ___ / f

More Nearly Very Less Than AH Most About Few Few Than 981 901 751 50$ 251 101 2$ / ... L ... / ... L ... / / /

More Nearly Very Less Than All Most About Few' Few Than 981 90$ 751 50$ 251 101 2'1

/ 1 . _ / _ / / ___ //

More Nearly Very Less Than All Most About Few Few Than 981 901 751 501 251 101 21 / / - J . _ / . / _ //

6. More Nearly Very Less Than All Most About Few Few Than 981 901 751 501 25? 101 2$ / / // / II

7. More Nearly Very Less Than All Most About Few Few Than 981 901 751 ■ 50% 251 101 21 / ... / ______/ J ______y ... // 8* Form 2 VALIDATION PANEL RATING SCALE 169

Judge what proportion of American \;hite people each Indicator concept, behavior, or attitude applies to, and circle the appropriate scale item.

In d ic a to r Rating No. Scale

8. More N early Very Less Than A ll Most About Few Few Than ^0# J5# ^0# Z5f 10# r . J ... f ' • 9. More N early Very Less Than A ll Most About Few Few Than 98# 90# J5# 50 % 25 * 10# 2# / ... /

10. More Nearly Very Less Than A ll Most About Few Few Than 98# 90% ^0# 10# 2# r f ./ .

11. More Nearly Very Less T&3n A ll Most About Few f 90# 75# 50# 25# n ? $ an / / /_. _ L.... / __ /

12. to re Nearly Very Less Than A ll Most About Few Few Than 98# 90% p # 50% 25# 10# ( f

13.* More N early Very Less Than A ll Most About Few Few Than 98# 90% 50# 25# 10# r f

14. Kore N early Very Less Than A ll Most About Few Few Than ^8# 90% 75# 50# 25# 10# 2# . ,./ ...... / 8, Fonn 2. VALIDATION PANEL RATING SCALE 170

Judge what proportion of American white people each Indicator concept, behavior, or attitude applies to, and circle the appropriate scale item.

In d ic a to r Rating No. Scale

15» More N early Very L ess Than A ll Kost About Few Few Than S?8 # 9<# p # 25# 10# 2 # ■ L r

16. More N early VeVy L ess Than All Most About Few Few Than 00 ' N O 10# 2# ----- 90$ p # r / ...... ___ ! • 17. More Nearly Very L ess Than A ll Most About Few Few Than 98$ 90# 75# 50# 25# 1056 2# ...... J.. / . / ...... /

18. More N early Very L ess Than A ll Most About Few Few Than ^0# 7j5$ 25# 10# r r / f

19. More N early Very L ess Than A ll Kost About Few Few Than 98# 90# 75# 50# 2 5 * y > js 2# / -J .../______. ______/ ...... / 8. Form 2. VALIDATION PANEL RATING SCALE 171

Judge what proportion of American white people each Indicator concept, behavior, or attitude applies to, and circle the appropriate scale item.

In d ic a to r Rating No. Scale

Kore N early Very Less Than A ll Kost About Few Few Than 98* 90* 75* 50* 25* 10* 2* • / / / /

Kore N early Ve'iy Less Than A ll Most About Few Few Than 98* 90* 75* 50* 25* lost 2* / / _ / ... . / ...... J. _ /... /

22. More N early Very Less Than A ll Most About Few Few Than ^8 * 90* p * 50 * 10* / _ f . . / ...... /'

23* More Nearly Very Less Than All Kost About Few Few Than 98* 90* 75* 50* 25* 10* 2* / / // I . _ /

2k. More Nearly Very Less Than All Kost About Few Few Than 98* 90* 75* 50* 25* 10* 2* / / /// /

25. More N early Very Less Than All Host About Few Few Than 98* 90* 75* 50* 25* 10* 2* / - / / / / . /

- 26. Kore Nearly Very Less Than A ll Kost About Few Few Than 98* 90* 75* 50* 25* 10* 2* / , ...... L / . / ______/ 8 . Form 2 VALIDATION PANEL RATING SCALE 1?2

Judge what proportion of American white people each Indicator concept, behavior, or attitude applies to, and circle the appropriate scale item.

