A Postclassic Maya Obsidian Core Cache from Nojpeten
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Ashes to Caches: Is Dust Dust Among the Heterarchichal Maya?
West Chester University Digital Commons @ West Chester University Anthropology & Sociology Faculty Publications Anthropology & Sociology 6-2020 Ashes to Caches: Is Dust Dust Among the Heterarchichal Maya? Marshall Joseph Becker Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.wcupa.edu/anthrosoc_facpub Part of the Archaeological Anthropology Commons Volume 28, Issue 3 June 2020 Welcome to the “28 – year book” of The Codex. waxak k’atun jun tun hun Now in its 28th year, The Codex continues to publish materials of substance in the world of Pre-Columbian and Mesoamerican studies. We continue that tradition in this issue. This new issue of The Codex is arriving during a pandemic which has shut down all normal services in our state. Rather than let our members and subscribers down, we decided to go digital for this issue. And, by doing so, we NOTE FROM THE EDITOR 1 realized that we could go “large” by publishing Marshall Becker’s important paper on the ANNOUNCEMENTS 2 contents of caches in the Maya world wherein he calls for more investigation into supposedly SITE-SEEING: REPORTS FROM THE “empty” caches at Tikal and at other Maya sites. FIELD: ARCHAEOLOGY IN A GILDED AGE: THE UNIVERSITY OF Hattula Moholy-Nagy takes us back to an earlier PENNSYLVANIA MUSEUM’S TIKAL era in archaeology with her reminiscences of her PROJECT, 1956-1970 days at Tikal in the 1950s and 1960s. Lady by Sharp Tongue got her column in just before the Hattula Moholy-Nagy 3 shut-down happened, and she lets us in on some secrets in Lady K’abal Xook’s past at her GOSSIP COLUMN palace in Yaxchilan. -
Identifying Major Transitions in the Evolution of Lithic Cutting Edge Production Rates
RESEARCH ARTICLE Identifying Major Transitions in the Evolution of Lithic Cutting Edge Production Rates Antoine Muller*, Chris Clarkson School of Social Science, The University of Queensland, St Lucia, Queensland, Australia * [email protected] Abstract The notion that the evolution of core reduction strategies involved increasing efficiency in cutting edge production is prevalent in narratives of hominin technological evolution. Yet a number of studies comparing two different knapping technologies have found no significant differences in edge production. Using digital analysis methods we present an investigation a11111 of raw material efficiency in eight core technologies broadly representative of the long-term evolution of lithic technology. These are bipolar, multiplatform, discoidal, biface, Levallois, prismatic blade, punch blade and pressure blade production. Raw material efficiency is assessed by the ratio of cutting edge length to original core mass. We also examine which flake attributes contribute to maximising raw material efficiency, as well as compare the dif- ference between expert and intermediate knappers in terms of cutting edge produced per OPEN ACCESS gram of core. We identify a gradual increase in raw material efficiency over the broad sweep of lithic technological evolution. The results indicate that the most significant transition in effi- Citation: Muller A, Clarkson C (2016) Identifying Major Transitions in the Evolution of Lithic Cutting ciency likely took place with the introduction of small foliate biface, Levallois and prismatic Edge Production Rates. PLoS ONE 11(12): blade knapping, all introduced in the Middle Stone Age / Middle Palaeolithic among early e0167244. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0167244 Homo sapiens and Neanderthals. This suggests that no difference in raw material efficiency Editor: Roberto Macchiarelli, Universite de Poitiers, existed between these species. -
AND FOREIGN SIGNS in MAYA WRITING Erik Boot
