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I Am Falling Behind the Happenings
The Diary of Anatoly S. Chernyaev 1985 Donated by A.S. Chernyaev to The National Security Archive Translated by Anna Melyakova Edited by Svetlana Savranskaya http://www.nsarchive.org Translation © The National Security Archive, 2006 The Diary of Anatoly S. Chernyaev, 1985 http://www.nsarchive.org January 4th, 1985. I am falling behind the events. And they are bustling. Before the New Year’s I was distressed for Ponomarev:1 Kosolapov asked for permission to print in Communist the conclusion we wrote for B.N. [Ponomarev] for the eight-volume International Labor Movement. In response, he received instructions from Zimyanin2 to remove the footnote that it was the conclusion—let it, he says, be just an article... This is how Zimyanin now gives orders to B.N., being lower in rank than him! But something else is the most important—he reflects the “opinion” that it is not necessary to establish the connection (for many decades into the future) between Ponomarev and this fundamental publication in an official Party organ... That is, they are preparing our B.N. for the hearse. I think he will not survive the XXYII Congress; in any case not as CC [Central Committee] Secretary. At work, almost every day brings evidence of his helplessness. His main concern right now is to vindicate at least something of his self-imagined “halo” of the creator of the third (1961) Party Program. In no way can he reconcile himself to the fact that life has torn “his creation” to pieces. He blames everything on the intrigues of either Gorbachev3 or Chernenko4; but mainly on “the curly one” (this is how he calls Chernenko’s assistant Pechenev); and also in part on Aleksandrov5 and Zagladin.6 He complains to me, seeking in me somebody to talk to, a sympathizer. -
The Diary of Anatoly S. Chernyaev 1986
The Diary of Anatoly S. Chernyaev 1986 Donated by A.S. Chernyaev to The National Security Archive Translated by Anna Melyakova Edited by Svetlana Savranskaya http://www.nsarchive.org Translation © The National Security Archive, 2007 The Diary of Anatoly S. Chernyaev, 1986 http://www.nsarchive.org January 1st, 1986. At the department1 everyone wished each other to celebrate the New Year 1987 “in the same positions.” And it is true, at the last session of the CC (Central Committee) Secretariat on December 30th, five people were replaced: heads of CC departments, obkom [Oblast Committee] secretaries, heads of executive committees. The Politizdat2 director Belyaev was confirmed as editor of Soviet Culture. [Yegor] Ligachev3 addressed him as one would address a person, who is getting promoted and entrusted with a very crucial position. He said something like this: we hope that you will make the newspaper truly an organ of the Central Committee, that you won’t squander your time on petty matters, but will carry out state and party policies... In other words, culture and its most important control lever were entrusted to a Stalinist pain-in-the neck dullard. What is that supposed to mean? Menshikov’s case is also shocking to me. It is clear that he is a bastard in general. I was never favorably disposed to him; he was tacked on [to our team] without my approval. I had to treat him roughly to make sure no extraterritoriality and privileges were allowed in relation to other consultants, and even in relation to me (which could have been done through [Vadim] Zagladin,4 with whom they are dear friends). -
The World of Andrei Sakharov: a Russian Physicist's Path to Freedom
The World of Andrei Sakharov: A Russian Physicist’s Path to Freedom Gennady Gorelik OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS The World of Andrei Sakharov This page intentionally left blank The World of ANDREI SAKHAROV A Russian Physicist’s Path to Freedom Gennady Gorelik with Antonina W. Bouis 1 2005 3 Oxford University Press, Inc., publishes works that further Oxford University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education. Oxford New York Auckland Cape Town Dar es Salaam Hong Kong Karachi Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Nairobi New Delhi Shanghai Taipei Toronto With offices in Argentina Austria Brazil Chile Czech Republic France Greece Guatemala Hungary Italy Japan Poland Portugal Singapore South Korea Switzerland Thailand Turkey Ukraine Vietnam Copyright © 2005 by Oxford University Press, Inc. Published by Oxford University Press, Inc., 198 Madison Avenue, New York, New York 10016 www.oup.com Oxford is a registered trademark of Oxford University Press All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of Oxford University Press. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Gorelik, G. E. (Gennadii Efimovich) [Andrei Sakharov. English] The world of Andrei Sakharov : a Russian physicist’s path to freedom / Gennady Gorelik with Antonina W. Bouis. p. cm Includes bibliographical references. ISBN-13 978-0-19-515620-1 ISBN 0-19-515620-X 1. Sakharov, Andreæ, 1921– 2. Physicists—Soviet Union—Biography. 3. Dissenters—Soviet Union—Biography. 4. Human rights workers—Russia (Federation)—Biography. 5. -
German Defeat/Red Victory: Change and Continuity in Western and Russian Accounts of June-December 1941
