Vol. 2 No.

REPORTDecember 1986 A Luta Continua

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REPORT December 1986

Contents

Editorial A Luta Continua ......

Remembering Samora Machel ...... People Who Lost Their Lives in the Crash Aquino de Braganqa ...... Fernando Honwana ...... Southern Africa A Photo Essay ...... REPORT The Funeral: "A People Cannot Bid Farewell to its Own History" is produced 5 times a year by a vol unteer collective of the Toronto Com Mozambique: mittee for the Liberation of Southern What is South Africa's Strategy? ...... Africa (TCLSAC), 427 Bloor St. W. Mozambique's Agricultural Crisis: Toronto, M5S 1X7 A Second Look ...... Tel. (416) 967-5562 Constructive Disinvestment or Deceptive Engagement? Submissions, suggestions and help 21 with production are welcome and in Red Baiting in America ...... S24 vited. S.A. Notebook: Subscriptions Malawi and the MNR ...... 26

Annual TCLSAC membership and Reviews: Southern Africa Report subscription South Africa as a Neighbour . rates are as follows: . . . . 27 States of Grace ...... 28 SUBSCRIPTION: Individual ...... $15.00 Institution ...... $30.00

MEMBERSHIP: (includes subscription) Regular (Canada) $30.00 S. A. R. Collective Unemployed Student • • • $15.00 Jonathan Barker, Nancy Barker, Claudette Chase, Senior David Galbraith, Linda Guebert, Jo Lee, Judith Marshall, $50.00 Otto Roesch, John S. Saul, Heather Speers, Esther Vise, Sustainer . to Joe Vise, Jonathan Vise, Mary Vise $200.00 Overseas add $5.00 Cover design by Art Work

Printed by Union Labour at Action Print Chissano A Luta Continua President Joaquim

This is not the issue of Southern (one of them being present, in fact, the funeral in Maputo, the pho Africa REPORT we had originally on the occasion when local fascists tographs, Samora's own words, all intended, but grim circumstances attempted to break up our meeting speak for themselves. However, the air crash that killed Mozambican at the University of Toronto's Med Robert Davies' article reminds us President Samora Machel - were to ical Sciences Auditorium by physi of the grisly context which frames shape its content for us. Some read cal force). As John Saul also notes, the President's death. Ie begins ers will rermember that the Toronto a TCLPAC delegation was invited, to suggest the host of suspicious Committee for the Liberation of in 1975, to "represent the Cana circumstance which surrounds the Southern Africa (TCLSAC) began dian people" at the independence crash itself and, indeed, more might life in 1972 as the Toronto Commit celebrations in Mozambique. Also, have been written in these pages tee for the Liberation of Portugal's many TCLPAC/TCLSAC members about the various suspect activi African Colonies (TCLPAC) and, as were soon to be found working as co ties of the South African authorities John Saul reminds us elsewhere in operantes in Mozambique itself for at the time and about the aggres these pages, TCLPAC's links with shorter or longer periods of time. sive "disinformation" campaign they Frelimo and the Mozambican rev Small wonder that the death of have mounted since in order, appar olution were close from the start. Samora Machel - and of those of ently, to muddy the waters which Our first major fund-raising effort, his colleagues who were with him on swirl around that event. Perhaps in in 1973, was to purchase a truck for that fatal flight and whose deaths some future issue we can try to pull Frelimo to help facilitate the move these pages also mark - came as together some balance sheet of the ment's activities in southern Tan such a shock to us, demanding some evidence. For if, as many suspect, zania, just behind the front lines attempt at adequate response even South Africa has Samora Machel's of the operational zone in northern as we reeled in shock and horror. blood on its hands, it would be well Mozambique. Twice in the years We are grateful to those who have to expose that fact as clearly as pos before victory over Portuguese colo helped us to put together this issue sible. nialism, senior Frelimo officials ad at such short and tragic notice. At another level, however, such dressed large gatherings at our "Cin The several eulogies we have in a discussion - much of it neces ema of Solidarity" series in Toronto cluded, the first-hand account of sarily speculative, even sensation-

december 1986 Southern Africa REPORT december 1986 stride alist - is less important than al verted to the war effort. But of short, no break in Frelimo's lowing the momentary global fo course it is precisely such a diversion in Mozambique, for all that the loss energy cus on Mozambique to highlight of Frelimo's energies from the devel of a man of such boundless just how much Mozambican blood opment effort that is South Africa's and intellectual creativity as Samora South Africa (and its surrogate principal war aim. Machel must, self-evidently, be a wrecking-group Renamo, operat costly one. ing on the ground inside Mozam A luta continua, the struggle The new president has embraced bique) already has on its hands. continues - Frelimo's watchword, a unequivocally the unwelcome neces Thus, the main thrust of Davies' phrase worn somewhat thin through sity, in his words, to "continue with article is to draw out the brutal repetition but still true, perhaps war in order to finish with war," to and cynical premises which have un now more than ever. Even while struggle for "the complete elimina derpinned South Africa's strategy our own Maclean's, in a singu tion of banditry," fully aware that towards Mozambique to date and larly misinformed news article, spec Renamo's "banditry is an integral which continue to form the rele ulated about a "succession strug part of the regional destabilization vant policy debate in Pretoria at gle" in Mozambique, the Frelimo carried out by the South African present: whether merely to destroy leadership team held firm, elevat apartheid regime." He describes this the viability of Mozambique's econ ing from their number Joaquim banditry as "one of the instruments omy and polity, the better to nar Chissano as Samora Machel's suc through which the Pretoria regime row Frelimo's own policy options, cessor. For those with any knowl and its most backward and bellicose or actually to attempt to overthrow edge of Mozambique he was virtu elements are trying to maintain their the Frelimo government itself! Con ally the inevitable choice. A stu grip over the countries of southern sider too Otto Roesch's first-hand, dent activist in Mozambique in the Africa." Moreover, even as Frelimo grassroots account in this issue of 1950's, central to the undertakings works "to restore peace and tran Mozambique's struggle to find an of Frelimo operating from Tanzania quility to all citizens," it will "pro effective agricultural policy. As in the 1960's, the key political ac ceed with the recovery of our econ Roesch documents, there has been tor on the ground inside Mozam omy," linking the needs of the coun much trial and error in this sector, bique during the tense period of the try's defense and the economy "so much compromise and conflict. Yet transitional government which Fre that the economy may support the how important it is that Mozam limo mounted jointly with Portu war against the bandit gangs, and bique's agrarian debate has been gal's Armed Forces Movement from so that the defense effort may create carried out within the context of the September, 1974, to Independence the necessary security for economic destabilization South Africa has in Day, June, 1975, Foreign Minister activity." By this route too, he em flicted on the country. How diffi and key Political Bureau member phasized, "we will reach socialism, cult to move forward with any kind ever since, Chissano brings great because all our people want social of development effort when person competence and a wealth of expe ism!" nel, resources, attention must be di- rience to the job. There seems, in A luta continua? Indeed. How crucially important then, that like President Chissano those of us com mitted to a brighter future for Mozambique turn our grief into pos itive energy, that we turn our anger into renewed support for the ef forts of Mozambicans and others in southern Africa to survive, to stave off and eventually to over throw the callous apartheid regime which qualifies so much of the re gion's promise, to realize, slowly but surely, their own development goals. Fourteen years ago Samora Machel quite specifically asked Canadians to join the Mozambican struggle. Shouldn't his death concentrate our minds, refocus out attention? Can we not rededicate ourselves to that President Machel with Canadian cooperantes in Mozambique task? A luta continua, yes.

2 december 1986 Southern Africa REPORT Remembering . . . .

Samora Machel

BY JOHN S. SAUL ans, and John Saul, York University immediately suspect the South Professor and member of the Toronto Africans of having Several hundred people gathered in helped to engi Committee for the Liberation of South neer it Trinity/St. Paul's Church in Toronto is itself no accident. For ern Africa (TCLSAC) was asked to on Friday, October 24, for a commem such an act would be perfectly con speak on their behalf. This abbreviated orative ceremony to mark the pass sistent with South Africa's brutal version of his remarks ing of Samora Machel, President of also appeared in record of aggression, assassination the Toronto weekly NOW. Mozambique. The Tanzanian High and destabilization. Indeed, Samora Commissioner to Canada, Mr. Fer We may never know the true Machel's own country has been one nand Ruhinda, was a featured speaker circumstances surrounding the air of the principle targets of such South and messages of condolence were pre crash which killed Mozambique's African activities. sented by a wide range of Toronto president, Samora Machel. Acci A man of astonishing energy and based groups. Samora Machel had dents do happen, after all. Yet the intelligence, Machel played the key touched the lives of many Torontoni- fact that so many observers could role in spearheading Mozambique's

