The Bar of Ukraine
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Anatolii P.Savkov Acting President of the National Academy for Public Administration Under the President of Ukraine
Anatolii P.Savkov Acting President of the National Academy for Public Administration under the President of Ukraine BIOGRAPHY Born on 27 January 1957 in the village Mazurivka, Chernivtsi raion, Vinnytsia oblast. In 1999 graduated from the Odesa branch of the Ukrainian Academy of Public Administration under the President of Ukraine (nowadays – Odesa Regional Institute for Public Administration of the National Academy for Public Administration under the President of Ukraine), in 1982 – Veterinary Faculty of the Odesa Agricultural Institute. In 2010 finished the doctoral dissertation in the Odesa Regional Institute for Public Administration of the National Academy for Public Administration under the President of Ukraine. Doctor of Sciences in Public Administration (2011). Doctoral dissertation “Public administration of election process in Ukraine: theoretical and methodological principles” was defended at the Specialized Academic Council of the Institute of Legislation of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. In 2020 was awarded the rank of professor. By the Resolution of the President of Ukraine of 21 April 2015 №455/2015-рп was appointed to a position of the First Vice President of the National Academy for Public Administration under the President of Ukraine. By the Decree of the President of Ukraine of 5 April 2019 №106/2019 was temporarily assigned as the Acting President of the National Academy for Public Administration under the President of Ukraine. Held the positions in public authorities: Chief Consultant of the Methodical Work Division -
Local and Regional Government in Ukraine and the Development of Cooperation Between Ukraine and the EU
Local and regional government in Ukraine and the development of cooperation between Ukraine and the EU The report was written by the Aston Centre for Europe - Aston University. It does not represent the official views of the Committee of the Regions. More information on the European Union and the Committee of the Regions is available on the internet at http://www.europa.eu and http://www.cor.europa.eu respectively. Catalogue number: QG-31-12-226-EN-N ISBN: 978-92-895-0627-4 DOI: 10.2863/59575 © European Union, 2011 Partial reproduction is allowed, provided that the source is explicitly mentioned Table of Contents 1 PART ONE .................................................................................................... 1 1.1 Introduction..................................................................................................... 1 1.2 Overview of local and regional government in Ukraine ................................ 3 1.3 Ukraine’s constitutional/legal frameworks for local and regional government 7 1.4 Competences of local and regional authorities............................................... 9 1.5 Electoral democracy at the local and regional level .....................................11 1.6 The extent and nature of fiscal decentralisation in Ukraine .........................15 1.7 The extent and nature of territorial reform ...................................................19 1.8 The politics of Ukrainian administrative reform plans.................................21 1.8.1 Position of ruling government ..................................................................22 -
Persecution of the Czech Minority in Ukraine at the Time of the Great Purge1
ARTICLES Persecution of the Czech Minority in Ukraine 8 Mečislav BORÁK at the Time of the Great Purge Persecution of the Czech Minority in Ukraine at the Time of the Great Purge1 prof. Mečislav BORÁK Abstract In its introduction, the study recalls the course of Czech emigration to Ukraine and the formation of the local Czech minority from the mid-19th century until the end of 1930s. Afterwards, it depicts the course of political persecution of the Czechs from the civil war to the mid-1930s and mentions the changes in Soviet national policy. It characterizes the course of the Great Purge in the years 1937–1938 on a national scale and its particularities in Ukraine, describes the genesis of the repressive mechanisms and their activities. In this context, it is