In d ic a to r Rating No. Scale

27 . Kore Nearly Veiy Less Than A ll Most About Few Few Than 98# 90# 75# 5f# 25# 10# 2# / /

28. Kore Nearly Very Less Than A ll Kost About Few Few Than 98# 90# 75# 50# 25# 10# 2#

I / ... / /_// /

29. More Nearly Very Less Than A ll Kost About Few Few Than 98$ 90# 75# 50# 25# 10# 2#

// // _/ _ . - /

30. Kore Nearly Very Less Than All Most About Few Few Than 98# 90# 75# 50# 25# 10# 2#

/ - / / . / ... ///

31- More Nearly Very Less Than A ll Most About Few Few Than 98# 90# 75# 50# 25# 10# 2#

/ / / . / / _ y

32. Kore Nearly Very Less Than A ll Kost About Few Few Than 98# 90# 75# 50# 25# 10# 2# / / / / //

33. Kore Nearly Very Less Than All Most About Few Few Than 98# 90# 75# 50# 25# 10# 2#

I /// - ... / 8. Form 2 VALIDATION PANEL RATING SCALE 173

Judge what proportion of American white people each Indicator concept, behavior, or attitude applies to, and circle the appropriate scale item.

In d ic a to r Rating No. Scale

3^. Kore N early Very Less Than A ll Most About Few Few Than 98 # 90# 75# 50* 25# 10# 2# 1 / J / ____ /_ /

35. More Nearly Very Less Than A ll Most About Few Few Than 98# 90# 75# 50# 25# 10# 2# ////_///

36. More N early Very Less Than All Most About Few Few Than 98# 90# 75# 50# 25# 10# 2# ( / / / _ /.. / .... /

37. More ■ N early Very Less Than A ll Most About Few Few Than 98# 90# 75# 50# 25# 10# 2#

/ / /...... / - ..... - / . /

38. Kore Nearly Very Less Than All Most About Few Few Than 98# 90# 75# 50# 25# 10# 2# I 1 / // / 1?*+

9» Phase III Validation Panel Follow up Letter 1* 1 February, 1973

Dear V a lid a tio n P anel Member,

I write to remind and urge you to help me in the validation of the “universal indicators of white racism" by returning the materials by February 28, |973» Some have already been returned, and I look forward to receiving those th a t have y e t to come in .

Let me reinforce the directions that came with the materials, for due to either a great strength or a great weakness in the indicators, some Panelists find it difficult to back off and judge the indicator concepts without applying the Indicators only to themselves. Please judge the Indicators as they relate to other people. You need not use the scales internal to each indicator as you judge the applicability to the general white American population. You may mentally role play the indicators to get a feel for how a white person might respond, but you should apply the concept to other people and mark your judgement on the separate Validation S cales. S in cerely

Ken Bye The Ohio State University 12*+ E. Norwich Columbus, Ohio *+3201 1-61 *+-291-8293 175

10. Phase III Validation Panel Follow up Letter 2.

February 16, 1973

Dear V alidation Panel Member,

I write to ask you to return your validation ratings for the indicators of white racism this week if possible. And I assure you that even data received after February 28th will be included in a second computer run, thus please feel free to return trie data late if your time schedule is pressed.

The topic is difficult for us all, but I feel it is so critical to our future that I have undertaken this attempt knowing and feeling the inadequacy of too little four hundred years too late. I do not want our effort here to be another academic exercise...I will make my findings available to anyone working for racial change regardless of our points-of-view in hopes that red, black, yellow, brown, and white peoples can change the crippling consequences of racial oppression. Further, I feel that my narrow focus on black-white relations is but a part of the effort to change institutional and personal racism, sexism, economic oppression, and educational disparity to name a few. I feel so strongly about the need for change that I am willing to look or be a naive fool as I resist such vast social fo rce s. I very much need your judgements of the indicators to find if they may be of use to people working in their own way for a more humane future. Further, I am open to your suggestions and criticisms of my efforts, for I too must-change. Go Well

Ken EJye The Ohio S tate U niversity 12^ East Norwich Columbus, Ohio ^3201 APPENDIX D

1* Phase II Panel MAnti-Racism Research Progress R e p o rt...... 17?

176 177 Anti-Racism Research Progress Report Ken Eye Februaxy 2, 1973

The following progress report relates to the Phase II Panel for the research effort being conducted by Ken % e titled Universal Indicators of VJhite Racism.

Background

Hy in itial decision to conduct a research project vias because i t was required as a part of the Ph.D. program at The Ohio State University. I began looking for a topic related to ongoing work in my department, Educational Development, and my general field of interest, planned change. I soon felt that I was not willing to put the effort required for dissertation research into a topic that would end with the dissertation molding on a library shelf. I wanted the work to serve several ends, the primary being my self-growth and the secondary being the satisfaction of a university requirement. At the suggestion of Dr. Gregory Trzebiatowski, my graduate committee chairman, I listed the most important problems I could think of in priority order. The lis t began with such general categories as "change," "war," and "poverty." After much thought, I decided I wanted to concentrate my efforts in the area of application of planned change...that is, I wished to be a part of helping myself and others change "something" necessary to help us move from the 1970 's toward the year 2000. At that time, and now, I classified myself as a pragmatic idealist who believes there is nothing so practical as a strong ideal; thus, it is not surprising that my goal involved nothing less than changing the world.