Southern Africa REPORT december 1986 most Canadians their knowledge of 10 year war against the armed might abroad. Equally I mourn for his country, bereft now of his leadership it is at point zero. You must try to of Portuguese colonialism. Then, something about that when you in 1975, Machel and bereft, as well, of so much of the do with independence return home." and his Front for the Liberation of rich promise of its hard-earned liber Mozambique (Frelimo) turned to the ation. I contrast the high hopes of It was not an order exactly, yet I even more daunting task of launch Independence Day in 1975 with the could literally feel his will galvaniz ing a popularly-based development grim reality I witnessed when I re ing me into action, communicating effort along socialist lines. turned to Mozambique last year for to me personally the kind of drive the 101h anniversary of that inde and purpose I have seen him commu Under the best of circumstances pendence. nicate to Mozambicans, singly and this would have proven a difficult in large gatherings, both before and enough task, given the grim inher And I echo the thought that Samora himself shared with me on since that day. It was no accident itance left to Mozambique by Portu that on my return to Canada I would gal. But even more significant have that last occasion when we spoke together: as long as South Africa's soon find myself working with oth been the attacks from outside, most ers to launch the Toronto Commit importantly South African spon apartheid state straddles the region, club in hand, the promise opened tee for the Liberation of Portugal's sorship of a counter-revolutionary African Colonies, TCLPAC (later to to up by the ending of colonialism in movement which it has continued become the Toronto Committee for supply and orchestrate right up to Mozambique will never be fully real ized. This is one more good reason the Liberation of Southern Africa, the present - and in spite of the TCLSAC). peace treaty between the two coun why Canadians must support what tries signed at Nkomati in 1984. ever needs to be done to bring down I think it fair to say that South Africa's cancerous system. TCLPAC was successful in realiz Machel and his colleagues did * * * ing some of the goals Machel wished make errors of their own. But for us. Certainly, too, the power they also demonstrated a marked Surely one of the most galling of his personality - though he never capacity, over the years, for reflec things about the general run of me did visit Canada himself - has con tion and self-criticism, an ability dia coverage of Samora Machel's tinued right up to the present to to rethink many of their premises. death this past week has been the have an impact on Canadians who Unfortunately, South Africa's unre sudden discovery by the media that came in contact with him, either di lenting economic and military as he was not in fact the stereotypi rectly or indirectly. For his part, sault has allowed Mozambicans little cal tin-pot dictator of some "Soviet he never forgot the "Toronto front" room to learn from errors made and backed" "Marxist regime" in Dark of Frelimo's struggle, even inviting a to launch fresh policies. est Africa they had often presented TCLPAC delegation instead of the him as being. Rather, they now re (then tied to course, such has been Fre Canadian government Of vealed, he was a man of intelligence, NATO) limo's continuing legitimacy and colonial Portugal through humour, energy, "charisma." Yet Samora Machel's own popularity to represent "the Canadian people" of us knew this all along, had that the South Africans have never many at the independence celebrations in tried very hard to present a real they but cared to ask. 1975. Small wonder that no one in political alternative. Rather, theirs I could recount many incidents TCLSAC finds it easy today to think has been a scorched earth policy, which reflected Machel's deft sense of Samora Machel as being gone. one of destroying economic infras of humour and his keen intelligence. * * * tructure and terrorizing villagers, ...But I can also speak at first hand one of creating chaos and check of the remarkable energy of the man, I find this difficult myself. But mating progress. Not the least of his charisma, of the power of his then I find it doubly difficult to con of Samora Machel's recent achieve personality. In particular, I remem ceive of yet another death dogging ments was his capacity to fight on ber vividly a conversation in my gar the heels of the Mozambican rev with vigour, enthusiasm, even good den in Dar es Salaam in 1972. A few olution. Over the years so many humour - against the lengthening weeks earlier he had arranged for me have died unnecessarily, victims of odds South Africa imposed upon his to accompany Frelimo guerillas on a the madness which is white minority country. visit to the liberated areas of Tete rule and racial capitalism in south I mourn Samora Machel as a province and now had come to bid ern Africa. I think of such Mozam friend of 20 years standing, and me and my family goodbye as we bicans, but I also think of specific as a source of personal inspiration packed to leave Tanzania. individuals whom I knew well. and political stimulus for myself and "You have now seen something I think of my friend, Eduardo many others, in Mozambique and of our struggle," he said. "But for Mondlane, Frelimo's first president,

4 december 1986 Southern Africa REPORT killed by a book bomb during my How, finally, to cope with this Revolution. And he fought - as we years in Tanzania. I think of my loss? As I asked myself that ques continue to do - in this hope: that friend and colleague at the Univer tion this week I thought of Frelimo's our descendants can be better men sity of Eduardo Mondlane, Ruth own 1969 eulogy to an earlier fallen than we were ever given the chance First, killed by a letter bomb in president, Eduardo Mondlane. Once to be. But they will carry with them her room just down the hall from again I found it moving and, as an the memory of our leader. my own office in Maputo. I think example of how Mozambicans have "By his death they will under of my dear, dear friend Aquino de sought themselves to deal with such stand that for us the principle 'In Bragan~a, director of the Centre of setbacks, personally helpful. Since dependence or Death' was not de African Studies in Maputo, deafened it seems almost eerily to speak of void of meaning. But to it we add by the bomb that killed Ruth First, Samora Machel as well, I will repeat that it has been a physical death; it now dead himself in the recent crash. it here: will be another step toward indepen And, of course, I think of Samora "Thus we commemorate his life dence. We will make it so. We will himself. and we mourn his death. We knew, be more determined, more stubborn we ever were. Too many have died - though as he knew, that this could happen, and implacable than even one would have been too many. even if it seemed impossible that all ... Our enemies must not forget that fighter returns to battle We cannot let this madness con that energy, all that strength and vi the guerilla when he sees a tinue. It is true, of course, that we tality could be crushed. How full of with increased rage comrade fall." do not know for certain whether this life was his body, how free and at time South Africa pulled the trigger. ease his way of moving and doing Surely this is the spirit in which But then Machel would not have things, how sure his voice. we must come to terms with the loss been in Zambia in the first place "We mourn the death of these of Samora Machel. But is it the case were it not to help rally the front physical things which cannot survive that the Mozambican revolution - if line states of southern Africa against as other aspects of him can. We it is allowed to survive - really will South Africa's latest threats. In any mourn him as a man. And as a build a better person than Samora case, so much Mozambican blood is man, we know that he was not free Machel? Perhaps, but it would not visible on South Africa's hands that of fault or error, or of shortcom be easy to do, even in the best of the point is almost academic. ings. The Revolution will build bet times. Such was the strength of * * * ter men, but he worked to build the character of the man we mourn.

PEOPLE WHO LOST THEIR LIVES IN THE CRASH

Samora Mois~s Machel - President of The Republic & Eduardo Viegas - Staff, President's Office President of Frelimo Albino Falteira - Staff, President's Office Alberto Chafique - Staff, President's Office Luis Maria de Alcintara Santos - Minister of Transport & Communications Jos4 Quivanhane - Staff, President'sOffice Jos6 Carlos Lobo - Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs Azarias Inguana - Photographer for the newspaper Noticias Aquino de Braganqa - Directorof the Centre of African Studies Fernando Nhaquila - Flight Engineer Fernando Honwana - Special Assistant to the President Orlanda Garrine - Flight Attendant Esmeralda Luisa- Flight Attendant Alberto Cangela de Mendonga - Chief of Protocol Sofia Arone - Flight Attendant Muradali Mamadahusen - PrivateSecretary to the Pres ident Ilda Cario - Flight Attendant physician Joio Tomis Navesse - Deputy Director in the Ministry Henriques Bettencourt - President's of Foreign Affairs Ulisses La Rosa Mesa - President'sphysician Ivete Am6s - Secretary to the President Iuri Novdran - Captain of the aircraft Osvaldo de Sousa - English Interpreter to the President Igor Kartamychev - Copilot Bernardino Chiche - French Interpreter to the President Oleg Kaudrainov - Flight Engineer Gulamo Khan - Press Atach$ in the President's Office Anatoli Choulipov - Flight Engineer Daniel Maquinasse - Official Photographer Cox C. Sikumba - Ambassador of Zambia in Mozam Parente Manjate - Staff, President's Office bique Nacir Charamadane - Staff, President's Office Tokivalu Batale Okulakamo - Ambassador of Zaire in Mozambique Adio Gore Nhoca - Staff, President's Office

Southern Africa REPORT december 1986 expression for their national libera I know of no other leader in a na tion movements. Aquino became in tionalist struggle in Africa (or else Aquino effect the prime spokesperson of the where) who made a similar request CONCP to the outside world. to a president. I I-I BY IMMANUEL WALLER If Aquino wanted to create a uni STEIN versity center of research, it was not because he was in love with scholar Immanuel Wallerstein is director of ship or archives. He certainly sought the Fernand Braudel Center at SUNY, no ivory tower. If he made this Binghampton, N.Y., author of numer choice, it was because he wanted to ous books and coeditor with Aquino be more than a militant facing the de Braganga of The African Liberation enemy or a diplomat facing the in Reader. terlocutor. He wanted to be a revo Aquino de Bragan~a was my friend, lutionary, and he knew that revolu my brother. I first met him, I be tionaries face their comrades, strug lieve, in 1959 in Morocco where he gling with them in the search for how was then living. He was there as the really to transform the world. leader of the Goa liberation move ment and a member of the team who He railed in private and in pub were laying the base for the creation lic, ever since 1975, against "tri of the CONCP, the structure that umphalism" which he considered to be the betrayal of the revolution. He linked together the national libera He was based in Algiers from had no tolerance for slogans, for dog tion movements of the Portuguese 1962 to 1974 and came to be mas, for forced optimism, for sacred colonies. Like so many others who the communications link for the knew him, I found him a warm, gen cows. He saw the temptation every CONCP. All the major figures of where - in all the states and move erous, passionate, intellectually alive the PAIGC, MPLA, Frelimo, and ments aspiring to be revolutionary human being, and we became close, the CLSTP came through Algiers almost immediately. - to fall into what the French call regularly. Aquino provided them the "langue de bois," the heavy rit Aquino was a totally political their logistical base. But more im ual language which deceives no one person. He played, however, three portantly he was their discreet con except those who use it and which he different political roles. He was a fidant, their honest counselor, and found all to widespread. For him, communi militant, he was a diplomat, he was major channel of internal the Centro could offer an analysis a revolutionary. They are not the cation. that would be honest and sober, and same. But he played all these roles When the MFA overthrew the therefore revolutionary. with an incredible integrity. Portuguese Fascist regime in 1974, He came to be known by every the situation suddenly changed. By A militant engages the enemy. one as an irreverent maverick. Some Aquino became a militant as a stu 1975, all the Portuguese colonies feared him for it, some ignored him, dent in Goa, then continued in Lis would become independent, but not however without a great deal of po but most of us loved him for it. bon and Paris. He was part of Samora loved him for it. Aquino that absolutely remarkable group litical struggle. In this key period of transition, Aquino became the spe came with no arrogance to his ques who came together in Lisbon in tioning, only with an "optimism of the 1950's to launch the strug cial diplomat, used by the move the will." gle against Portuguese colonialism ments (and especially Frelimo) to Mario de Andrade, Amilcar Cabral, help them navigate the rapids of del The day that Cabral was assas Viriato Cruz, Eduardo Mondlane, icate political negotiations, particu sinated, we spoke. He cried to me: Agostinho Neto, Marcelino dos San larly in Lisbon. A militant faces the "They have killed our Amilcar." It tos, among the most well known. enemy, but a diplomat faces the in was, typically, Aquino who would When Algeria became indepen terlocutors. It is a different skill. write soon thereafter the most com dent in 1962, he moved to Algiers After independence, Aquino prehensive, honest reportage of the and there pursued his tasks as a moved to Maputo where Samora assassination of Amilcar Cabral, and militant. He wrote for R6volution Machel offered him many positions. of the role that elements within the Africaine (Algiers) and Afrique-Asie But he requested only one, that of movement, collaborating with the (Paris). He edited all the material creating and directing the Centro de enemy, played in it. He grieved the relating to Portuguese-speaking and Estudos Africanos of the Universi death of Amilcar, but he sought to southern Africa for these two jour dade Eduardo Mondlane. It is, when have us all learn from it. nals, which became major outlets of you think of it, a remarkable choice. They have killed our Aquino.

