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I Am Falling Behind the Happenings
The Diary of Anatoly S. Chernyaev 1985 Donated by A.S. Chernyaev to The National Security Archive Translated by Anna Melyakova Edited by Svetlana Savranskaya http://www.nsarchive.org Translation © The National Security Archive, 2006 The Diary of Anatoly S. Chernyaev, 1985 http://www.nsarchive.org January 4th, 1985. I am falling behind the events. And they are bustling. Before the New Year’s I was distressed for Ponomarev:1 Kosolapov asked for permission to print in Communist the conclusion we wrote for B.N. [Ponomarev] for the eight-volume International Labor Movement. In response, he received instructions from Zimyanin2 to remove the footnote that it was the conclusion—let it, he says, be just an article... This is how Zimyanin now gives orders to B.N., being lower in rank than him! But something else is the most important—he reflects the “opinion” that it is not necessary to establish the connection (for many decades into the future) between Ponomarev and this fundamental publication in an official Party organ... That is, they are preparing our B.N. for the hearse. I think he will not survive the XXYII Congress; in any case not as CC [Central Committee] Secretary. At work, almost every day brings evidence of his helplessness. His main concern right now is to vindicate at least something of his self-imagined “halo” of the creator of the third (1961) Party Program. In no way can he reconcile himself to the fact that life has torn “his creation” to pieces. He blames everything on the intrigues of either Gorbachev3 or Chernenko4; but mainly on “the curly one” (this is how he calls Chernenko’s assistant Pechenev); and also in part on Aleksandrov5 and Zagladin.6 He complains to me, seeking in me somebody to talk to, a sympathizer. -
The Diary of Anatoly S. Chernyaev 1986
The Diary of Anatoly S. Chernyaev 1986 Donated by A.S. Chernyaev to The National Security Archive Translated by Anna Melyakova Edited by Svetlana Savranskaya http://www.nsarchive.org Translation © The National Security Archive, 2007 The Diary of Anatoly S. Chernyaev, 1986 http://www.nsarchive.org January 1st, 1986. At the department1 everyone wished each other to celebrate the New Year 1987 “in the same positions.” And it is true, at the last session of the CC (Central Committee) Secretariat on December 30th, five people were replaced: heads of CC departments, obkom [Oblast Committee] secretaries, heads of executive committees. The Politizdat2 director Belyaev was confirmed as editor of Soviet Culture. [Yegor] Ligachev3 addressed him as one would address a person, who is getting promoted and entrusted with a very crucial position. He said something like this: we hope that you will make the newspaper truly an organ of the Central Committee, that you won’t squander your time on petty matters, but will carry out state and party policies... In other words, culture and its most important control lever were entrusted to a Stalinist pain-in-the neck dullard. What is that supposed to mean? Menshikov’s case is also shocking to me. It is clear that he is a bastard in general. I was never favorably disposed to him; he was tacked on [to our team] without my approval. I had to treat him roughly to make sure no extraterritoriality and privileges were allowed in relation to other consultants, and even in relation to me (which could have been done through [Vadim] Zagladin,4 with whom they are dear friends). -
Political and Personal: Gorbachev, Thatcher and the End of the Cold War
45 Political and Personal: Gorbachev, Thatcher and the End of the Cold War Witness Remarks Andrei GRACHEV The “special relationship” between Mikhail Gorbachev and Margaret Thatcher un- doubtedly played an essential role in the process of rapprochement and the building of understanding between the new Soviet leadership and the leaders of the major Western powers. During the years of perestroika this singular mix of politics and personal chemistry originally came about as one of those accidents of history. The British Prime Minister was the only a major Western leader who had the chance to meet this untypical future Soviet General Secretary before he was elected officially to that post; a representative of the new political generation, it was still by no means certain that he would be chosen.1 For Gorbachev, it really was only by chance in late 1984 that Thatcher became his first top-level Western contact. Having succeeded Mikhail Suslov as chief ideol- ogist of the Politburo, he also inherited the role of Chairman of the Supreme Soviet Foreign Affairs Committee. It was largely accidental that this should have meant that he would lead a Supreme Soviet delegation to Britain. However, for Thatcher it was rather different. She was curious about Gorbachev and keen to meet him. Her interest had been aroused some time before, probably at the noted Chequers seminar on 8 September 1983 where Archie Brown pointed to him as a future General Secretary, describing him as an unusual Soviet political figure and certainly the most promising. According to the memoirs of Anatoly Chernyaev, who became Gorbachev’s prin- cipal assistant for international affairs (he remains the main source of first-hand in- formation about the development of this political “romance”), the story of the visit started quite prosaically at the end of September 1984. -