LOANWORDS, “FOREIGN WORDS,” AND FOREIGN SIGNS IN MAYA WRITING Erik Boot Introduction The script now generally referred to as Maya writing had its origin in southeastern Mesoamerica, in an area encompassing the present coun- tries of Mexico (the states of Chiapas, Tabasco, Campeche, Yucatan, and Quintano Roo), Belize, Guatemala, and the western parts of Honduras and El Salvador. The earliest now known example of Maya writing dates from circa the fourth to second century bce and was discovered in April of 2005 at the site of San Bartolo, Guatemala (Saturno et al. 2006). Classic Maya writing (circa 250–1000 ce) represented the different Classic Mayan languages through a mixed writing system or script that contained both syllabograms and logograms, i.e., signs that rep- resented syllables (e.g., ’a, ba, ma) and complete words (e.g., K’IN, TUN, YOPAT).1 In total some 650 to 700 signs were developed. In 1 In this essay the following orthography will be employed: ’, a, b, ch, ch’, e, h, j, i, k, k’, l, m, n, o, p, p’, s, t, t’, tz, tz’, u, w, x, and y. In this orthography the /h/ represents a glottal aspirate or glottal voiced fricative (/h/ as in English “house”), while /j/ represents a velar aspirate or velar voiced fricative (/j/ as in Spanish “joya”) (Grube 2004a). In this essay there is no reconstruction of complex vowels based on disharmonic spellings (compare to Houston, Stuart & Robertson 1998 [2004] and Lacadena & Wichmann 2004, n.d.; for counter proposals see Kaufman 2003 and Boot 2004, 2005a). In the transcription of Maya hieroglyphic signs uppercase bold type face letters indicate logograms (e.g., TUN), while lowercase bold type face letters indicate syllabic signs (e.g., ba). -
COPYRIGHTED MATERIAL NOT for DISTRIBUTION Part I
CONTENTS List of Figures xiii List of Tables xvii Preface xix The Inevitable Note on Orthography xxiii Acknowledgments xxv PART I. CULTURAL AND ENVIRONMENTAL PERSPECTIves 3 1 COPYRIGHTEDINTRODUCTION: THE ITZA MAYAS MATERIAL AND THE PETÉN ITZA MAYAS, THEIR ENVIRONMENTS AND THEIR NEIGHBORS NOTPrudence FOR M. Rice DISTRIBUTIONand Don S. Rice 5 The Maya Lowlands: Environmental Perspectives 5 Who Were the Itzas? Etymological Perspectives 8 The Itzas of Petén 11 The Itzas of the Northern Lowlands and Their Allies 22 2 ITZAJ MAYA FROM A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE Charles Andrew Hofling 28 Yukateko versus Southern Yukatekan Language Varieties 31 Itzaj and Mopan 35 vii viii Contents Contact with Ch'olan Languages 35 Concluding Discussion 38 3 THE LAKE PETÉN ITZÁ WATERSHED: MODERN AND HISTORICAL ECOLOGY Mark Brenner 40 Geology and Modern Ecology 40 Modern Limnology 42 Lacustrine Flora and Fauna 45 Historical Ecology 46 Climate Change 50 Summary 53 PART II. THEORETicAL PERSPECTIVES ON THE EpicLASSic ITZAS: FACTIONS, MIGRATIONS, ORIGINS, AND TEXTs 55 4 THEORETICAL CONTEXTS Prudence M. Rice 59 Migration: Travel Tropes and Mobility Memes 59 Identities 65 Factions and Factionalism 67 Spatiality 70 5 ITZA ORIGINS: TEXTS, MYTHS, LEGENDS Prudence M. Rice 77 The Books of theChilam Balam 79 Some Previous Reconstructions of Itza Origins 88 COPYRIGHTEDConcluding Thoughts 93 MATERIAL NOT FOR DISTRIBUTION 6 LOWLAND MAYA EpiCLASSIC MIGRATIONS Prudence M. Rice 97 Western Lowlands 98 Southwestern Petén 101 Central Petén Lakes Region 102 Eastern Petén, Belize, and the Southeast 105 Northern Lowlands 106 Rethinking Epiclassic Migrations and the Itzas 109 Contents ix 7 EpiCLASSIC MATERIAL PERSPECTIVES ON THE ITZAS Prudence M. -
The Significance of Copper Bells in the Maya Lowlands from Their
The significance of Copper bells in the Maya Lowlands On the cover: 12 bells unearthed at Lamanai, including complete, flattened and miscast specimens. From Simmons and Shugar 2013: 141 The significance of Copper bells in the Maya Lowlands - from their appearance in the Late Terminal Classic period to the current day - Arthur Heimann Master Thesis S2468077 Prof. Dr. P.A.I.H. Degryse Archaeology of the Americas Leiden University, Faculty of Archaeology (1084TCTY-F-1920ARCH) Leiden, 16/12/2019 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................................... 5 1.1. Subject of The Thesis ................................................................................................................... 6 1.2. Research Question........................................................................................................................ 7 2. MAYA SOCIETY ........................................................................................................................... 10 2.1. Maya Geography.......................................................................................................................... 10 2.2. Maya Chronology ........................................................................................................................ 13 2.2.1. Preclassic ............................................................................................................................................................. 13 2.2.2. -