focused on the NKVD’s national operations and the repression of the Czechs assigned to the Polish NKVD operation in the early spring of 1938. It analyses the illegal executions of more than 660 victims, which was roughly half of all Czechs and Czechoslovak citizens executed for political reasons in the former Soviet Union, both from time and territorial point of view, including the national or social-professional structure of the executed, roughly compared to Moscow. The general conclusions are illustrated on examples of repressive actions and their victims from the Kiev region, especially from Kiev, and Mykolajivka community, not far from the centre of the Vinnycko area, the most famous centre of Czech colonization in eastern Podolia. In detail, it analyses the most repressive action against the Czechs in Ukraine which took place in Zhytomyr where on 28 September 1938, eighty alleged conspirators were shot dead, including seventy-eight Czechs. -
One Ukraine Or Many? Regionalism in Ukraine and Its Political Consequences
Nationalities Papers, Vol. 32, No. 1, March 2004 One Ukraine or Many? Regionalism in Ukraine and Its Political Consequences Lowell W. Barrington & Erik S. Herron Intra-state regional differences are a central topic in the study of European and Eurasian politics. In Ukraine, regional differences have proven to be powerful predictors of mass attitudes and political behavior. But what does the “regional factor” in Ukrainian politics represent? Is it simply the result of compositional effects, or are the regional differences more than just a sum of other demographic factors correlated with geographic divisions? When analyzing regional divisions as an explanatory variable, what are the implications of employing different regional frameworks? In this article, we demonstrate how geographic divisions in the country hold up even when others factors—such as ethnicity and language use—are con- trolled for. As part of this inquiry, we compare the results of three competing regional frameworks for Ukraine: one with two regions, one with four regions and one with eight regions. While the eight-region framework is uncommon in studies of Ukraine, the decision to examine eight regions is supported by historical, economic and demographic arguments, as well as by the results of the statistical analyses presented in this article. Scholars who have focused on fewer regions in Ukraine may have underestimated the effects of regional differences and missed interesting stories about intra-state variation in Ukrainian attitudes and voting behavior. The results of this study carry important implications not only for the study of Ukraine but also for those interested in intra-state regional divisions across Europe and Eurasia. -
Preliminary Statement of the IRI International Observation Mission to Ukraine April 21, 2019 Presidential Election Run-Off | IRI
4/22/2019 Preliminary Statement of the IRI International Observation Mission to Ukraine April 21, 2019 Presidential Election Run-Off | IRI Preliminary Statement of the IRI International Observation Mission to Ukraine April 21, 2019 Presidential Election Run-Off APRIL 22, 2019 Overview of the Mission This preliminary statement is offered by the international observation mission of the International Republican Institute for the second round of Ukraine’s presidential election, which took place on April 21. It builds upon IRI’s observations of and ndings from the rst round of voting, which took place on March 31. As a result, the following should be treated as an addendum to the previous statement. Through this statement, IRI seeks to reect the international community’s interest in and support for democratic electoral processes in Ukraine, provide an accurate and impartial report on the electoral process to date, and offer recommendations to consolidate democratic gains and improve future elections. The statement builds upon observations made on Election Day by IRI’s delegation, the ndings of IRI’s long-term observers who deployed across Ukraine in early March, additional reports prepared by the National Democratic Institute (NDI) and other monitoring missions, and supplemental IRI monitoring efforts by its in-country staff. The 40-person mission for the second round was co-led by U.S. Representative John M. Shimkus and IRI Board Member and former Assistant Secretary of State David J. Kramer. The mission included 28 short-term and 12 long-term observers. The areas of responsibility for IRI’s long-term observers were the regions (oblasts) of Volyn and Lviv; Zakarpattia; Odesa; Kherson and Mykolaiv; Zaporizhzhia; and Donetsk and Luhansk. -