Thatcher Told Gorbachev Britain Did Not Want German Reunification
Thatcher told Gorbachev Britain did not want German reunification From the The Times, Michael Binyon. Translation of the documents and additional research by Sergei Cristo. Two months before the fall of the Berlin Wall, Margaret Thatcher told President Gorbachev that neither Britain nor Western Europe wanted the reunification of Germany and made clear that she wanted the Soviet leader to do what he could to stop it. In an extraordinary frank meeting with Mr Gorbachev in Moscow in 1989 — never before fully reported — Mrs Thatcher said the destabilisation of Eastern Europe and the breakdown of the Warsaw Pact were also not in the West’s interests. She noted the huge changes happening across Eastern Europe, but she insisted that the West would not push for its decommunisation. Nor would it do anything to risk the security of the Soviet Union. Even 20 years later, her remarks are likely to cause uproar. They are all the more explosive as she admitted that what she said was quite different from the West’s public pronouncements and official Nato communiqués. She told Mr Gorbachev that he should pay no attention to these. “We do not want a united Germany,” she said. “This would lead to a change to postwar borders, and we cannot allow that because such a development would undermine the stability of the whole international situation and could endanger our security.” Her hardline views emerge from a remarkable cache of official Kremlin records smuggled out of Moscow. After Mr Gorbachev left office in 1991, copies of the state archives went to his personal foundation in Moscow. -
The Transformation of Practices of Soviet Speechwriters from the Brezhnev Era to the Early Perestroika Period
Speechwriting als Beruf: The Transformation of Practices of Soviet Speechwriters from the Brezhnev Era to the Early Perestroika Period By Yana Kitaeva Submitted to Central European University Department of History In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts Supervisor: Alexander Astrov Second Reader: Marsha Siefert CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2019 Copyright Notice Copyright in the text of this thesis rests with the Author. Copies by any process, either in full or part, may be made only in accordance with the instructions given by the Author and lodged in the Central European Library. Details may be obtained from the librarian. This page must form a part of any such copies made. Further copies made in accordance with such instructions may not be made without the written permission of the Author. CEU eTD Collection ii Abstract The aim of this thesis is to offer a new perspective within the field of Soviet Subjectivity through the concept of the kollektiv proposed by Oleg Kharkhordin and applied to the case study of Soviet Secretary General‘s speechwriters from Brezhnev to Gorbachev. Namely, I examine the transformations in speechwriting practices of the kollektiv in the 1970s and 1980s. The kollektiv underwent a process of routinization in the early Brezhnev era, establishing a system of collective writing intended merely to transmit Party directives. This routine, which the contemporaries had described as numbing and uninspiring, had completely changed under Gorbachev. Practically, the routine of the speechwriting had become the continuous process of the creation of new ideas under the supervision of the Secretary General in the mid-1980s. -
The End of the Cold War
The End of the Cold War A CWIHP Document Reader Dear Conference Participants, We are pleased to present to you this document reader, intended to facilitate the discussion at the upcoming international conference on the End of the Cold War, in Paris, on June 15-17, 2006. The electronic reader contains of a collection of selected documents from US, Russian, and East European archives. This collection, compiled by the Cold War International History Project (CWIHP), is by no means comprehensive. In selecting the documents, we sought to include some of the most important materials available. The reader is organized chronologically. However, all documents have been tagged with the geographic coverage of the subject within the software provided with this CD. A note on the documents: as with all document collections, the availability of documentation vastly outstrips the resources available to our projects to obtain, copy, and catalogue the material. Many of the documents available here were obtained by the Cold War International History Project and the National Security Archive for the 1999 conference on the End of the Cold War held at the Mershon Center, Ohio State University. Many other documents were obtained through the efforts of CWIHP’s network of scholars, and have been published in the CWIHP Bulletin Nos. 12/13. Finally, additional documents were obtained from the National Security Archive, the State Department FOIA Reading Room, and the CIA’s FOIA Reading Room. Where possible, we have sought to include the archival source with all documents. For citation purposes, please feel free to cite the collection. We are also grateful to the National Security Archive for permission to use the Chronology compiled for that conference. -