Cultural Evolution Next Factor in Drake Equation: F
Cultural Evolution Next Factor in Drake Equation: fc • fc: fraction of planets with intelligent life that develop a technological phase, during which there is a capability for and interest in interstellar communication • No significant biological evolution in last 40,000 to 100,000 years • Evolutionary Takeover – Cultural evolution instead of biological – Much shorter timescale 1 Concepts 1. Timescales 2. Origin of agriculture 3. Extra-somatic information storage 4. Tools, technology 5. Interactions: written language, cities, taxes, classes, technology 6. Interest in communication 7. World view evolution 8. Coupling between technology and world view Importance of farming • The rise of civilizations all based on farming • Understand origins of agriculture • How likely to arise? • Did it arise independently more than once? 2 Origin of Agriculture 10,000 years ago within 50-100 miles of Dead Sea Natufian culture - well built houses & signs of rank Harvested wild wheat, barley - used flint sickles, Stone mortars, and hunted Climate becomes hotter, drier Overcrowding, shortages led to need for food source favors annuals over perennials shorter cycle larger seeds in husks - easier to collect Save, plant, harvest Evidence: seeds in settlements of Natufians successors Mutant: fatter, adheres to husk better fi domestication, selection without forethought leads to rapid evolution of wheat and hunting decreases rapidly Domestication (and farmers?) spread northward at ~ 1 km/year Hole & McCorriston American Anthropology ~ April 1991 3 Agriculture leads to higher level political organization 4 Information Genes 1010 bits (or less) Brains 1014 bits 1400 cm3 in humans fl Extra-somatic information leads to communication: information passed between individuals. Allows societies to evolve. -
What Maya Collapse? Terminal Classic Variation in the Maya Lowlands
J Archaeol Res (2007) 15:329–377 DOI 10.1007/s10814-007-9015-x ORIGINAL PAPER What Maya Collapse? Terminal Classic Variation in the Maya Lowlands James J. Aimers Published online: 17 August 2007 Ó Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2007 Abstract Interest in the lowland Maya collapse is stronger than ever, and there are now hundreds of studies that focus on the era from approximately A.D. 750 to A.D. 1050. In the past, scholars have tended to generalize explanations of the collapse from individual sites and regions to the lowlands as a whole. More recent approaches stress the great diversity of changes that occurred across the lowlands during the Terminal Classic and Early Postclassic periods. Thus, there is now a consensus that Maya civilization as a whole did not collapse, although many zones did experience profound change. Keywords Maya Á Collapse Á Terminal Classic–Early Postclassic Introduction ‘‘Much has been published in recent years about the collapse of Maya civilization and its causes. It might be wise to preface this chapter with a simple statement that in my belief no such thing happened’’ (Andrews IV 1973, p. 243). More than three decades after Andrews made this statement, interest in the lowland Maya collapse is more intense than ever. Of the more than 400 books, chapters, or articles of which I am aware, over half were published in the last ten years. As always, speculation about the collapse follows contemporary trends (Wilk 1985), and widespread concern over war and the physical environment have made the lowland Maya into a cautionary tale for many (Diamond 2005; Gibson 2006; J. -
Prismatic Blade Production in the Lower Cacaulapa Valley, Honduras: Implications for a Late Classic Political Economy William J