6 december 1986 Southern Africa REPORT 0

a powerful weapon to forge a new future. An outstanding student he Fernando Honwana was one of a handful of Africans to receive a higher education. He com pleted secondary school at Water ford in Swaziland, and won a schol BY ALLEN ISAACMAN arship to York University in Eng Allen Isaacman is a professor of history land from which he graduated in at the University of Minnesota who has 1973. Unlike a number of other taught and researched in Mozambique Mozambicans studying in the west and has authored numerous books on who chose to remain abroad af that country. ter completing their education, Fer nando underwent military and polit At thirty-six Fernando Honwana ical training at Nachingwea in Tan had already given so much to his zania. There, according to President country and had so much more to Chissano, he "demonstrated his ded give. He brought youthful energy, ication to the cause of the people mature judgment and unfailing loy and his commitment to the revolu alty to his position of senior advisor tion." He returned to Mozambique and confidante to Mozambique's late shortly before independence and be President Samora Machel. A man gan his varied and distinguished gov of enormous intellect with a probing ernmental career. mind, Fernando was always ready to In death Fernando left behind a challenge received wisdom when it proud family who not only mourn did not correspond to the Mozam members, bican reality and Frelimo's socialist his loss but, as Frelimo agenda. Perhaps President Chissano continue to struggle for a just so is embod said it it best: "He a was brilliant ciety. This commitment her and lucid intellectual ...[and] a re ied in his wife Flavia Honwana, spected leader loved for his compe self a leading militant and member tence and humanism." - of the Organization of Mozambican Women (OMM). In the infrequent Frelimo's leaders quickly Fernando Honwana was born on moments they had together, Flavia came to appreciate Fernando's rare November 24, 1951, in Moamba dis and Fernando were always dream combination of critical inquiry and trict. He came from a southern ing about the vacation they were dedication. While still in his Mozambican family that was both never to have. I recall on several twenties, he was sent to represent fiercely proud of it's African iden occasions walking along the beach Mozambique in the Lancaster House tity and deeply committed to break with their young son Ozzie on my negotiations which resulted in Zim ing the chains of colonial oppression. shoulders when he would point to babwean independence. The close His relatives had fought against the the plane overhead and explain with ties he developed with his Zim Portuguese colonialists at the turn glee, "Papa esti ali - my father is up babwean counterparts gave him an of the century and both his father there." For Fernando was rarely at important entry to that country's Raul and brother Luis were arrested home. leadership after independence and by PIDE - the hated secret police. proved to be critical in strengthen Those of us who knew and loved And yet when describing the indigni Fernando will miss his radiant smile, ing relations between the two na ties that he and his family members tions. In addition to his frequent witty sense of humor and pene had experienced, he was never con trating intellect. People such as trips to Harare, Fernando went on sumed with bitterness nor hatred. strategic missions to countries rang Fernando are rare, indeed. Our To the contrary, he had a rare in lives were enriched immeasurably ing from North Korea to the United ner strength and vision of the future States. And while formally serving by his presence. And in this mo which enabled him to transcend his ment of.grief we re-dedicate our as special assistant to the President, own personal suffering and to mock he also held important positions in selves to support Mozambique and the most absurd features of colonial the other front-line states against the military and security branches ism. of the government. Nevertheless, for the violence perpetrated by Preto all his involvement in delicate mat From his father Fernando devel ria and it's armed clients such as ;r ters of state, he loved nothing more oped a keen sense of history and ap the MNR who seek to destroy ev than to relax with a spy novel. preciation of how the past could be erything for which Fernando stood.

Southern Africa REPORT december 1986 7 8 december 1986 Southern Africa REPORT -nm()M,N uomeR

How can we mourn a com rade but by holding the fallen gun and continuing the combat. The flowers which fall from the tree are to prepare the land for new and more beautiful flowers to bloom next season. Your life continues in those who continue the Revolu tion.

9 Southern Africa REPORT december 1986 9 The Funeral: "A People Cannot Bid Farewell to Its Own History"

BY JENNIFER DAVIS speak about the existence of a fu us endlessly of himself, in many ways. He lent us his parent's house, Jennifer Davis is Director of the Ameri ture, for I had come bearing terri Mozambique's as they were away. He spent hours can Committee on Africa in New York. ble questions about ability to survive the onslaughts of of his time, often from dawn to late a murderous South Africa added at night, sharing with us his insights, Maputo was sad, and sombre, and to drought, flood and the mistakes carrying us everywhere in his motor yet, in a strange way also strength made in the process of learning how car, making the many phone calls ening and reinforcing. It was a re to build a new socialist society. that filled out the details of our days, lief to be surrounded by people who all in time that he had taken off from were also grieving, even as they went I arrived in Maputo early on his commercial job, so that he could about all the work that had to be Monday morning, on a LAM flight help in a time of crisis, and all with done. It was moving and strangely from Paris carrying many foreign a quiet seriousness that asked noth comforting to share the ceremonies dignitaries as well as returning ing in return, and lives now in my of burial and mourning with thou Mozambicans. Visitors were being memory as one of those "signs" of sands of Mozambicans, to hold, even handled by "protocol" officials, in the future I was seeking. for a moment, old friends like Janet a situation where chaos might well Mondlane and Joaquim Chissano, have prevailed ... some 130 official Monday morning was hot, sunny people who have lost so much more delegations and 17 Heads of State and humid, and had to be spent than me. And then, after the days arrived for the funerals, often with on the technicalities of getting orga devoted to the dead, it was helpful out notification, and always with far nized, so that I was too late for the to have a little time to spend try larger delegations than expected ... funerals of my two closest personal ing to collect information, discuss 29 instead of 3, I heard, in one case. friends, Carlos Lobo and Aquino de urgent needs, seek out photographs This in a country with a handful of Braganqa. But in the afternoon we and films, so that, in the end, I was hotels, only one of international sta went to the cemetery, which stands turned toward the future again. tus. on the edge of town, to the funer I spent six days in Maputo, and, But in a little while we were als of other Mozambicans killed in a month later I have still not been all sorted out. Along with two the crash. Many were buried to able to assimilate the experience into old friends from the European sol gether, and we stood behind thou the ordinary web of my life. The idarity movement, I was found not sands of people, straining, in the days were filled with a multitude of only a house, but also an inter hush, to hear the service and see different activities and impressions, preter/ "guide", Antonio, who gave what was happening. After a while but I am always busy in New York too. Perhaps what was different was my intense feeling of awareness ... I wanted to notice everything, big things and little things ... the way people looked, and moved and talked to each other, at the funerals, visit ing families, in the streets. I wanted to hear what they said, absorb the way the city "felt", see what food people ate, count the cars in the streets, and the people in the buses. In New York one lives by blocking out surroundings. In Maputo, every thing seemed to have significance, both in itself and as a "sign" of something else. Perhaps ultimately I was looking for the signs that could

10 december 1986 Southern Africa REPORT ysm(mbsz, Largo, Hall, their faces sober, young for mally clad men, old women, draped in many layers of clothes, an old man with tears streaming down his face.

After maybe two hours it is our turn. We walk up the red carpeted stairs, through a brightly lit hall, into a chamber banked from floor to ceiling with the flowers of many nations; in front of us is a group of young soldiers, they move slowly past the coffin, in a formal slow march, stopping to salute; then two diplomats from Japan bow, and then I stand for a moment in front of the closed shining wooden surface, and move on. We were all very quiet go ing home. the restrained quiet was broken by Maputo's City Hall has a clas the wailing of women, then the qua sic, columned facade, with tiers of It was still raining early next vering notes of a bugle, then the dull steps leading down into Indepen morning as we gathered to catch the thud of earth on wood as family and dence Square. As we waited, the buses which carried all except the friends filled in the graves. Sud daylight turned to dusk; floodlights most senior of foreign visitors to the denly heavy clouds gathered, and washed across the portrait of Machel funeral of President Machel. Anto soon it began to rain in gusts. No at the center of the facade; people nio told us that according to local one moved ... we too waited for a stood so quietly, that I could hear belief great leaders come and go with while, and then went in search of the the two flags flying at half mast on rain; certainly the weather, cold and grave of another of South Africa's either side of the portrait snap in grey, seemed fitting symbolically. victims, Ruth First, long time ac the breeze; classical music played The funeral ceremonies began at tivist, killed by a parcel bomb. I in the background, and hundreds of Independence Square, still crowded had once seen Ruth every day, in swallows circled, swooping in and with thousands of people. The Pres tensely alive, as she ran in and out of out of the light. We waited our ident's family, foreign Heads of State the same building in which I worked, turn for a long time, standing at and Mozambican officials gathered in South Africa. Now she lies in the bottom of the main stairs, up inside City Hall, while we waited a quiet part of Maputo's cemetery, which we watched the passage of outside. After a while the coffin away from the ornate gravestones, President Mugabe and other Heads was carried to the head of the stairs, under some flame trees. I carried a of State. The scene was both dis the army honour guard band play seed pod home with me, but in New organized and organized - a com ing sombre music; there were two York a customs official took it away. mon contradiction in Mozambique. brief speeches, honouring the Pres All the time we were waiting a tiny ident, one from a young man rep From the funerals, we drove back stream of Mozambicans was mak resenting all the mass organizations into the centre of town, to wait, in ing its way into the building, some and one from Alberto Chipande, on Independence Square, for our turn times slowed by the passage of a behalf of the armed forces. And to pay our last respects to President VIP. From time to time some of the then Marcelino dos Santos delivered Machel, lying in state in City Hall. thousands of people in the Square a funeral eulogy that still reverber The Square was filled with thou surged impatiently up the stairs be ates for me. This was not a re sands of Mozambicans, waiting their low us. As far as I could see, ma ligious ceremony, but a profoundly turn to file past the coffin. Many jor crowd control responsibility lay political one; yet it rang with the stood on through the night - there in the hands and voice of one en beauty of poetry, and the feeling was no curfew; indeed the lack of ob ergetic, non-uniformed Mozambican of a lifetime spent together in the vious security throughout the cere woman, who intervened when things struggle to build a better future for monies was notable - as though a got out of hand, restoring order all the people of Mozambique. The decision had been made that sol by exhorting people to behave in a program indicated dos Santos would diers bristling with guns would sep proper Mozambican way. And they speak for 15 minutes; he spoke for arate the leadership from the people did. I had time to watch the faces an hour, and the only movement in rather than protect it. of the people coming out of City the crowd came as sometimes a hand