Nato Nuclear Forces: Modernization and Arms Control
NATO NUCLEAR FORCES: MODERNIZATION AND ARMS CONTROL ISSUE BRIEF NUMBER IB81128 AUTHOR: Stanley R. Sloan Foreign Affairs and National Defense Division THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CONGRESSIONAL RESEARCH SERVICE MAJOR ISSUES SYSTEM DATE ORIGINATED 08/04/81 DATE UPDATED 01/24/83 FOR ADDITIONAL INFORMATION CALL 287-5700 0 125 CRS- 1 In December 1979, the United States and 12 NATO partners agreed to modernize NATO's theater nuclear forces by replacing existing Pershing I ballistic missiles with a more accurate and longer range Pershing I1 (P-11) while adding new ground launched cruise missiles. The deployment was seen as necessary to: (1) solidify the credibility of the U.S. nuclear guarantee to Europe; (2) respond to Soviet modernization of its theater nuclear forces; (3) replace obsolescent Western systems; and (4) provide bargaining leverage for negotiations with the Soviet Union. The decision was linked, technically and politically, to a commitment to attempt to deal with the threat posed by he new Soviet systems by negotiating limits on theater nuclear systems within the SALT framework. Developments since December 1979 have eroded the political base for the decision, and anti-nuclear sentiment in a number of European countries has called into question the original deployment plan. Furthermore, the P-I1 missile's test failures led the 97th Congress to deny procurement funds for the missile until its viability is demontrated. With deployment of the new NATO missiles scheduled to begin by the end of 1983, U.S.-Soviet negotiations in Geneva are in a critical phase. If negotiations do not move toward agreement, the ability of the West to deploy the new missiles could depend on whether the United States or the Soviet Union is viewed as responsible for the failure to reach agreement. -
Breakthrough to Freedom
The International Foundation for SocioEconomic and Political Studies (The Gorbachev Foundation) BREAKTHROUGH TO FREEDOM PERESTROIKA: A CRITICAL ANALYSIS R.VALENT PUBLISHERS 2009 Compiled by Viktor Kuvaldin, Professor, Doctor of History Executive Editor: Aleksandr Veber, CONTENTS Doctor of History Translation: Tatiana Belyak, Konstantin Petrenko To the Reader . .5 Page makeup: Viktoriya Kolesnichenko Art design: R.Valent Publishers PART I. Seven Years that Changed the Country and the World Publisher’s Acknowledgement: Special thanks to Mr. Mikhail Selivanov, Vadim Medvedev. Perestroika’s Chance of Success . .8 who helped make this book possible. Stephen F. Cohen. Was the Soviet System Reformable? . .22 ISBN 9785934392629 Archie Brown. Perestroika and the Five Transformations . .40 Aleksandr Galkin. The Place of Perestroika in the History of Russia . .58 Viktor Kuvaldin. Three Forks in the Road of Gorbachev’s Perestroika . .73 Breakthrough to Freedom. Perestroika: A Critical Analysis. Aleksandr Veber. Perestroika and International Social Democracy . .95 M., R.Valent Publishers, 2009, — 304 pages. Boris Slavin. Perestroika in the Mirror of Modern Interpretations . .111 Jack F. Matlock, Jr. Perestroika as Viewed from Washington, 19851991 . .126 Copyright © 2009 by the International PART II. Our Times and Ourselves Foundation for SocioEconomic and Political Studies (The Gorbachev Foundation) Aleksandr Nekipelov. Is It Easy to Catch a Black Cat in a Dark Room, Copyright © R.Valent Publishers Even If It Is There? . .144 All rights reserved. No part of this work may be reproduced in any form or by any means Oleg Bogomolov. A Turning Point in History: without written permission of the copyright Reflections of an EyeWitness . .152 holders. Nikolay Shmelev. Bloodshed Is Not Inevitable . -
Glasnost, Perestroika, and Religion: What Role for the Churches in Changing Soviet Society
Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe Volume 9 Issue 2 Article 1 4-1989 Glasnost, Perestroika, and Religion: What Role for the Churches in Changing Soviet Society Walter Sawatsy Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.georgefox.edu/ree Part of the Christianity Commons, and the Eastern European Studies Commons Recommended Citation Sawatsy, Walter (1989) "Glasnost, Perestroika, and Religion: What Role for the Churches in Changing Soviet Society," Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe: Vol. 9 : Iss. 2 , Article 1. Available at: https://digitalcommons.georgefox.edu/ree/vol9/iss2/1 This Article, Exploration, or Report is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ George Fox University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ George Fox University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. GLASNOST, PERESTROIKA, AND RELIGION What Role for the Churches in Changing Soviet Society?1 By Walter Sawatsky Dr. Walter Sawatsky {Mennonite Central Committee Canada Director of East/West Concerns) is a frequent contributor to� and a member of the editorial advisory board. In addition to a book on Soviet Evangelicals Since World War II {Scottdale PA: Herald Press, 1981) he was published numerous articles in books and journals on church and state in the Soviet Union, with special interests in Protestantism, legislation on religion and religious literature. His previous contributions in OPREE are in Vol. 4, No.2, Vol. 6, No. 4. Two Russian words have entered American English since March 11, 1985, when Mikhail Gorbachev became General Secretary: glasnost and perestroika. -