Four events helped me focus on racial change. First, at this time I by chance attended a lecture given by Dr. Charles V. Hamilton about the book he co-authored with Stokley Carmichael, Black Power. Dr. Hamilton is a powerful speaker , and at the * lecture he caused me to feel for the first time what I already knew that black power was a positive defensive reaction to the negative aspects of white power. At the conclusion of the lecture Dr. Hamilton answered specific questions from the audience, and one question and answer marked the point where my life ’s direction changed. A white college student asked, ''But Dr. Hamilton, what can I as a young white student do7" And Dr. Hamilton replied, "Go home and talk to your parents." At the time I just smiled, for the young man should have known that answer had he read the book. • I now sadly smile at my own reaction, for I was asking myself the same question relative to my dissertation and some undefined social change, I had read the book, and it had never occurred to me to "go home" and do change in my own back yard. 1?8

Second, Karen and I had adopted a child classified as "hard to place," a "bi-racial" child. Even now when I hold ray son, X can not comprehend how he could possibly be "hard to place." It didn't take long for me to recognize that "hard-to-place" and "bi-racial" really meant non-white. I also came to feel the negative connotations I already knew existed when we adopted Kurt. I cannot articulate the feelings, but I did and do not like a world in which my son is an outcast; and I don't like being in the position of being a part of the forces that reject my own son.

Third, along with the above feelings was the reality that my son's grandparents were middle American whites who had long spoken derisively of Jews, niggers, and Mexicans to name a few. This had to be confronted and behavior changed if Karen and I could ever go home ag ain .

And fourth, X had just left a teaching position in a white controlled maximum security prison where the inmate racial mix was 60^ black and ^0$ white. The institutional and personal racism was so blatent that I could not be unaware of the racism and some of my part in it.

The above four conditions meshed, and I came to feel that what I wanted to do with my life 's work was to be active in helping bring about change in the behavior, values, and attitudes of white Americans. Thus, I wanted to go home xrhere I am a part of the back yard and help clean it up. And that is why the dissertation is a mixture of an autobiography of increasing self-awirenoss, and a series of generalized indicators of racism that are being systematically tested using a research methodology. Thus, from the initial degree oriented decision point, I have for three years lived out the autobiographical part from which I drew the indicators I am attempting to test for generalizability. I intend that the validated indicators will provide insight and data I and others may use to increase racial self-awareness of white people, and to increase and focus the rate of racial change in white behavior and attitudes.

Phase IX Panel Responses

The tw enty-four members of the Phase I I Panel were asked to 1) critique my basic autobiographical document, which included most of the Indicators, and 2) to give me the names of people in eight categories who could serve on the Phase III Validation Panel. Twenty-one of the twenty-four panel members provided names. Their criticism has resulted in my changing some of my assumptions as I rethought all of them. And second, where I had hoped for a Phase III Validation Panel of 100 persons, I received 23? names. I also received a great deal of encouragement that makes it much easier to go on when I realize how big my back yard is and how little I really know about it. . . .. Phase III Validation Panel Adjustment 179

The large response in Phase III Validation Panel names caused me to make several changes in my research design. First, I randomly split the sample into two groups so that each panel member will be asked to judge one-half of the total of j6 Indicators. This should cut the time demand on the panelists and hopefully increase the return rate.

Second, I will now put the data into a computer to calculate the means, frequency, range, and sub-group variance. Thus, the output data will now reflect the overall "universality11 of each indicator relative to my pre-set criteria of applicability to 90/> or more white people as was originally intended. And due to the increased number in each sub-group, variance can be computed for each Indicator between, for example, black and white respondents or between any subgroup such as white racial experts and white lay citizens. I do not hypothesize if or what the variance may be; thus, the data will provide a basis for hypothesis for further research.

The Phase III Panel

The Phase III Panel category breakdown is as follow s:

Category Number of Members _ T e r Category HLack IVhite

1. Racial Expert 61 36 25 2. Inner-city Professional 51 29 22 3. Professional 82 45 37 4. Lay citizen 42 J2 24 Total 237 129 108

The panel members vary in occupation such as U.S. Senators, homemakers doing volunteer service in local communities, government officials, university professors, Urban League staff members, and many others. In conclusion, I extend to you my thanks for your input and support. Also, at the conclusion of this research effort in June, 1973* I will again report to you on the research findings in hopes that our efforts can be enhanced as we work toward our individual and common goals.