University of Wollongong Research Online University of Wollongong Thesis Collection 2017+ University of Wollongong Thesis Collections 2018 German Defeat/Red Victory: Change and Continuity in Western and Russian Accounts of June-December 1941 David Sutton University of Wollongong Follow this and additional works at: https://ro.uow.edu.au/theses1 University of Wollongong Copyright Warning You may print or download ONE copy of this document for the purpose of your own research or study. The University does not authorise you to copy, communicate or otherwise make available electronically to any other person any copyright material contained on this site. You are reminded of the following: This work is copyright. Apart from any use permitted under the Copyright Act 1968, no part of this work may be reproduced by any process, nor may any other exclusive right be exercised, without the permission of the author. Copyright owners are entitled to take legal action against persons who infringe their copyright. A reproduction of material that is protected by copyright may be a copyright infringement. A court may impose penalties and award damages in relation to offences and infringements relating to copyright material. Higher penalties may apply, and higher damages may be awarded, for offences and infringements involving the conversion of material into digital or electronic form. Unless otherwise indicated, the views expressed in this thesis are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of the University of Wollongong. Recommended Citation Sutton, David, German Defeat/Red Victory: Change and Continuity in Western and Russian Accounts of June-December 1941, Doctor of Philosophy thesis, School of Humanities and Social Inquiry, University of Wollongong, 2018. -
Political and Personal: Gorbachev, Thatcher and the End of the Cold War
45 Political and Personal: Gorbachev, Thatcher and the End of the Cold War Witness Remarks Andrei GRACHEV The “special relationship” between Mikhail Gorbachev and Margaret Thatcher un- doubtedly played an essential role in the process of rapprochement and the building of understanding between the new Soviet leadership and the leaders of the major Western powers. During the years of perestroika this singular mix of politics and personal chemistry originally came about as one of those accidents of history. The British Prime Minister was the only a major Western leader who had the chance to meet this untypical future Soviet General Secretary before he was elected officially to that post; a representative of the new political generation, it was still by no means certain that he would be chosen.1 For Gorbachev, it really was only by chance in late 1984 that Thatcher became his first top-level Western contact. Having succeeded Mikhail Suslov as chief ideol- ogist of the Politburo, he also inherited the role of Chairman of the Supreme Soviet Foreign Affairs Committee. It was largely accidental that this should have meant that he would lead a Supreme Soviet delegation to Britain. However, for Thatcher it was rather different. She was curious about Gorbachev and keen to meet him. Her interest had been aroused some time before, probably at the noted Chequers seminar on 8 September 1983 where Archie Brown pointed to him as a future General Secretary, describing him as an unusual Soviet political figure and certainly the most promising. According to the memoirs of Anatoly Chernyaev, who became Gorbachev’s prin- cipal assistant for international affairs (he remains the main source of first-hand in- formation about the development of this political “romance”), the story of the visit started quite prosaically at the end of September 1984. -
Thatcher Told Gorbachev Britain Did Not Want German Reunification
Thatcher told Gorbachev Britain did not want German reunification From the The Times, Michael Binyon. Translation of the documents and additional research by Sergei Cristo. Two months before the fall of the Berlin Wall, Margaret Thatcher told President Gorbachev that neither Britain nor Western Europe wanted the reunification of Germany and made clear that she wanted the Soviet leader to do what he could to stop it. In an extraordinary frank meeting with Mr Gorbachev in Moscow in 1989 — never before fully reported — Mrs Thatcher said the destabilisation of Eastern Europe and the breakdown of the Warsaw Pact were also not in the West’s interests. She noted the huge changes happening across Eastern Europe, but she insisted that the West would not push for its decommunisation. Nor would it do anything to risk the security of the Soviet Union. Even 20 years later, her remarks are likely to cause uproar. They are all the more explosive as she admitted that what she said was quite different from the West’s public pronouncements and official Nato communiqués. She told Mr Gorbachev that he should pay no attention to these. “We do not want a united Germany,” she said. “This would lead to a change to postwar borders, and we cannot allow that because such a development would undermine the stability of the whole international situation and could endanger our security.” Her hardline views emerge from a remarkable cache of official Kremlin records smuggled out of Moscow. After Mr Gorbachev left office in 1991, copies of the state archives went to his personal foundation in Moscow. -