december 1986 Southern Africa REPORT december 1986 ______mT nog

moved quietly to wipe away tears. When the formal funeral was each other and to the Mozambican At one point, describing Machel's ended people began to file through people. links to the many different people the crypt, moving on to convey in Mozambique, dos Santos began to their greetings and condolences to I, a relative stranger, was ex weep, but he spoke on, through his the members of the political bureau, hausted by the day. As I embraced weeping, dedicating himself and all all standing quietly in a line, with Marcelino dos Santos he seemed il Mozambicans to the future. hundreds of people thronging about lumined by grief, a portrait from an "Your dreams are our dreams. them. Later that day someone gave El Greco painting. Yet the next day Your struggle is our struggle. Now me a photograph taken last year, in the Frelimo leadership was alternat the most difficult moment for all of side the crypt, of Machel standing ing meetings with Heads of State, us has come, the moment of farewell. in front of the slab marking Mond a Front Line State meeting and the But we are only deliveringyour body lane's resting place. As I walked out many internal meetings to ensure a to the earth. You remain with us. of the crypt I met Janet Mondlane, coherent transition to the next Pres But we will never say farewell to you. and she stopped for a moment, to idency. And in the midst of all that, A people cannot bid farewell to its embrace, and to ask how friends in there was still time to think about North America were, in the face of own history. Samora lives." the needs of people like us, who came this terrible blow. It was common representing no governments, able to After this a small contingent for this to happen, and also for peo offer no immediate massive food or of military units accompanied the ple to say how important it was for military aid. Soon after our arrival President's body through the streets them that friends had come, phys we had indicated a desire to meet of the city, out to Heroes' Square, ically, as well as in spirit, to share some members of the government, at the centre of which is a crypt this time. including Joaquim Chissano, if that was possible. In the next few days, we set about meeting as many other . 14 people as possible, both to express our condolences to the families in volved, and to equip ourselves for new solidarity work, which is clearly an urgent necessity. When I was in Mozambique in 1983 I was often struck by a kind of discontent with the slow pace of progress, a malaise which seemed to colour many people's view, so that they found it hard to be enthusi astic. Now the mood was different ... sober, but somehow less disgrun tled, more committed to the future. Perhaps because there is now a very clear enemy. Nevertheless, no one was starry-eyed about the months first Waiting my turn in line I lis in which lie buried Frelimo's to come. Yet in many different Mondlane, and tened to the conversations around President, Eduardo ways people were working on new other Mozambican heroes. The cer me. Much of the comment from for projects, even despite the tremen emonies here were brief; there was eigners was speculation about the dous destruction being wrought by no loudspeaker system, so, like the succession ... who would be the next the bandits. thousands of Mozambicans around President. Interestingly, when I was us we stood quietly and waited. Peo with Mozambicans, I heard much Aquino de Bragan~a's wife is an ple had flowed out of the neigh less of this. There seemed little artist ... movingly she spoke of the bourhood to pack the area, most of the gossip and speculation about brief time she had with him "I am children barefoot. There were a "infighting" and "power struggles" only a short passage in his life ... few hand-lettered signs, denounc that might have marked such an there are so many who knew him ing South Africa as the assassin event. Whatever the problems of the longer, who always came to talk." but mostly the mood was subdued, times ahead, it seems true that the But she also talked about ideas she rather than militant ... a striking Frelimo leadership picks up the re had to engage the children of differ contrast to the pictures of recent newed struggle with a high degree ent countries in working for peace. (continued on page 25) South African funerals. of commitment and loyalty both to

december 1986 Southern Africa REPORT Mozambique: t is South Africa's Strategy?

BY ROBERT DAVIES Robert Davies is a researcher at the Centre of African Studies, University of Eduardo Mondlane, Maputo, Mozam bique. The death in the air crash on the

night of the 1 91h October of Presi dent Samora Machel and other se nior Frelimo party and Mozambican government leaders will clearly have a major impact on both the politi cal situation in Mozambique and re gional relations. The full details of the incident it self are not yet available and it is still being officially investigated. How ever, although it may in the end be difficult to prove conclusively, there is a growing body of circumstantial evidence suggesting that the crash might have been caused by some so phisticated form of electronic sabo tage. Informed sources in Maputo are discounting the possibilities that it might have been the result of poor weather, "human error" result ing from an allegedly inexperienced crew, or the plane drifting off course. It appears that the flight had pro ceeded normally until the presiden tial plane was about 70 km from Maputo in the region of Manhica. There were no faulty systems on the plane, the weather was fine and the crew was experienced. Contact was lost shortly after the control tower in Maputo gave orders for the plane to prepare for a routine instrument landing. The plane crashed 200 metres inside South African territory near o the Mbuzini mission in KaNgwane E at about 9:30 on the night of Sun day 1 91h October. However, it was not until 6:40 the next morn-

Southern Africa REPORT december 1986 ing that the Mozambican authori the country by MNR armed bandits venient pretext to implement a series ties were informed that the plane operating out of Malawi (supplied, of already planned measures against had crashed on South African ter trained and directed by the ex Mozambique. No proof was pre ritory, despite the fact that the tensive network maintained in that sented that the land mine attack had plane's entry had, as Foreign Minis country by South African Military been planned or carried out by ANC ter R.F. Botha acknowledged, been Intelligence with the active con members in Maputo, while the repa monitored on South African radar. nivance of the Malawian authori triation of foreign migrant workers Moreover, one of the survivors, Cap ties). One of the major objectives had been threatened on several pre tain Fernando Manuel, had walked here was clearly to cut the Beira vious occasions as retaliation against to a local clinic after the crash, ar corridor and prevent it from serv sanctions. In fact the implementa riving, according to Business Day, ing as an alternative to continued tion of this measure (and other pres at about 10 pm. Shortly thereafter dependence on South African ports sures being applied) was probably the clinic had phoned the local po and railways for SADCC countries provoked by two other recent devel lice. particularly in the event of the ap opments - the pressure by the front plication of counter-sanctions, mea line states on Malawi (aimed at ca One hypothesis being put for ward is that the plane's instruments sures by Pretoria against neighbor joling Malawi to cease allowing its and controls might have been inter ing states. territory to be used as a rear base by the armed bandits) and the vote fered with by an electronic signal. This article will examine re in the US Congress to override Pres An expert on electronic warfare in cent South African actions against ident Reagan's veto of the Senate the United States said Mozambique, both as a background that there are sanctions bill. so-called false beam devices quite ca to the death of President Machel and pable of this kind of interference. as an indication of the possible direc There is no doubt that concerted tion of future South African policy pressure by the front line states However that may be, the fact toward the country. against Malawi posed a direct chal remains that this tragic develop lenge to Pretoria's current regional ment occurred at a The Context: Intensified time when strategy. Malawi has been used Pretoria was stepping up pressure Des tabilization as a base for MNR operations for against Mozambique. On Octo The Pretoria regime said that the years and, indeed, after the cap ber 8th, ostensibly in response to October 8t" ban on migrant labour ture of former MNR headquarters at a land mine incident in KaNgwane recruitment (and by implication the Gorongosa in August 1985, it be in which six SADF members were other, subsequent measures which came the main rear base for ban injured, the South African govern it did not acknowledge) were a re dit activity in the central provinces ment announced that it was pro sponse to the land mine explosion in of Mozambique. At hibiting the recruitment of Mozam the same KaNgwane on October 61h Defense time, bandit action in the central bican migrant workers. On Octo Minister Magnus Malan alleged in a ber provinces has become more strate 11th, a Mozambican government statement on the th 7 that the mine gically important to the Pretoria communique said that information was planted by ANC members op had been obtained from a South regime. One of the principal levers erating from Maputo. It is true which South Africa has been able to African citizen "linked to economic that Pretoria has complained on a wield against the SADCC countries interests" that "the militarists" in number of occasions in the past few Pretoria as a whole has been their depen were planning to launch months about alleged ANC activity air raids and dence on South African ports and had infiltrated a com out of Maputo. It clearly wants the mando to carry out attacks in railways - a dependence artificially and ANC presence in Maputo further re around Maputo created by the repeated sabotage city. Indeed, just duced, if not eliminated altogether. a few days before of Mozambican facilities. As the air crash, In August, Deputy Foreign Minis pres President Machel told a group sure for economic sanctions against of ter Ron Miller, said that Pretoria journalists that there South African increased, had been sev wanted to raise the question with Pretoria eral previous attempts by made it plain that it intended the South Maputo, and about the same time to African military to assassinate use the leverage it had over him South African press reports quoted regional - the most recent being in Novem states arising from their dependence officials claiming that "the ANC has ber, 1985, when plans to attack on South African transport services his begun using Mozambican territory motorcade using bazookas had been in its counter-sanctions campaign. for infiltration again" (Cape Times uncovered. 27/8/86). This was demonstrated by the hold ups of Zimbabwean All these developments took and Zambian Nevertheless, there is good rea traffic place in the context of a stepped up in August, and again in early son to believe that the KaNgwane October when assault in the central provinces of Foreign Minister R.F. land mine was no more than a con- Botha threatened to respond to a

14 december 1986 Southern Africa REPORT mentaries about Mozambique since Nkomati. It was also one of the first occasions in which the MNR ban I dits were so blatantly accorded le gitimacy in the official media. The other probable immediate cause of current pressure was the de cision by the US congress to over ride the presidential veto on the Sen ate sanctions bill. Pretoria had for some time threatened to repatriate foreign migrant workers in retalia tion for the imposition of sanctions. There is no doubt that the Pretoria regime was angered by the US vote. Not only did the bill itself represent a severe setback, but Foreign Minis ter R. F. Botha's lobbying (which, as noted above, included a threat to US grain sales) backfired. His threats to various undecided senators actu US Congress vote for sanctions by attacked Villa Machado in the corn ally had the effect of turning them blocking the trans-shipment of US dor itself. against him. This may, in part, was made grain to regional states. In suci The pressure put on Malawi by explain why the decision cut legal migrants straight away, circumstances, Pretoria clearly re the front line states, in response to illegals, gards it as essential to act to prevent to increasing bandit activity from rather than only so-called from serving as as initially expected. However, this Mozambican ports Malawi, thus represented a serious an effective alternative. does not explain why only Mozam challenge to Pretoria's current re bique was so affected, nor does it The decision by SADCC in Jan gional strategy. Malawi appears to explain the threatened military ac uary to give top priority to re have been seen by Pretoria to have tion against the capital. If we reject habilitating the Beira Corridor to drifted from the fold before (notably the explanation given - that this was enable it to rapidly take an in in joining SADCC and hosting the a response to the KaNgwane land creased tonnage of SADCC cargo 1981 SADCC summit) and therefore mine - then the only conclusion that was thus seen as a threat. As the be vulnerable to such pressure. to current pressures are Financial Mail of August 15 put it: The conclusion drawn thus seems to remains is that mere reaction to recent "There is ... a real possibility that have been that more pressure should more than a and more than a mere if Beira threatens to become a vi be applied against Mozambique in developments, demonstration to the outside world able alternative, Pretoria will shift order to weaken the impact of this of South Africa's capacity to dam from economic warfare to the real action by the front line states. A age the economies of its neighbours. thing, using its military power (or few days after the news conference in They represent an attempt to force MNR surrogates) to disrupt the rail which President Machel spoke about some changes in Mozambique - ei link and oil pipeline from Beira, the possibility of closing the fron ther in political behaviour or politi on which Zimbabwe is so depen tier with Malawi and stationing mis cal structures. dent." In any event, the Financial siles along it (September llth), the Mail's prediction proved to be ac SABC News Commentary launched Possible Objectives and Con curate. As rehabilitation work on a strong attack on both Mozambique tent of Continuing South the Beira Corridor advanced - faster and Angola. The commentary said African Pressure than expected by many cynics in that the President's remarks showed The loss of President Machel at this South Africa - bandit activity from that the "real cause" of destabiliza moment will be a major blow to the Malawi was stepped up. Initially it tion in the region was "civil wars" embattled Frelimo government, and in Zambezia and in states ruled by "marxist dictator was concentrated will add a further element of inse Tete provinces, but there is no doubt ships" unrepresentative of their peo curity in an already fragile situa that the plan envisaged embracing ple. These were spilling over into other states. This was one of the tion. The mood of the populace in the entire central region and cutting general appears to be one of shock first occasions on which such lan the Beira corridor. On October 17, and sadness at the loss of a leader the MNR, in fact, claimed to have guage had been used in SABC com-