Johnson County Community College ScholarSpace @ JCCC Anthropology Papers and Presentations Anthropology 12-2017 Prismatic Blade Production in the Lower Cacaulapa Valley, Honduras: Implications for a Late Classic Political Economy William J. McFarlane Johnson County Community College, [email protected] Edward M. Schortman Kenyon College Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarspace.jccc.edu/anthpp Part of the Archaeological Anthropology Commons Recommended Citation McFarlane, William J. and Schortman, Edward M., "Prismatic Blade Production in the Lower Cacaulapa Valley, Honduras: Implications for a Late Classic Political Economy" (2017). Anthropology Papers and Presentations. 5. https://scholarspace.jccc.edu/anthpp/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Anthropology at ScholarSpace @ JCCC. It has been accepted for inclusion in Anthropology Papers and Presentations by an authorized administrator of ScholarSpace @ JCCC. For more information, please contact [email protected]. PRISMATIC BLADE PRODUCTION IN THE LOWER CACAULAPA VALLEY, HONDURAS: IMPLICATIONS FOR A LATE CLASSIC POLITICAL ECONOMY William J. McFarlane and Edward M. Schortman Investigations of ancient political economies frequently focus on craft production. How manufacturing is organized can provide critical insights on more than the economy because social interactions and political processes are also involved. Here we consider how the acquisition, fabrication, and distribution of obsidian blades figured in the political strategies of craftworkers and elites within the Late Classic (AD 600–800) lower Cacaulapa Valley, northwestern Honduras. This evidence provides insights into the organization of craft manufacture across southeastern Mesoamerica and suggests that current models do not capture the varied production strategies that may be pursued within the same polity. -
Ohio Archaeologist Volume 37 No
OHIO ARCHAEOLOGIST VOLUME 37 NO. 3 FALL 1987 Published by THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF OHIO The Archaeological Society of Ohio TERM EXPIRESs A.SO. OFFICERS Back Issues President Maitha Potter Otto. Ohio Historical Society, Publications and back issues of the Ohio Archaeologist: Columbus, OH 43211-Tel, 614/297-2641; Ohio Flint Types, by Robert N Converse $ 5,00 Home 614/846-7640 Ohio Stone Tools, by Robert N. Converse $ 4 00 Vice-President Donald A Casto, 138 Ann Ct., Lancaster Ohio Slate Types, by Robert N Converse $10.00 The Glacial Kame Indians, by Robert N Converse $15 00 OH 43130-Tel 614/653-9477 Back issues —black and white —each $ 4 00 Exec Sec. Michael W Schoenfeld, 524 Sycamore Dr.. Back issues —lour full color plates -each $ 4 00 Pickenngton. OH 43147 -Tel 614/837-7088 Back issues of the Ohio Archaeologist printed prior to 1964 Treasurer Stephen J Parker, 1859 Frank Dr., Lancaster, are generally out of print but copies are available from time to OH43130-Tel 614 653-6642 time Write to business office for prices and availability Recording See Barbara Motts, 7050 Refugee Rd . Canal Winchester, OH 431 10-Tel 614/837-4862; ASO Chapters Bus 614 898-41 16 Ininied. Past Pres. Don Gehlbach, 3435 Sciotangy Dr., Aboriginal Explorers Club Columbus, OH 43221 -Tel, 614/459-0808; President: Mark Cline. 1127 Esther, Wellsville, OH 439 Bus 614/888-3572 Blue Jacket Editor Robert N Converse. 199 Converse Dr., Plain City, President: Phil Brandt. 6796 C.R 14, West Liberty, OH 43357 OH 43064 - Tel 614 873-5471 Cuyahoga Valley 1990 Stephen Puttera, Jr., 4696 Hillside Rd., Seven Hills, OH President: Bill Mitchell, 153 Sterling Ave,, Orrville, OH 44667 Meeting Place: Summit Lapidary Club, 244 Chestnut Blvd 44131 -Tel. -
Maya Medicine*
MAYA MEDICINE* by FRANCISCO GUERRA THE traditional dependence of the European historian on cultural patterns developed by Mediterranean civilizations tends to disregard pre-Columbian achievements in the New World. Our main cultural stream had its source around the 3rd millennium B.C. in the Nile, Euphrates and Indus valleys, when the oldest civilizations developed an agriculture based on artificial irrigation. Egyptians and Hindus worked metals, used beasts of burden and the plough, and established a system of writing; the Sumerians added to all these technical achievements the principle of the wheel. New World Civilizations In that far-off age the American Indians were still migrating southwards and establishing themselves in territories where domestication of maize became possible. To the three great American civilizations-Maya, Aztec and Inca- the wheel, the plough, iron implements, and the use of beasts of burden remained unknown until the arrival of the Europeans, although the Inca made limited use of the llama. A true system of writing going beyond pictographic representation was attained only by the Maya, but the Aztec reached the greatest military and political power without any such advances. Despite these technical limitations the pre-Columbian Americans could claim in a few instances some intellectual superiority over the Old World. The Maya possessed a philosophical outlook on life, a sense of balance, of architectural perfection and an unquestioned mathematical accomplishment which made them, so to speak, the Greeks of the New World. In the same way, the political enterprises of the Aztecs may be compared with those of the Romans; and carrying the simile a step farther we could find a parallel of agressiveness between Incas and Carthaginians. -