Constitution of Ukraine
Strasbourg, 13 March 2014 CDL-REF(2014)012 Eng.only Opinion 762 / 2014 EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW (VENICE COMMISSION) CONSTITUTION OF UKRAINE Text provided by the Ukrainian authorities on 13 March 2014 This document will not be distributed at the meeting. Please bring this copy. www.venice.coe.int 2 CDL-REF(2014)012 CONSTITUTION OF UKRAINE Amended by the Law of Ukraine № 2222-VI dated 08.12.2004, the Law № 2952-VI dated 01.02.2011, the Law № 586-VII dated 19.09.2013, and the Law № 742-VII dated 21.02.2014 The Law of Ukraine № 2222-VI dated 08.12.2004 is recognized as such that does not correspond to the Constitution of Ukraine (is unconstitutional), in accordance with the Decision the Constitutional Court of Ukraine № 20-рп/2010 dated 30.09.2010 due to infringement of the constitutional procedure of its consideration and adoption The provisions of the Constitution of Ukraine adopted at the fifth session of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine on 28.06.1996, with amendments and attachments, contributed by the Laws of Ukraine № 2222-VI dated 08.12.2004, № 2952-VI dated 01.02.2011, № 586-VII dated 19.09.2013, are recognized to be in force at the territory of Ukraine in accordance with the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine Decree № 750-VII dated 22.02.2014 The Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, on behalf of the Ukrainian people - citizens of Ukraine of all ethnicities, expressing the sovereign will of the people, based on the centuries-old history of Ukrainian state-building and on the right to self- determination realized by the Ukrainian nation, -
Vinnytsia Region
2 VINNYTSIA REGION KEY FACTS Vinnytsia 2 km Kyiv 212 km VINNYTSIA Warsaw 616 km Beijing Istanbul 6 663 km 883 km Chisinau Frankfurt am Main Paris Amsterdam 332 km 1430 km 1 887 km 1 702 km Przemysl Berlin 638 km Vienn Prague 1 330 km 1 055 km 1 142 km Lviv 363 km Odesa Rotterdam 430 km 1 950 km Warsaw Hamburg 806 km Varna Gdansk 1 580 km 952 km 1 083 km 26.513 thousand km2 1.546 million 4.39% of the territory of Ukraine people 52.1 thousand students of higher educational institutions 6 rayons 63 territorial communities 11.4 thousand vocational students ineВ (high) investment efficiency rating in 2019 706.0 thousand working age people 3 Transport and Logistics Ranked #1 Criss-crossing trade in Ukraine by routes – well-developed the Transitivity Ratio transportation network Kyiv Zhytomyr E95 Lviv E40 Ternopil E50 Khmelnytsky Vinnytsia Dnipro E583 E50 Mariupol Uzhhorod Mykolaiv E40 Odesa Railway connection Existing motorways E40 Dunkirk – Brussels – Dresden – Krakow – Kyiv – Volgograd E95 St. Petersburg – Gomel – Kyiv – Samsun European road routes: The biggest freight E50 Brest – Prague – Kosice – Vinnytsia – Makhachkala railway stations: Vinnytsia, Zhmerynka, E583 Roman – Balti – Vinnytsia – Zhytomyr Koziatyn, Vapniarka 4 Road density – 339 km per 1,000 km2 – is one of the highest in Ukraine The railway network of the region includes an operating route length of 1,124 km, connecting all the main industrial centers of the region with cities in Ukraine, Asia, and Europe Vinnytsia International Airport is located just 2 km from the city with a passenger turnover of 400 people per hour and existing regular international flights Vinnytsia Region has a favorable transport location, In the mid-term, it is planned to construct Gdansk- which provides additional opportunities for Odessa highway connecting two countries strengthening international connections. -
The Conflict Over the Autocephaly of Ukrainian Orthodoxy As an Element of the Hybrid War, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 18(2020), Z