december 1966 Southern Africa REPORT december 1986 ______o©ul~J &Zr______

that President Machel was unwill ternative for SADCC states. They who was held in considerable esteem would not want to see the front line by the Mozambican people. There ing or unable to prevent his coun states succeed in pressuring Malawi at Pre try from serving as a base for the is also a feeling of outrage to abandon its support for the armed assumed responsibil "Moscow-inspired revolutionary war toria's widely bandits. They would probably, to ity for the death of Samora Machel. against South Africa" He claimed some degree at least, share the view the immediate effect has that President Machel appeared to However, that any ANC presence of any type been a consolidation of popular sup have lost control of the situation in in any regional state was a poten port behind the Frelimo leadership. Mozambique, and said Pretoria was tial threat. They would thus want At the same time, Pretoria has to extremely concerned at the course of to see the ANC presence in Ma some extent been placed on the de events there. Such a statement has puto drastically reduced if not al fensive. It is being obliged to do all the hallmarks of a classic disin However, they all it can to cover its tracks and formation tactic designed to provide together eliminated. would differ from the maximalists in deny any involvement in the inci a justification for the overthrow of favouring an attempt dent. These two factors together a government. On the other hand, not necessarily to overthrow the government in Ma suggest that in the immediate short in a speech on the 16 th, State Presi term, Pretoria may well lay off visi dent P.W. Botha said that he hoped puto. They would probably empha ble direct pressures against Mozam that the Nkomati Accord would sur size the risks for Pretoria of any such bique. Above all it will probably vive. The fact that information on move - the prospect of getting tied not wish to confirm the general per plans for stepped-up military pres down supporting a puppet regime ception that it was responsible for sure around the capital was appar in power, with Frelimo back in the the death of the President by fur ently leaked to the Mozambicans bush. For the minimalists, escalat ther economic action or direct as also points to the possibility of di ing destabilization would be a means saults on the capital just at this mo visions within the regime. of changing political behaviour, not ment. This does not, however, apply political structures. Hypothesizing from the above, to the MNR. The MNR has already it seems possible that two compet that it will attempt to Extrapolating from the above, it announced ing positions exist within the State take advantage of the situation by is possible to imagine the minimal Security Council (SSC), with the stepping up its activity. isis hoping that current pressures overall policy of the regime vacillat would force the Mozambican gov in the medium term However, ing between them. For convenience ernment to return to the Joint Se time af which may begin at any these could be describe as minimal curity Commission (JSC) set up by ter the funeral - the Pretoria regime ist and maximalist positions. the Nkomati Accord. Some sources can be expected to resume its pres this is, in fact, The minimalists, who may well have suggested that sure on all fronts. While it seems one of Pretoria's immediate goals. clear that Pretoria saw its recent be found in the ranks of the military, Until recently it is very likely that pressures as a means of pushing for as well as among civilian politicians Mozambique's non-participation in it is not and diplomats, would appear to dif change in Mozambique, the JSC (following the discovery wholly clear whether the changes fer from the maximalists only over of the Gorongosa documents) did sought were at the level of gov precisely how far to push the escalat not bother Pretoria much. The and policies, or ing cycle of destabilization measures ernment positions agenda of meetings would prob whether they were seen as part against Mozambique. As members ably have consisted of a series of a process of bringing about a and defenders of a besieged racist of well-substantiated Mozambican the government itself. In minority regime, isolated to an un change in complaints about South African vi deed there were some indications precedented degree at both the re olations. However, as indicated ear that, while a consensus existed that gional and wider international lev lier, since about the middle of this Mozambique should be further pres els, they would accept as objec year it has become clear that Preto sured, there were possibly differ tive necessities of the present con ria wants to press for a reduction of ences within the regime over the pre juncture further pressure on regional the ANC presence in Maputo, and cise objectives such destabilization states aimed at least at reducing fur to have a forum to raise complaints measures were intended to achieve. ther the ANC presence in the re on a regular basis. Some differences of tone and em gion as well as at maintaining the phasis in the comments of members widest room for manoeuvre in a One thing that is absolutely clear of the regime were discernible. For sanctions war. They would thus is that no one in the regime would example, Defence Minister Magnus probably strongly support an inten want the JSC to become a forum Malan, in a speech the day after the sification of bandit activity in the dominated by Mozambican com KaNgwane mine incident and the central provinces of Mozambique as plaints of continued South African day before the announcement of the a necessary measure to prevent the support for the armed bandits. No ban on Mozambican migrants, said Beira corridor serving as a viable al- member of the regime would thus

16 december 1986 Southern Africa REPORT want it to become even a forum the MNR armed bandits and thus perceives to exist within its neigh in which the ANC presence in Ma redeploy scarce resources on the do bours. In the case of Lesotho, there puto was traded off against South mestic front. The question which were sharp, obvious contradictions African support for the MNR. The arises is precisely how such forces between a minority in the armed regime needs more bandit activity, would intend to go about overthrow forces supporting the Basotho Na particularly around the Beira corri ing the Mozambican government. tional Party Youth League, and the dor and cannot afford to give this In my view, the experience of the majority. In the case of Mozam bique such obvious splits do not ex up even if concessions were offered Lesotho coup of January 20 th mer by Maputo on the ANC. This would its close study as one possible modus ist. However, a reading, particu suggest the possibility of the mini operandi. larly of the literature of the MNR malists supporting an attempt to re bandits (which to some extent at least probably reflects the views -of vive the JSC but on different terms. In the case of Lesotho, despite This might involve the apartheid the SADF) suggests that they see a occasional reports of contacts be potential contradiction between cer regime's trying to extract a tacit un tween the South African Defence derstanding that the JSC confine it tain unspecified senior figures in the Force (SADF) and members of the Mozambican Armed Forces, who are self to discussing alleged violations Lesotho Defence Force, the principal only from the territory of the signa seen to be "nationalists" more dis South African intervention did not posed to negotiate with the MNR, tories, ie. an effective agreement that involve direct plotting of the coup. and the Frelimo political leadership, activity from Malawi would bandit Nor did Pretoria attempt to install seen as intractable "communists." be kept off the agenda. Then they its own direct allies - the Lesotho More recent statements from the might be prepared to bargain re Liberation Army (LLA). Instead, it MNR have indicated that they con duction, or elimination, of the ANC applied economic and other pressure sider that without President Machel presence in Maputo against some with the objective of exacerbating the two factions will not be able to resumption of migrant labour re the already acute internal contradic hold together. cruitment. This, at any rate, may tions to the point of rupture. The be what the Chamber of Mines is result was that the new government proposing. Its statement on the Oc which took over was not seen as (and Conclusions tober 8t ban "regretted" that it indeed was not) the mere puppet of It is possible that the death of Pres "had been found necessary" to take Pretoria. Pretoria was not obliged this step, but said it was not able ident Machel (assuming that Preto to step in immediately and sustain ria had a hand in it) represented to "evaluate the. security consider it. On the other hand, the new gov a compromise between maximalists ations on which the decision was ernment in Maseru immediately con and minimalists. Removing the based. ... The Chamber earnestly ceded a number Pretoria's demands, President could be seen as a change hopes that negotiations between the and has shown itself more suscep of political structures which might South African and Mozambican gov tible to subsequent South African result in policy shifts, but which ernments will lead to an early return pressure than its predecessor. would not involve the risks for Pre to normality." Perhaps in addition toria associated with a wholesale to this, the minimalists might favour pres change of government. However that a renewed attempt to use the JSC to It is possible that the recent sure directed against the Mozam may be, what is certain is that in the suggest and/or push for a negotiated capital may, in the maxi medium term at least some resump settlement between the Mozambi bican scheme of things, be seen tion of the intensified destabilization can government and the MNR - a malist long-standing objective of Pretoria's as having a similar role as pres campaign can be expected. Whether strategy towards Mozambique. sures against Lesotho's President this will take the form of an at Jonathan in January. Attempts by tempt to force the Mozambican gov For the maximalists, on the other both Pretoria and certain western ernment, under President Chissano, hand, not even such an outcome intelligence services to promote a to enter into negotiations on new, would be enough. They appear negotiated settlement between the less favourable terms, or an attempt to believe that the overthrow of Frelimo government and the MNR to provoke domestic contradictions the Frelimo government is an es are generally seen to have failed. to the point of rupture, remains to sential precondition for the attain The intensification of pressure, in be seen. The Frelimo leadership ment of any of the major objectives the maximalist scheme, would thus now minus President Machel - will of Pretoria's current regional strat be aimed at exacerbating particular be in for a testing time, and will have egy. They would probably also ar contradictions to the point of rup to mobilize all the domestic and in gue that such a development would ture. It has been clear for some ternational support available if it is enable them to reduce their existing, time that Pretoria has attempted to to successfully withstand the storm increasingly costly, commitment to intervene in contradictions which it ahead.

december 1986 Southern Africa REPORTREPORT december 1986 Mozambique's Agricultural Crisis: A Second Look