The Transformation of Practices of Soviet Speechwriters from the Brezhnev Era to the Early Perestroika Period
Speechwriting als Beruf: The Transformation of Practices of Soviet Speechwriters from the Brezhnev Era to the Early Perestroika Period By Yana Kitaeva Submitted to Central European University Department of History In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts Supervisor: Alexander Astrov Second Reader: Marsha Siefert CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2019 Copyright Notice Copyright in the text of this thesis rests with the Author. Copies by any process, either in full or part, may be made only in accordance with the instructions given by the Author and lodged in the Central European Library. Details may be obtained from the librarian. This page must form a part of any such copies made. Further copies made in accordance with such instructions may not be made without the written permission of the Author. CEU eTD Collection ii Abstract The aim of this thesis is to offer a new perspective within the field of Soviet Subjectivity through the concept of the kollektiv proposed by Oleg Kharkhordin and applied to the case study of Soviet Secretary General‘s speechwriters from Brezhnev to Gorbachev. Namely, I examine the transformations in speechwriting practices of the kollektiv in the 1970s and 1980s. The kollektiv underwent a process of routinization in the early Brezhnev era, establishing a system of collective writing intended merely to transmit Party directives. This routine, which the contemporaries had described as numbing and uninspiring, had completely changed under Gorbachev. Practically, the routine of the speechwriting had become the continuous process of the creation of new ideas under the supervision of the Secretary General in the mid-1980s. -
The End of the Cold War
The End of the Cold War A CWIHP Document Reader Dear Conference Participants, We are pleased to present to you this document reader, intended to facilitate the discussion at the upcoming international conference on the End of the Cold War, in Paris, on June 15-17, 2006. The electronic reader contains of a collection of selected documents from US, Russian, and East European archives. This collection, compiled by the Cold War International History Project (CWIHP), is by no means comprehensive. In selecting the documents, we sought to include some of the most important materials available. The reader is organized chronologically. However, all documents have been tagged with the geographic coverage of the subject within the software provided with this CD. A note on the documents: as with all document collections, the availability of documentation vastly outstrips the resources available to our projects to obtain, copy, and catalogue the material. Many of the documents available here were obtained by the Cold War International History Project and the National Security Archive for the 1999 conference on the End of the Cold War held at the Mershon Center, Ohio State University. Many other documents were obtained through the efforts of CWIHP’s network of scholars, and have been published in the CWIHP Bulletin Nos. 12/13. Finally, additional documents were obtained from the National Security Archive, the State Department FOIA Reading Room, and the CIA’s FOIA Reading Room. Where possible, we have sought to include the archival source with all documents. For citation purposes, please feel free to cite the collection. We are also grateful to the National Security Archive for permission to use the Chronology compiled for that conference. -
Nato Nuclear Forces: Modernization and Arms Control
NATO NUCLEAR FORCES: MODERNIZATION AND ARMS CONTROL ISSUE BRIEF NUMBER IB81128 AUTHOR: Stanley R. Sloan Foreign Affairs and National Defense Division THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CONGRESSIONAL RESEARCH SERVICE MAJOR ISSUES SYSTEM DATE ORIGINATED 08/04/81 DATE UPDATED 01/24/83 FOR ADDITIONAL INFORMATION CALL 287-5700 0 125 CRS- 1 In December 1979, the United States and 12 NATO partners agreed to modernize NATO's theater nuclear forces by replacing existing Pershing I ballistic missiles with a more accurate and longer range Pershing I1 (P-11) while adding new ground launched cruise missiles. The deployment was seen as necessary to: (1) solidify the credibility of the U.S. nuclear guarantee to Europe; (2) respond to Soviet modernization of its theater nuclear forces; (3) replace obsolescent Western systems; and (4) provide bargaining leverage for negotiations with the Soviet Union. The decision was linked, technically and politically, to a commitment to attempt to deal with the threat posed by he new Soviet systems by negotiating limits on theater nuclear systems within the SALT framework. Developments since December 1979 have eroded the political base for the decision, and anti-nuclear sentiment in a number of European countries has called into question the original deployment plan. Furthermore, the P-I1 missile's test failures led the 97th Congress to deny procurement funds for the missile until its viability is demontrated. With deployment of the new NATO missiles scheduled to begin by the end of 1983, U.S.-Soviet negotiations in Geneva are in a critical phase. If negotiations do not move toward agreement, the ability of the West to deploy the new missiles could depend on whether the United States or the Soviet Union is viewed as responsible for the failure to reach agreement. -