T. Szyszlak, The conflict over the autocephaly of Ukrainian Orthodoxy as an element of the hybrid war, „Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej” 18(2020), z. 3, s. 49-71, DOI: https://doi.org/10.36874/RIESW.2020.3.3. Tomasz Szyszlak* The conflict over the autocephaly of Ukrainian Orthodoxy as an element of the hybrid war Konflikt wokół autokefalii ukraińskiego prawosławia jako element wojny hybrydowej Abstract: The issue of the autocephaly of Ukrainian Orthodoxy has once again demonstrated that the concept of atheism and the fight against reli- gion propagated by the communists did not bring the expected results. On the contrary, religion has become a factor that connects societies in the re- publics of the former USSR with the former metropolis, especially for Slavic and Orthodox populations. It should not come as a surprise, therefore, that the problem of the autocephaly of Ukrainian Orthodoxy has been exploited in the current Russian-Ukrainian dispute, described as a post-imperial hybrid war. The aim of this article is to show how both sides of the conflict are using the issue of the autocephaly of Ukrainian Orthodoxy. Keywords: Orthodox Church of Ukraine, autocephaly, tomos, post-imperial hybrid war, Russia, Ukraine Streszczenie: Kwestia autokefalii ukraińskiego prawosławia po raz kolejny pokazała, że propagowana przez komunistów koncepcja ateizmu i walki z religią nie przyniosła w perspektywie takich rezultatów, jakich oczekiwano. Odwrotnie – religia stała się czynnikiem integrującym społeczeństwa republik byłego ZSRR z dawną metropolią, a uwaga ta dotyczy zwłaszcza ludności sło- wiańskiej i prawosławnej. Nie powinno zatem dziwić, że problem autokefalii ukraińskiego prawosławia został wykorzystany w aktualnym sporze rosyjsko- -ukraińskim, określanym jako postimperialna wojna hybrydowa. -
Khmelnytskyi Investment Profile
Khmelnytskyi Investment Profile 2019 Table of Contents About Khmelnytskyi Economics and Key Sectors Business Environment Why Khmelnytskyi? Infrastructure Trade and Services Doing Business Summary Economic Data Garment Industry Industrial Park Key Facts Railway Transport Food Processing Local Taxes and Fees Geopolitical Profile Road Transport Construction Trading and Office of the City Centers Municipal Public Industries and Logistics Transport Event and Exhibition BPO / SSC / IT sector Facilities Investments Success Stories Standard of Living Labour Market Other Relevant in Khmelnytskyi and Education Information Quality of Life Labour Market Interesting Facts Municipal Services Education about Khmelnytskyi Annual Key Events Transportation Universities in Khmelnytskyi Cost of Living Achievements Municipal Institutions 2 3 About Khmelnytskyi Photo: Oleksandr Savenko Why Khmelnytskyi? Strategic Qualified The most The largest Vivid geographical labour force affordable trading center cultural location housing in Western life market Ukraine 6 7 Summary Key Facts Transit Routs Area Khmelnytskyi is a marketplace for innovation and opportunity. The city is one of the best Time zone UTC +2 Gdansk places for doing business in Ukraine, which has Climate Temperate continental dynamic development, progressive views and Accessibility By train — from Poland, Slovakia, the safest city foresight of its residents. According to Focus Kyiv Romania, Bulgaria and Russia. in Ukraine Rava-Ruska magazine Khmelnytskyi was recognized as one Lviv By bus — from more than 100 Pshemysl of the most comfortable cities in Ukraine – it got European cities. second place (after Kyiv) and was ranked first in the Transparency and financial health of cities Population (2019) 273,700 Kropyvnytskyi Dnipro Chop and regions in Ukraine survey conducted by the The average monthly gross ₴ 8,513 / € 288 Chernivtsi International Center for Policy Studies in 2019. -
Ukraine: Country Perspective on C/S Rates
UKRAINE’S EXPERIENCE WITH CAESAREAN SECTIONS: RATES AND INDICATIONS ccording to official statistics the Table 1. Contribution of each C/S indicator to the overall C/S rate in the Donetsk caesarean section (C/S) rate in Region, Ukraine, 2010 and 2012 (aggregated data from 44 maternities). Ukraine increased from 9.2% A Indications for C/S C/S rate by different indications in 1998 to 16.5% in 2012 (1), although according to per total number of deliveries and total C/S this varies across maternities and regions nationally agreed of the country. The Donetsk Region of protocol 2010 (n=41 253) 2012 (n=43 071) Ukraine, with a population of 4.7 million, % of all % of % of all % of has a C/S rate that is higher than the rest N deliveries all C/S N deliveries all C/S of the country. In 2010 there were 41235 deliveries in the Region, with a C/S rate Obstruction for vaginal 486 1.18 6.80 123 0.29 1.61 delivery (pelvic, tissue, of 17.3% and in 2012 there were 43071 tumor) deliveries and the CS rate was 17.7%. Although this C/S rate does not greatly Uterine scar 1559 3.78 21.80 1932 4.49 25.41 exceed the rates recommended by the (previous C/S) WHO of 10-15% (2), we felt that it was Placenta previa/ 595 1.44 8.32 542 1.26 7.13 important to understand the factors as- Placenta abruption sociated with C/S in the Region. Severe preeclampsia 388 0.95 5.43 322 0.75 4.23 Our study had 2 parts. -