BY OTTO ROESCH areas very dangerous, if not impossi much larger area of this fertile val Otto Roesch is a TCLSAC member ble, Mission Aviation is doing a brisk ley was now under cultivation than who has recently returned from a four business (in foreign exchange) fer had previously been the case. At the time month study tour of Mozambique. Be rying cooperantes and international of my last visit, large ex tween 1981 and 1983 he spent two aid workers about the country. My panses of this once highly produc years in Mozambique as a research as own decision to fly between Maputo tive valley lay abandoned and uncul sociate of the Instituto Nacional de and Xai-Xai - a distance I regu tivated. The low productivity which Planeamento Fisico (National Institute larly drove during my previous visit then characterized agricultural pro of Physical Planning), where he con to Mozambique - was the result of duction in the valley was a reflection ducted research on Mozambique's com the sporadic attacks which the MNR of the depth of the agricultural cri munal village programme and prob continues to mount along the road sis which has gripped this area, like lems of rural development generally. linking the two cities. the rest of the country, since inde This research subsequently served as MNR attacks on the Maputo pendence. the basis for his doctoral dissertation, Xai-Xai road, however, are no longer which appeared under the title Social the serious affairs they were in late The agricultural crisis of the ism and Rural Development in Mozam 1984 and early 1985, in which dozens lower Limpopo valley, like that of bique: The Case of Aldeia Comunal 24 of Mozambican civilians lost their all of Mozambique, is rooted in the de Julho, University of Toronto, 1986. lives. What attacks do now take collapse of the country's colonial economy after independence. After an absence of 3 years, it place usually take the form of inef The was with considerable anticipation fective long distance sniper fire, and flight of settler farmers, the col lapse and excitement that I returned are confined almost exclusively to a of national commercial net works, to the lower Limpopo River val single short stretch of road passing the decline in levels of mi ley, in southern Mozambique's Gaza through heavily wooded terrain in grant labour to South Africa (which Province. I had lived and worked in Maputo province, which Mozambi historically has served as an impor this area, located some 200 km north can truck drivers (for obvious rea tant source of agricultural capital of Maputo, for almost a year during sons) have come to refer to as in southern Mozambique), all con a study tour between 1981 and 1983. "Beirut". The present ineffective tributed to a sharp drop in levels of I was eager to see what changes had ness of MNR attacks appears due agricultural output in the immedi taken place, especially what effect to the fact that all traffic now trav ate post-independence period. Fre the new policies of economic liber els in well-armed convoys along this limo's subsequent decision to make alization and increased support for dangerous stretch, and more gen state farms the cornerstone of na peasant and private sector agricul erally that the Mozambican armed tional agricultural policy served only ture, announced at Frelimo's Fourth forces are now able to keep enough to compound the country's agricul Party Congress in 1983, were having pressure on MNR bands to prevent tural problems. The state farms on levels of agricultural production them from grouping into units large proved expensive and unworkable and rural life in general. enough to mount serious attacks. In failures, and the concentration of in the lower Limpopo valley itself, the I travelled from Maputo to the vestments in the state farm sector military situation continues to re deprived city of Xai-Xai, the capital of peasants, cooperatives and Gaza main as secure as it was when I was province, in a small 6-seater capitalist farmers of much needed air there last, and it is possible to travel craft operated by Mission Aviation, support, thereby limiting their pro freely throughout the area. ductive capacity and an American organization which has output. A succession of natural disasters, es set up business in Mozambique only As we flew in low over the in the past year, as part of the pecially the severe drought which Limpopo valley in preparation to has afflicted much of the country increased U.S. presence in Mozain land at Xai-Xai's airport, the well bique since 1980, and the crippling ef since the signing of the Nko defined boundaries of cultivated mati Accord in 1984. Because MNR fects of South Africa's war of desta fields and the parallel rows of bilization, have further exacerbated terrorist attacks against civilian ve planted crops that I could see on all hicles have made road travel in many Mozambique's precarious agricul sides immediately suggested that a tural situation. The agricultural

18 december 1986 Southern Africa REPORT 18 december 1986 Southern Africa REPORT MQUE 0 00 - reforms introduced by the Fourth considers that the average Mozambi to private and peasant producers. Congress are an attempt to find a can urban wage is only about 6000 Hand tools, trucks, tractors, fuel way out of this crisis. MT a month. Though the govern and other inputs are now avail goug The view of the Limpopo valley ment has denounced the price able in much greater quantities than many retail merchants, the the case. A sizeable which greeted me from the air upon ing of was formerly is arrival seemed to suggest that the root problem remains one of supply, part of this increased support as long as supplies remain low, being financed by foreign Fourth Congress reforms were hav and currently agencies. USAID, for exam ing some measure of success. On prices will remain high. donor consid the ground too, the relative abun My excursions to the country ple, has been supplying a dance of agricultural produce in Xai side soon revealed some of the other erable amount of support to pri Xai's central market, and the greater reasons for the recent growth in vate farmers. Trucks and tractors emblazoned with the USAID logo quantities of consumer goods in the agricultural output in the lower stores - two developments which had Limpopo valley. In many commu are now a common sight through out the area. Dutch NGOs, on also been evident in Maputo - stood nities throughout the region, large the other hand, have been playing in marked contrast to the empty areas of what was once state farm or very important role in support of stalls and bare shelves of my earlier cooperative sector land are now be a peasant producers. Their support visit to Mozambique. ing turned over to peasants and cap has gone to rebuilding the largely abandoned drainage-irrigation sys tem upon which peasant cash crop ping was based in the colonial pe riod. In the severe drought condi tions which have afflicted the area p since 1980, this programme, which counts on large-scale popular par ticipation to build the canals, has met with widespread popular sup port. Dutch support has also gone to helping establish a small-scale metal working industry in the area, capable of supplying the region with basic agricultural and household im plements, such as plows, hoes, and buckets. This latter project struck me as being particularly important as an attempt to link agricultural One of the main reasons for this italist farmers. The state farms and and industrial development at the increase in marketed agricultural cooperatives, which formerly con local level. production _was readily apparent at trolled much of the best agricultural the weigh scales of every stall in Xai land in the valley, but lacked the ca Though I was very encouraged Xai's central market: the price of pacity to use it productively, have by these initiatives, and by the in food is higher, much higher, than it been left with only as much land as crease in marketed output they have was when I was last in Mozambique. they can actually cultivate. This de generated, it was quite evident that The policy of commercial liberaliza cision, which is in keeping with the the obstacles to any major and sus tion which the government began current policy of allocating resources tained increase in agricultural pro implementing in 1985 has freed the to those producers who have the ca duction continue to be considerable. price of many agricultural products, pacity to use them most efficiently The most obvious and immediate of giving rise to increased supplies of (whether these be state farms, coop these is the continuing shortage of marketed produce, but also to dra eratives, capitalist farmers or peas basic consumer goods in the coun matic price increases. At the begin ants), has had the effect of bringing tryside. For the peasantry in par unavailability of con ning of the tomato season, for ex much fallow land back into produc ticular, the dis ample, tomatoes in Xai-Xai's cen tion. sumer goods constitutes a major incentive to increased production. If tral market were selling for 300 met Another important factor in nothing to be bought with icais (MT) per kg. As the sea stimulating the recent growth in there is the money peasants earn through son advanced and supply increased, agricultural output in the lower of their crops, there is lit competition drove the price down Limpopo valley has been the dra the sale tle reason for them to produce crops to about 80-90 MT per kg, a fig matic increase in levels of state ma for market in the first place. The ure which is still very high when one terial support now being extended

eebr18 AfiaRPR Southern Africa REPORTSouthern~~~~~~december 1986 0 MHOM on(acms

capacity of the Mozambican govern At the level of general popu tion against Mozambique, it is clear ment to increase the supply of con lar consumption as well, the impor that the short term prospects for sumer goods at this time, however, tance of consumer goods brought Mozambique's agricuitural reforms would appear to be very limited, in back by returning migrant work are at best uncertain. To meet view of the massive economic losses ers is now also very great. The the threat of South African sanc and military expenditures imposed chronic shortage of consumer goods tions, and growing military aggres on the country by South Africa's war inside Mozambique has led to a dra sion, Mozambique will need sub of destabilization. matic increase in the amount of mer stantial international economic sup The shadow which South Africa chandise being imported by migrant port, in order to give the kinds of casts on the agricultural reforms of workers, and to the development of local level development initiatives the Fourth Congress also looms large a flourishing import business (and a now being implemented in the lower in another respect. Because of the corresponding entrepreneurial stra Limpopo valley a chance of working. traditional dependency of the ru tum) - all based on the foreign cur Taken as a whole, the agricul ral economy of southern Mozam rency purchasing power of migrant tural reforms of the Fourth Congress bique on migrant labour to South labourers. Convoys leaving Maputo clearly represent a significant retreat Africa, the recent decision by the for Xai-Xai, and for Inhambane fur from the ambitious strategy of ru South African government to expel, ther north, are often in excess of 2 ral collectivization launched imme over the next year, all Mozambican km in length, consisting mostly of diately after independence, and ad migrant workers is likely to deal a trucks laden with consumer goods hered to right up until 1982 when severe blow to Frelimo's efforts to bought by miners for shipment back preparations for the IV Congress stimulate private and peasant sector to their home communities inside began. In the current context of Mozambique. agriculture, and to the economy of drought, acute food shortages, and southern Mozambique as a whole. These goods are usually redis especially war, the primary concern tributed through informal systems of the Mozambican government has Historically, migrant labour to of exchange and the parallel econ increasingly become one of augment South Africa has been an impor omy. For ing food production and keeping tant source of agricultural capital many Mozambican ru ral families, returning miners, not critical sectors of the economy func and consumer goods for this part local shops, have now become tioning, regardless of the relations of the country. Though levels of the main source of soap, cloth of production through which this is labour recruitment to South Africa and other consumer goods. Much of achieved. dropped sharply after independence, the cur rent economic upswing they have again increased in recent which was so noticeable The dangers which this opening years, reaching over 61,000 this year to me on this trip, has been, I think, closely to market forces poses for Mozam in the mining industry alone - a linked to this increase bique's long term socialist objec figure approximating colonial levels in labour recruitment to South tives are evident. Already, in fact, of recruitment. The increased sup Africa. one could see that capitalist ply of capital and consumer goods farmers, and entrepreneurs generally, were which this increase in labour re This dependency of the Mozam exhibiting much greater public as cruitment has entailed, has been bican economy on migrant labour sertiveness and an increasing ten very important in enabling peas to South Africa is quite starkly ev dency to play a more active role ants, and especially capitalist farm ident in global financial terms as in local political affairs. On the ers, to respond to the agricultural well. Wenela, the labour recruiting other hand, these reforms may well reforms introduced by the govern organization for the South African be viewed in Mozambique as ment. For though the government mining industry, which has an office a nec essary tactical retreat, aimed at has sought to increase supplies of in Maputo, estimates that migrant grounding future efforts to build a tools and other capital inputs to labour to the mines alone is worth socialist rural economy on a firmer rural areas, a large part of these approximately 230 million Rand to productive basis. But whatever continue to be brought in by re the Mozambican economy this year the case, it is clear that turning migrant workers from South (1986), with a large part of this sum the Fourth Congress reforms represent Africa. Nearly all the private farm taking the form of the imports de a gen uine attempt to correct ers I spoke to, for example, de scribed above. It is clear that if the past policy mistakes pended on migrant workers to sup expulsion of the Mozambican mi and to pursue a more bal anced rural development ply them with the spare parts and grant workers goes ahead, the im strategy. lubricants they needed to keep their pact on the economy of southern Ultimately, however, any progress in tractors and trucks in working order. Mozambique is going to be severe. this direction, as we have seen, will be closely linked to the outcome of The same was true for the vehicles In the face of this escalation in the overall struggle for an apartheid operated by rural merchants. South Africa's war of destabiliza- free South Africa.