Sincerely yours,

"lien7ven SJye Eye The Ohio State University 124 E. Norwich Columbus, Ohio 43201 APPENDIX E

1. IS THE FUTURE "For W hites Only'.1? ...... • 182

180 181

The following paper was written for publication in The Futurist, the journal of the World Future Society. I was notified of "a tentative decision to use it" in a November 1, 1971» letter. Then in a letter dated April 5» 1972, I was notified of the intent to use the article. However, due to the press by other authors the

journal has not been able to use the article, and relative to the

General Assembly it is dated anyway. I include it here because it

speaks to the issue of white American racism, and that is not only far from out of date, it will become even more in date as future anti-racists increase the pressure and forces to combat white racism.

And it is a sad footnote to here add that two years after this paper was written, the U.S. President's action to cut federal urban funding has virtually eliminated the cited Model Cities effort. If the highly successful Columbus Model Cities project, and other urban development projects, are to continue, it will be in spite of the white future that is still coming down. IS THE FUTURE "For Whites Only"? by Ken Efcre and Lawrence Auls

Two men attended the First General Assembly of the World Future

Society to ask if the future is for whites only. We wanted to observe the tone, emphasis, thrust of our fellow futurists to judge whether futurists are talkers of the future or doers of the future, and either way, whose future. Further, we were open to form possible linkages with people who wanted to try some of their futuristic ideas and techniques in a real live setting. The particular setting we had in mind i s a 2 \ square m ile Model C itie s area in Columbus, Ohio. Fifty-five thousand Americans await the future in that 2 j square miles. We were asking if there is a future being planned, a viable humane future that is, that includes black, brown, red, and yellow

Americans? We went to make a contribution and to provide an opportun­ ity for healthy recognition and respect of the differences, similar­ ities, and common goals that we must all share. Thus, we went to see if many futurists feel as we, that alternative futures that include all people must be worked towards by a ll people, and to make "White Folks" more aware that a future for whites only is no future a t a l l . The following are our findings, impressions, and conclusions.

First, we found what we expected in that most futurists are very 182 183 busy and active people who in their area of interest are acting, not just talking. So much for that...we are satisfied that futurists are doers at heart. However, we do question the direction and scope of the doing, that is, priorities. The United States of America is populated by approximately

87# whites, 13# others. Our first impression as we entered the Hilton and descended to the convention registration desks was the predominance of whites. After some searching, several black and oriental men and women were sighted on the convention floor. However, there were many black hotel employees in the Hilton main lobby... sweeping, signaling cabs, and carrying luggage. The exact number is irrelevant, as is the fact that persons of several minority racial groups were present at the First General Assembly. But what is important is the very very low representation of black, yellow, brown, and red people...to have a few people sprinkled around is not the same as representation, for if the conventioneers were representa­ tive, approximately every seventh person one met would have been red, black, yellow, or brown. The questionnaire many of the attending futurists filled out revealed the racial breakdwon of those 2 responding to be 9 8 . 3» w hite, and 1.7# o th e r. The fig u re s speak for themselves...and we still ask, is the future for whites only? Reading the topics listed for discussion at the Assembly,

■ ■■— - ■ "I ------Advanced Report, General Population Characteristics, U.S. Census Bureau, 1970* ^Wynn, Kark, unpublished questionnaire distributed at the First General Assembly of the World Future Society, 1971* 18*+

we discovered much to excite our interest and intellect, but little to encourage us relative to alternate racial futures. For those who did not attend the General Assembly, the following is the list of topics scheduled in formal sessions:

Teaching the Future Forecasting Techniques— Part I Work and Leisure Toward a Philosophy of Choice Population Growth and Environmental Policy New Worlds: A Positive Option for the Future A Critique of Future Studies International Dimensions Automation and Production World Challenges Report Goals and Values for Mankind Assembly Soap Box A Multo-Media "Classroom” Knowledge Transfer Workshop "City Model" Presentation Planning for Choice "Role of the Past in the Future" Manpower Session Deliberate Change and the Arts Bio-Medical Engineering Applied Futures Research Futures From Utopias Games Futurists Play City Building Systems Tomorrow's Health and Medicine Why Nothing Works the Way it Wants to Forecasting Techniques— Part II Man's Nature and Spirit Tomorrow's Public Services Planetary Essences I: Food, Fuel, People Personal Roles: Sex, Ethnic, Family Communications Planetary Essences II: World Parks— Miniecosystem Social Controls and Individual Freedoms Cybernation Futurist Roles Future of the Corporation's Consentives, The Post-Industrial Society Tomorrow's Education 185

Technology Assessment Urban Development & the Good Life Political Systems Politics of Keans Social Indicators Education in the Post-Industrial Society Alternatives for Business Where i s Science and F ic tio n Taking Us?