Making the Russian Bomb from Stalin to Yeltsin
MAKING THE RUSSIAN BOMB FROM STALIN TO YELTSIN by Thomas B. Cochran Robert S. Norris and Oleg A. Bukharin A book by the Natural Resources Defense Council, Inc. Westview Press Boulder, San Francisco, Oxford Copyright Natural Resources Defense Council © 1995 Table of Contents List of Figures .................................................. List of Tables ................................................... Preface and Acknowledgements ..................................... CHAPTER ONE A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE SOVIET BOMB Russian and Soviet Nuclear Physics ............................... Towards the Atomic Bomb .......................................... Diverted by War ............................................. Full Speed Ahead ............................................ Establishment of the Test Site and the First Test ................ The Role of Espionage ............................................ Thermonuclear Weapons Developments ............................... Was Joe-4 a Hydrogen Bomb? .................................. Testing the Third Idea ...................................... Stalin's Death and the Reorganization of the Bomb Program ........ CHAPTER TWO AN OVERVIEW OF THE STOCKPILE AND COMPLEX The Nuclear Weapons Stockpile .................................... Ministry of Atomic Energy ........................................ The Nuclear Weapons Complex ...................................... Nuclear Weapon Design Laboratories ............................... Arzamas-16 .................................................. Chelyabinsk-70 -
David Sheldon Boone Charging Him with Selling the Security Apparatus
CHAPTER 2 INTRODUCTION In the early 1990s, the new Russian in the Leningrad KGB.1 Putin also quietly replaced counterintelligence service embarked on a mission fourteen presidential representatives in the regions to reclaim the former KGB’s internal security with former security offi cers. power, which had been diminished with the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991. A spate of press FSB director Patrushev said that, in 1999, his service articles in early 1996 by spokesmen for the Federal stopped the activities of 65 foreign individual Security Service (FSB) boasted the service’s role in offi cers and prevented 30 Russian citizens from protecting the state from foreign subversion. FSB passing secrets to foreign intelligence services. In offi cers noted that the service has the responsibility 1998, the FSB foiled the activities of 11 intelligence to monitor foreign astronauts at “Star City” and to offi cers and caught 19 Russian citizens attempting to prevent the emigration of Russian scientists. The sell classifi ed information to foreign secret services. FSB has also bragged about the arrest of Israeli, And in 1996, then-FSB chief Nikolai Kovalyov said Turkish, and North Korean spies and the expulsion the FSB had exposed 400 employees of foreign of a British businessman and an Israeli diplomat. intelligence services and 39 Russians working for The government moves against ecologists further them during the period 1994-96. revealed a resurgence of FSB internal power. The Sutyagin case follows the sentencing in Although there continues to be mutually benefi cial December 2000 of retired US Navy offi cer Edmund cooperation between Washington and Moscow, Pope to 20 years for spying. -
The Hydrogen Bomb
1 APRIL 2002 DRAFT: PLEASE DO NOT QUOTE OR CITE CHAPTER FOUR: THE HYDROGEN BOMB By David Holloway Origins It was the prospect of the uranium bomb that gave rise to the idea of the hydrogen bomb. In the years before World War II physicists had identified the nuclear fusion of light elements as the source of energy in the sun and the stars. Since fusion takes place only at temperatures of tens of millions of degrees, this research did not appear to have practical application.1 Early in 1942 Enrico Fermi speculated, in a conversation with Edward Teller, that a fission explosion could be used to initiate a thermonuclear reaction in a mass of deuterium, one of the isotopes of hydrogen. Fermi and Teller understood from the outset that the explosive yield of a fusion bomb could be made indefinitely large, depending only on the amount of thermonuclear fuel it contained. Teller went on to examine the idea of a thermonuclear bomb and in the summer of 1942 presented his preliminary ideas to the Berkeley conference on the physics of nuclear weapons. When Los Alamos was established in the spring of 1943, 2 work on the superbomb or Super (as the hydrogen bomb was known) was one of its main tasks.2 It soon became apparent, however, that the Super would be difficult to develop. Significant amounts of tritium – another, heavier, isotope of hydrogen – would be needed, but tritium occurs rarely in nature and is difficult and costly to produce. This lessened the promise of the hydrogen bomb as a wartime project.