La Nueva Historia De La Puerta a Las Tierras Bajas: Descubrimientos Recientes Sobre La Interacción, Arqueología Y Epigrafía De Cancuen
Demarest, Arthur, Tomás Barrientos, Melanie Forné, Marc Wolf y Ronald Bishop 2008 La nueva historia de la puerta a las Tierras Bajas: Descubrimientos recientes sobre la interacción, arqueología y epigrafía de Cancuen. En XXI Simposio de Investigaciones Arqueológicas en Guatemala, 2007 (editado por J.P. Laporte, B. Arroyo y H. Mejía), pp.713-729. Museo Nacional de Arqueología y Etnología, Guatemala (versión digital). 44 LA NUEVA HISTORIA DE LA PUERTA A LAS TIERRAS BAJAS: DESCUBRIMIENTOS RECIENTES SOBRE LA INTERACCIÓN, ARQUEOLOGÍA Y EPIGRAFÍA DE CANCUEN Arthur Demarest Tomas Barrientos Melanie Forné Marc Wolf Ronald Bishop Proyecto Arqueológico Cancuen Palabras clave Arqueología Maya, Petén, río Pasión, patrón de asentamiento, Cancuen, El Raudal, Tres Islas, registro de sitios, ruta Altiplano-Tierras Bajas, gobernante Taj Chan Ahk Abstract THE NEW HISTORY OF THE GATEWAY TO THE LOWLANDS: RECENT DISCOVERIES ON THE INTERACTION, ARCHAEOLOGY, AND EPIGRAPHY AT CANCUEN Investigations at Cancuen have been a series of surprises. The general interpretations for exchange, production, alliances, and history at Cancuen have changed each year. Now we know that the site did not begin as a commercial center but as a small outpost. A century later it converted itself into a rich and important center due to the collapse of centers to the North. This work will describe the new evidence that Cancuen’s apogee was due to elite and artisan immigrants from the North, who combined forces with King Taj Chan Ahk in the wars, alliances, and workshop production of his kingdom. It seems that these elite immigrants also brought with them the disorder and chaos of the collapse of the kingdoms upriver. -
Chert Pressure Blade Technology in a Caracol Residential Group
8 ARTICULATING WITH THE BROADER ECONOMY: CHERT PRESSURE BLADE TECHNOLOGY IN A CARACOL RESIDENTIAL GROUP Lucas R. Martindale Johnson, Maureen Carpenter, Arlen F. Chase, and Diane Z. Chase Ancient Maya domestic economies were varied and complex systems that households depended on for material provisioning. At the site of Caracol, Belize during the Late Classic period (A.D. 550 A.D. – 900) crafters that performed domestic household activities provisioned both markets and households with stone tools and many crafted goods. A recent investigation of one of Caracol’s household groups has shown that lithic blade tools, or “drills,” were intensively produced for the crafting of non-lithic materials – probably shell and/or wood. These chert tools are similar to tools previously reported from Caracol; however, the reduction sequence to produce these tools resembles unidirectional and bidirectional pressure/indirect percussion core reduction used in the production of obsidian blades. We summarize the technological details of some 3,000 chert artifacts with specific attention to the ways in which the production of chert blade tools incorporated both pressure and percussion techniques. We conclude by discussing the implications of household domestic practices in lithic production that included obsidian blade production techniques. Introduction practice, or other related terms because Ancient Maya domestic economies can be reconstructing what households did with certain understood through analyses of household crafts, materials and seeing broader commonalities at crafting techniques, the location of crafting other residences serves as a proxy for how households, and the distribution of finished tools knowledgeable ancient households could interact and associated materials. More specifically, and learn to craft to continually provision the many archaeologists aim to reconstruct past broader economy in specific ways.