If the first 400 years of American History had been different,

if there had been no slavery, no Jim Crow Laws, no "For White Only"

signs, the above lis t would be acceptably complete. BUT, there was

slavery and Jim Crow Laws and there is still racial discrimination,

closed housing, niggerswopschinksbohunksetc., and if the racial

future is to be any different than the past the above list must

include specific racial topics. If you the reader are a bit

angered because you know race was mentioned because you were there,

etc...please keep reading, for the fact that racism was only

mentioned is why the authors even bothered to write this paper.

We all have a problem, and what are we going to do about it? There

is no question that race and related questions were discussed at the

convention; however, not one of the formal topics dealt with the topic that may well color much of the future until the millennium.

One pertinent question is why did not one of the authors of this

article present the topic. First, we thought of it, but too late

to get on the agenda. And second, as products and participants in

our society, vie did not think about it until someone pointed out our

lapse. We did take our topic to the 'Soapbox, the opportunity for 186

which we are appreciative, but we feel the topic of racism is too

important to disseminate only from a soapbox. The reality is, we suggest, that most Americans are not aware that, without thinking

about it at all, we are planning a white future.

Those of us who are avid readers enjoyed browsing at the book

table in the main convention area. Even Orwell's 198^ is about a white future. It would be an excellent and revealing exercise if each futurist would think back over the futures literature he or she has read in the past few years to see how much of it dealt specific­ ally with a bearable future for the 13$ of the American population who bear the title s of "darkie," '‘boy,11 "they,*1 or "them," etc.

Much has been written about racism, discrimination, and "them*. Vfe suggest that in the future, futures literature should increasingly

face the realities that minority peoples face in 1971 America when

cities, occupations, and life styles of the future are projected.

For example, we suggest white futurists may wish to read The

Strange Career of Jim Crow. The Mature of Prejudice. Before the

Mayflower, and The Autobiograuhy of Malcolm X» to get a flavor of what the authors of this article mean by "for whites only," and why a continuation of the past is not an acceptable future. One of the "events" at the First General Assembly of the World Future Society was that Lawrence Auls presented himself to each person he contacted as a man asking how futurists react to a black presence. 'Well over one hundred of the attending white futurists met Lawrence at the Soapbox, in various sessions, and on the assembly floor. When asked who he was, who he represented, Lawrence answered that he came as himself to see and to feel how futurists reacted to a black man openly stating and revealing his being; and further, he wanted to contact individuals who wanted to actively apply their futurist skills and techniques in a 2 j square mile real world setting inhabited by fifty-five thousand Americans...that is, are futurists "talkers" or "doers"? What was the white response? First, much polite surprise. Second, young participants, under age

35 generally, probed and questioned...wanted to learn more. Third, most futurists nodded, smiled, and withdrew. And Fourth, the lack of awareness and greater lack of resolution to act by white people caused Lawrence and Ken to ponder the possible consequences that a future for whites only is no future at all. Past experience tells us the very act of asking racial questions such as "Is the future for whites only?11 is to incur the wrath of many whites...which is one reason we must act, ask, and take that risk, for until we as planners for and shapers of the future are aware of this critical flaw in our social order, and until we act out of that awareness, there is little chance more viable humane futures will come to pass. We went, we saw, and we asked if the future is for whites only. The reader's reaction at this moment as these words are read may answer the question...for the consequences of a future for whites only will not be just a black out, it may be an All out... and that's a promise. BIBLIOGRAPHY

Baldwin, James, Going to Keet the Man. Dell Publishing Co., New York, 1966.

Clark, Kenneth B., Prejudice and Your Child. 2nd edition, Beacon Press, Boston, T9f>3* "

David, Jay, editor, Growing Up Black, Pocket Books, New York, 1968.

The Editors of Ebony, pie White Problem in America. Lancer Books, Inc., New York, 19

Elkius, Stanley M., Slavery, A Problem in American Institutional and Intellectual Lil'e, The Universal Library,~C-'rosset and Dunlap, New York, 1963*

Genet, Jean, The Blacks; a clown show. Grove Press, Inc., New York, 1960.

Grier, William H., M.D., and Price K. Cobbs, K.D., Black Rage, Bantam Books, New York, 1968.

Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders. Bantam Books, New York, 1968.

Schwartz, Barry N., and Robert Dish, White Racism, Its History. Pathology, and Practice. Dell Publishing Co., New York, 1970* Terry, Robert W., For Whites Only, William B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., Grand Rapids, Kichigan, 1970-

188