Ukraine Scenario 1) Background A. Donetsk and Luhansk Are Rebel
Ukraine Scenario 1) Background a. Donetsk and Luhansk are rebel-held parts of Ukraine, and have been since 2014. The regions have ethnic Russian majorities and rebelled over attempts to ban Russian as an official language and curtail trade across the Russian border. Many of the rebels advocate secession. b. Ukraine’s state power company claimed the regions were some $431 million in debt over non- payment of bills. Russia says that they will be providing power through pre-existing lines effective immediately to avoid loss of electricity to some 3 million people in the effected areas. c. The decision by the Ukrainian government to cut power to the region appears to be an attempt to put pressure on the secessionist movement, though ironically by forcing them to turn to Russia for electricity, they may further enhance the region’s link to the Russian Federation. Source: “Russia to Supply Electricity to Eastern Ukraine After Kiev Cuts Power: Ukraine Says Regions Weren't Paying Their Bills,” Jason Ditz, Posted on April 25, Anti-War.com website: https://news.antiwar.com 2) Context a. Areas in Eastern Ukraine (Donbas Region) have had power cut by pro-Ukrainian (Kiev Government) groups that control the highest capacity power generation stations in the country. These are the 4 operational nuclear power stations in western Ukraine which includes the Zaporizhia Nuclear Power Station, the largest nuclear power plant in Europe generating 6,000 MW. This leaves the Russian controlled areas with a small number of lower capacity coal generation facilities to power the Donbas region with additional power provided by Russian power plants to support the area. -
Serhii Plokhy Mapping the Great Famine One of the Most Insightful
Serhii Plokhy Mapping the Great Famine One of the most insightful and moving eyewitness accounts of the Holodomor, or the Great Ukrainian Famine of 1932–33, was written by Oleksandra Radchenko, a teacher in the Kharkiv region of Ukraine. In her diary, which was confiscated by Stalin’s secret police and landed the author in the Gulag for ten long years, the 36-year-old teacher recorded not only what she saw around her but also what she thought about the tragedy unfolding before her eyes. “I am so afraid of hunger; I’m afraid for the children,” wrote Radchenko, who had three young daughters, in February 1932. “May God protect us and have mercy on us. It would not be so offensive if it were due to a bad harvest, but they have taken away the grain and created an artificial famine.” That year she wrote about the starvation and suffering of her neighbors and acquaintances but recorded no deaths from hunger. It all changed in January 1933, when she encountered the first corpse of a famine victim on the road leading to her home. By the spring of 1933, she was regularly reporting mass deaths from starvation. “People are dying,” wrote Radchenko in her entry for May 16, 1933, “…they say that whole villages have died in southern Ukraine.”1 Was Radchenko’s story unique? Did people all over Ukraine indeed suffer from starvation in 1932 and then start dying en masse in 1933? Which areas of Ukraine were most affected? Was there a north-south divide, as the diary suggests, and, if so, did people suffer (and die) more in the south than in the north? Were there more deaths in the villages than in towns and cities? Were small towns affected? Did ethnicity matter? These are the core questions that Mapa, the Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute’s Digital Map of Ukraine Project is attempting to answer by developing a Geographic Information System (GIS)-based Digital Atlas of the Holodomor.