20 december 1986 Southern Africa REPORT Constructive Disinvestment or Deceptive Engagement?

BY JIM CASON & MIKE FLESHMAN Faced with escalating unrest inside South Africa and growing pressures from divestment activists, a number of major U.S. corporate investors have announced they are heading for the exit. Coca-Cola, General Mo tors, and IBM have all announced they are "withdrawing" from South Africa, and the British banking gi ant Barclays followed suit in late November. But are they? In most cases the answer is turning out to be no. Take for example IBM. The day IBM, GM and Coca-Cola among The state of New Jersey, San that IBM announced they were others are attempting to ease anti Francisco and Washington D.C., withdrawing, IBM South Africa ran apartheid pressures at home by sell have all followed the Los Angeles' full page ads in all the major South ing off their local subsidiaries to example in insisting that U.S. com African newspapers assuring cus nominally independent local com panies sever all ties to South Africa. tomers that their products would panies while continuing business "As the nature of U.S. eco still be available. The current man through licensing and franchise nomic relations with South Africa ager of IBM South Africa, Jack agreements. As one IBM dealer in changes, the divestment movement Clark, will become the new manager South Africa cheerfully admitted to needs to pressure for an end to of an as yet unnamed company that the Washington Post, "Nothing has all involvement - sales, investments, will buy out IBM's interests in South really changed except that IBM no trade and licensing agreements Africa. IBM is providing a low in longer has to account for its pres with the South African econ terest, five year loan to the new ence in South Africa." Even IBM omy," wrote American Committee company and has signed a renew South Africa director Jack Clark de on Africa Projects Director Rob able three year agreement to supply scribed the arrangement as virtually Jones in a letter to anti-apartheid IBM products and a similar five year "business as usual." activists in late October. "In the agreement for servicing. coming months, we need to ensure cam and General Motors, which is also But business as usual even that state and local divestment selling its assets to its local South ouflaged with licensing agreements selective purchasing measures con like IBM African management, was even more and locally owned front companies tinue to target companies off the careful, writing into the sales agree isn't getting IBM and GM and GM." hook. Los Angeles, which is one of ment a clause enabling GM in De Loophole with legislation Closing Corporate troit to buy'back its South African 32 cities in the U.S. But to give the corporations their interests at a future date. General restricting city business with cor Africa, due, companies like IBM and GM Motors has also signed long term li porations involved in South satisified the prin censing and franchising agreements still has IBM and GM on their list. have, technically, cipal demand of the anti-apartheid with the "new" company and pro "They would still clearly be disqual movement - ending all direct invest vided a low interest loan to set up ified - no doubt about it," said Mark ment in South Africa. Historically, that company. Interestingly, both Fabiani, legal advisor to Los Angeles will anti-apartheid activists built their GM and IBM had to rush to com Mayor Thomas Bradley. "They business ties anti-corporate campaigns around plete these loans before the Congres have more than enough to fall within the the 350-odd U.S. companies with sional ban on new investment came with South Africa direct investment in South Africa. into effect on November 12. scope of the Los Angeles law."

eebr18 AIiaRPR Southern Africa REPORTSouthern~~~~~~december 1986 mooL o wmtg______

The "hit list" of US companies in But Big Business isn't giving up. boring Swaziland, and the ubiqui South Africa published by ACOA, When Coca Cola announced its in tous Coke logo will still dot the the prime mover behind the di tention to "disinvest" earlier this apartheid landscape. Coke's "with vestment campaign in the United year, Coke vice president Carl Ware drawal" from South Africa won't States, lists only companies with di went a step further than his cor disturb its 75 percent share of the rect investments in or loans to South porate peers in adopting an anti South African soft drink market. Africa rather than the estimated apartheid pose. "We do not believe Anti-apartheid activists are not 6,000 companies doing business with that disinvestment alone is an ad persuaded. "It's a sham," says South Africa. equate statement of opposition to Atlanta activist Tandi Gcabashe. apartheid," Ware wrote in a letter to "They're still selling their products The use of the direct investment US church leaders. "For this reason there, they're still making money criteria was first and foremost a we are currently involved in negoti and they're still doing business. function of campaign logistics, but ations to sell a large portion of our Nothing has changed." Gcabashe it did create a loophole that the equity holdings in the bottling and and other activists are coordinating companies have tried to exploit. In canning business to our retail deal a nationwide consumer boycott of response, the anti-apartheid move ers, most of whom are black." the Atlanta-based multinational. ment has moved quickly to close it What Ware didn't tell the But Coke's careful cultivation of - developing stringent new criteria churches is that Coke's bottling in an anti-apartheid image, which in for disinvestment that include licens terests accounted for less than 10 cludes the creation of a $10 mil ing, technology transfers and sales. percent of the $55 million Coke lion philanthropic fund in South A draft of the proposed new criteria earned in South Africa in 1985. Africa (see Southern Africa RE is circulating among anti-apartheid Syrup sales, which earned Coke a to its activists in the United States, and is PORT, April 1986) in addition tidy $50 million last year, will con to date fruitless search for black in scheduled for release in December. tinue from a new plant in neigh- vestors, has won it some friends in South Africa and the United States, including a leading anti-apartheid campaigner, the Rev. Allan Boesak. According to U.S. press ac counts, Boesak endorsed Coke's dis investment scheme during a Coke sponsored visit to the United States in November. "In that way," Boesak told the Post, "divestment would be come a process of empowering blacks economically and politically, thereby bringing more pressure on the South African government and more con fidence for our people." Boesak also sits on the board of directors of Coke's South Africa Foundation, and his links to the company have hampered efforts to launch the Coke boycott. Other South African activists Southern Africa REPORT spoke to, however, expressed surprise at Boesak's reported endorsement of Coke's actions, pointing out that Boesak has been a leading advocate of sanctions and corporate with drawal from South Africa. Coke's South Africa policy has also been en dorsed by some leading civil rights activists, including Coretta Scott King and Atlanta Mayor Andrew Young.

22 december 1986 Southern Africa REPORT But Coke's emphasis on "devel But GM refused to negotiate the the strikers. With disinvestment opment of a black leadership infras terms of its withdrawal with its actions certain to increase in the tructure" - corporate newspeak for workers. On October 6 General Mo months to follow, the movement's the creation of a black middle class tors decided to sell its South African failure to support black workers' de - is just the latest in an increasingly operations to local management but mands and defend workers' interest desperate search for black "moder it was not until workers went on can only weaken workers' support ates" to manage a post-apartheid strike that GM agreed to meet with for disinvestment in South Africa South Africa for the capitalist West. the union leadership to discuss the and ultimately erode the political Far from promoting the end to sale. And even then GM took a very and moral legitimacy of the anti apartheid, Coke's policy is designed tough attitude toward the strike, fir apartheid movement itself. to demobilize black resistance and ing 500 workers who were sitting in On November 1, the three major obstruct far reaching economic, po at the plant and later calling in po unions in the auto industry issued litical and social change. Coca-Cola lice with attack dogs to break up a six point statement on disinvest operations in South Africa may now a picket line at the plant gate ment demanding full consultation, be once removed, but they continue the first direct police intervention job security, severance pay, and con to operate in and benefit from the in a motor industry labour dispute trol over pension funds from the de apartheid economy and that's why in recent memory. The combina parting companies. These demands activists in South Africa and in the tion of police violence and threat of should be taken up by the disinvest U.S. will continue to demand full mass firings succeeded in breaking ment movement in the United States withdrawal of all corporations from the strike on November 18. and incorporated into the disinvest South Africa. NAAWU's action is a forceful re ment criteria now under discussion. Disinvestment and the Unions minder that South Africa's emerg The struggle in South Africa has ing black trade unions have a lot at changed dramatically over the last But ironically the disinvestment stake in the withdrawal of corpora two years and the anti-apartheid movement's greatest challenge may tions from South Africa. It's a re movement has sometimes had to come not from management but ality that the anti-apartheid move struggle to keep pace with the grow from labour. In October, workers ment in the U.S. will have to come to ing strength of the black resistance. at two General Motors plants in terms with as the pace of disinvest Strong public support for the unions Port Elizabeth went on strike to ment accelerates. On this issue the disinvestment demands is both an protest the terms of the company's unions are trying to balance contra obligation and an opportunity for recently announced decision to pull dictory interests. On the one hand anti-apartheid activists to forge new out of South Africa. Contrary to the unions are playing a political links of communication and solidar press reports, the strike was not role in the struggle against apartheid ity with the people of South Africa. against GM's decision to disinvest and that accounts for their strong Such links or the lack of such links but over the company's failure to support for corporate disinvestment. are certain to be tested in the weeks consult with workers over the terms On the other hand the union's politi and months to come. of the disinvestment. The workers cal strength comes from their ability had two demands - severance pay to deliver material benefits to their and control over pension funds - but members on the shop floor - an abil the underlying issue was the com ity that is potentially threatened by pany's refusal to negotiate the terms corporate withdrawal and economic of its disinvestment with the Na sanctions. tional Automobile and Allied Work The unions themselves have ers Union (NAAWU). demonstrated that it is possible to both support disinvestment and or According to NAAWU regional ganize strong trade unions, but the "NAAWU secretary Les Kettledas, U.S. anti-apartheid movement has to the has absolutely no opposition yet to demonstrate that it under leaving. Our position is Americans stands and supports workers' com that GM has been in the country plex attitudes toward disinvestment. for sixty years and for at least 55 of The GM strike is a case in point. those years has been making profits, GM's strong arm tactics and exploited the apartheid situa Despite and the legitimacy of NAAWU's de tion to its benefit. At the point when mands for compensation and con the corporation pulls out it should the U.S. anti-apartheid pay some compensation to the work sultation, movement did nothing to support ers."