The Collapse of a Communist Giant: a Study of Party Unity in the Soviet Union
University of Mississippi eGrove Honors College (Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors Theses Honors College) Spring 5-8-2020 The Collapse of a Communist Giant: A Study of Party Unity in the Soviet Union Jillian Vice Follow this and additional works at: https://egrove.olemiss.edu/hon_thesis Part of the Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies Commons Recommended Citation Vice, Jillian, "The Collapse of a Communist Giant: A Study of Party Unity in the Soviet Union" (2020). Honors Theses. 1322. https://egrove.olemiss.edu/hon_thesis/1322 This Undergraduate Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Honors College (Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College) at eGrove. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of eGrove. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE COLLAPSE OF A COMMUNIST GIANT: A STUDY OF PARTY UNITY IN THE SOVIET UNION © 2020 By Jillian S. Vice A thesis presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for completion Of the Bachelor of Arts degree in International Studies Croft Institute for International Studies Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College The University of Mississippi University, Mississippi April 2020 Approved: ________________________ Advisor: Dr. Joshua First ________________________ Reader: Dr. William Schenck ________________________ Reader: Dr. Gang Guo ________________________ 1 Table of Contents List of Tables………………………………………………………………………………….…..3 Abstract…………………………………………………………...………………………………5 Introduction………………………………………………………………………………………5 Literature -
The Cold War and the Change in the Nature of Military Power
The Cold War and the Change in the Nature of Military Power by: Lee M. Peterson supervisor: Dr. Christopher Coker UMI Number: U615441 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615441 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 I SO 53 Abstract The fall of the Berlin Wall on November 9, 1989 was called by many observers of international affairs the end of the Cold War. However, fifteen years earlier, commentators such as Alistair Buchan had also declared the end of the Cold War. Was this just an premature error on Buchan's part or is there a link between the events of the early 1970s, which is referred to as the era of detente and those leading up to the collapse of the Berlin Wall? It is the intention of this thesis to argue that these periods are integrally related mainly by the fact that they were each periods when one of the two superpowers was forced to re evaluate their foreign policies. The re-evaluations were brought about by changes in the international arena, most importantly a change in the nature of military power. -
The Rise and Fall of the Cold War in Comparative Perspective
Copyright © British International Studies Association 1999 The rise and fall of the Cold War in comparative perspective RICHARD NED LEBOW Introduction Much of the discussion of the end of the Cold War starts from the premise that Gorbachev’s domestic reforms and foreign policy initiatives set in motion a process that radically transformed the nature of East-West relations. The emphasis on the Gorbachev period is natural enough given the consensus among Western and Russian scholars that Gorbachev’s domestic and foreign policies were the proximate cause of the end of the Cold War. The near exclusive focus on the causes and con- sequences of Gorbachev’s policies nevertheless frames the analytical puzzle too narrowly. The Cold War was not a static conflict that continued unchanged from its origins in the late 1940s to the advent of Gorbachev some forty years later. Gorbachev’s initiatives ushered in the terminal stage of a process of accommodation that had been underway, albeit with fits and starts, for several decades. The Gorbachev foreign policy revolution needs to be put into broader historical context. To understand why the Cold War ended peacefully, it also needs to be compared to other war-threatening rivalries. Some of these rivalries also ended in peaceful accommodations. What, if anything, does the Cold War share in common with these conflicts? Do they reveal patterns that could help us better understand the Cold War, its dénoument and its broader lessons for conflict prevention and management? I begin by describing the four generic explanations—structure, ideas, domestic politics and leaders—that have been advanced for the end of the Cold War.