Southern Africa REPORT december 1986 23 Red Baiting in America

BY DAVID LEWIS platform of justice and nationalism, The policy tack will not nec leaving issues of post-revolutionary essarily take the shape of an at David Lewis is a South African trade organization to the fine print." It tempt to discredit the ANC as a unionist temporarily living in New is at this "post-revolutionary orga whole. Chester Crocker recently York. nization" that the red-baiting is di acknowledged at a Senate hearing rected, with the ANC as the major that the ANC qualified "in a generic The US Administration's South target. sense" as a group of "freedom fight Africa policy may be down, but it's ers" Some of the far right campaign He was harshly criticized by not out. In Reagan's widely repudi the right wing for this concession. ated 22 July speech on South Africa, ers are crude. In an article in the Los Angeles Times, Raymond But Reagan himself has called on the key to his administration's cur the South African government Price, a former Nixon speechwriter, to re rent foreign policy lies in his refer lease Mandela and writes that "the real struggle in un-ban the ANC ences to the "Soviet armed guerillas President Oliver South Africa is not about race ... Tambo or Secretary of the ANC". Supporting apartheid General Alfred it is about whether South Africa Nzo. When referring may have proved too hot to han to will fall into the hands of the So the ANC, Reagan's speech is lit dle, but fighting communism is what tered with viet stooges of the African National adjectives like 'commu they're really good at. nist', 'terrorist', Congress and become another Bul and 'Soviet armed', The "Soviet menace" has always the buzz garia, Nicaragua or Afghanistan". words for official US hostil been part of the Reagan administra ity. And He refers to the "communist-run yet the administration has tion's South Africa policy. In the acknowledged ANC and its terrorist allies who that it is considering name of fighting communism in An official contact burn people alive". A recent New with the ANC. gola, the administration has armed York Times op ed article entitled The Administration's hope is UNITA. The US-conceived linking "In South Africa, Black Leninism" that there will be elements - 'na of Cuban withdrawal from Angola cites ANC support for Soviet for tionalists' is the term - within the with South African withdrawal from eign policy positions and, replete ANC with whom it can deal. It's Namibia has successfully stymied a with graphic stories of 'necklaces' worth quoting Reagan at length: settlement in that country. and 'petrol bombs', concludes that "... the ANC started out some years But the "Soviet menace" strat "Mrs. (Winnie) Mandela wishes to ago and there was no question about egy has never been applied with impose on fellow South Africans a it being a solid organization. But much success to South Africa itself. dictatorship as brutal as that im in 1921 in South Africa the Commu The strength of the apartheid issue posed by Moscow on the Ethiopi nist Party formed, and just moved aside, it has been difficult to asso ans and the Afghans ... The blacks into the African National Congress ciate the international opposition to of South Africa will not find a bet ... We've had enough experience in apartheid with the Soviet Union. It ter life under an ANC dictatorship." our own country with so-called Com is principally an African-led cam The writer of this article is John R. munist fronts to know that you can Silber, president paign, and, the best efforts of the of Boston Univer have an organization with some well South African government sity, and it notwith is no coincidence that his meaning and fine people, but you standing, it has proved fairly imper university is conferring an honorary have an element in there that has vious to notions of super power ri doctorate upon Gatsha Buthelezi. its own agenda, and this is what valry. In fact, this right wing venom de has happened with the ANC ... the But clearly the red-baiting ef rives support from Buthelezi's own ANC in exile, the ones that we are fort is now being made in the hope characterization of the ANC. In an hearing from and that are making that, even if it does not bear fruit article in the LA Times, Buthelezi the statements, are the members of in the short run, it will pay off in refers to "ANC comrades and other that African Communist Party. So the long run when the fate of post purveyors of death and destruction". now if you could do business with apartheid South Africa is decided. He asks "Is this what the Ameri and separate out and get the solid A contributor to the influential and can people really want to support? citizens in the ANC to come for liberal Washington Post warned, in The ANC kills people as a matter of ward on their own that'sjust fine." an article on South Africa, that "it policy. Surely the lessons of Korea All of which sounds remarkably sim is the Soviet way to try to cap and Vietnam are still fresh in your ilar to Buthelezi's persistent distinc ture popular revolutions on a broad minds." tion between what he refers to as

-1A december 1986 Southern Africa REPORT mooo wmtohi

"the External Mission of the ANC" Whilst a Democratic Party Ad the SACP. Anti-apartheid support have to (which he asserts is Moscow domi ministration would probably lower ers in North America will be equally forthright. There are nated) and an unidentified authen the red-baiting temperature some this. tic core that will recognize his lead what, they're at one with their Re a number of ways of doing ership claims. publican colleagues on the Soviet There is the powerful, though es threat. In the recently released sentially defensive, response that as serts the fight against apartheid, like Underlying the Administration's Democratic Party programme, New the fight against the Nazis, legit attempts to distinguish, and, if nec Choices in a Changing America, the imates an alliance with the Com essary, create camps within the first of the Foreign Policy Princi "Invade ANC is the reluctant admission that ples states "the expansion of So munists. In a song called Africa" Trinidadian calypso somewhere down the line it will have viet influence continues to pose the South "... it's to treat seriously with the ANC. major threat to American inter star Mighty Sparrow sings decision with this racial The trick is to separate the reds ests and world peace. We must not an easy but I'd rather have an 'ism from the blacks. And in the eu not and cannot relax our vigilance problem, the apartheid system." phoria surrounding the recent pas against Soviet imperialism." The than sage - over Reagan's veto - of the document commits itself to "tough But maybe the only way of effec Anti-Apartheid Act it is often for and effective sanctions against South tively dealing with the red-baiting is gotten that the new law itself en Africa" so as not to be ultimately to insist, even at the immediate cost shrines and legitimizes Reagan's red faced with a "no win choice among of some support, that the US simply baiting. Section 509 of the Act racism, Marxism, or other extrem does not have the right to determine instructs the CIA and other intel ist elements." The Chairman of the nature of post-apartheid society, ligence gathering agencies to sub the Foreign Policy panel is the and to make it clear that even the mit to the Senate within the 90 New York Congressman Steven So current CIA investigation is a se days two reports - one classified, the larz, one of Congress' leading anti rious violation of the rights of the other unclassified - which "shall set apartheid campaigners. South African majority. This will forth the activities of the Commu probably lose some anti-apartheid nist Party in South Africa, the ex Red-baiting is not going to dis support. But it may start to in tent to which Communists have in appear. Its going to intensify. And ject a new notion into the American filtrated the many black and non an anti-apartheid movement that polity. To rupture, even slightly, the white (sic) South African organiza wishes to maintain its broad base Republican/Democratic mould that tions engaged in the fight against of support in order to capitalize takes for granted the right of the US the apartheid system and the extent on its recent success will have to to intervene in other countries when to which any such Communist infil deal with this. The ANC, to its a threat to the US national interest tration or influence sets the policies credit, continues to proclaim the is perceived is worth the loss of a and goals of the organizations with broad anti-capitalist tenor of its few limp allies in the anti-apartheid which they are involved." struggle and its close alliance with struggle.

bique, touched on the need for new bilization for sanctions - "Apartheid international solidarity. must be killed," she said. "We can The Funeral go on for ten or twenty years, but (continued from page 12) But perhaps the most memo we will not succeed to overcome our I spent time with health workers rable minutes of my stay in Mozam difficulties, with South Africa as an and journalists, with people plan bique were fifteen minutes spent aggressive neighbour." ning new films and people struggling with Gra~a Machel and hour before And finally she talked a little to fill the food gap which will place leaving. She had borne herself with about herself, with extraordinary at risk this great dignity throughout the public 4 million Mozambicans strength and dignity. "When they ceremonies. Now, face to face, she year. first told me he was dead, I wanted embraced me, listened to my mes And then, on Saturday, our last to die too, but then I thought, he did sages of sympathy and solidarity and day, Antonio arrived with the mes not die, he was killed. He wanted to said, "We have always known that sage that somehow, before we left, now I must live, and carry we had many friends, but it is good live. So our request for time to meet with out the work." that you are here, so we can touch." some government officials would be Then she went on to talk about the The stars were shining one hour met. Late in the day, coming out tasks ahead. later when the plane left Maputo. of meetings, Joaquin Chissano and Perhaps when I return again the sun Armando Guebuza outlined the se She talked about aid for Mozam will be shining. rious situation now facing Mozam- bique in terms of strengthening mo-

Suternn Ara Southern Africa REPORT december 1986 Malawi and the MNR

Malawi has a lengthy history of Portuguese dictatorship soon found agreed to establish a high-level joint playing both sides of the street it convenient to encourage Banda's security commission with Mozam in the regional politics of southern fantasy, however, holding out the bique to deal with the issue. At the Africa. It has taken up member hope of "Greater Malawi" as the same time, reports published in the ship in SADCC while at the same bait for Banda's not allowing Fre Mozambican daily newspaper Noti time it is giving support to the limo fighters access to Mozambique cias (7/10/86) suggest that the ac South African backed MNR in its through Malawi. Throughout the cusations of complicity with South aggressive actions against Mozam independence war and even after Africa and the coordinated action by bique. Mozambique's (overly?) pa Mozambican independence in 1975, the front line states are giving rise tient efforts to woo Malawi into Malawi has supported a series of to "serious contradictions among the line through SADCC were dramat anti-Frelimo movements. The last Malawian leadership." ically challenged by leaders of the of these, the Mozambique Revolu Front Line states bordering Malawi October and November have tionary Party (MRP) merged in early September. with seen a sharp increase in the level of the South African-backed MNR in fighting along the Malawi In an important show of growing 1982. The Malawian policy of co Mozambique border area between political coordination, the leaders operation with South Africa's strat MNR rebels and Mozambican of Zambia, Zimbabwe and Mozam egy of destabilization in the region troops. Thousands of rural Mozam bique, through whose countries the reached new heights following the bicans have fled from the bulk of Malawi's international trade terror into signing of the Nkomati Accord in Malawi. passes, informed Malawian life pres Interpretations of these 1984. The levels of MNR activity events vary widely. Some suggest ident Hastings Kamuzu Banda of in northern Mozambique increased their intention to close the borders that the movement of MNR per dramatically as a result of Malaw sonnel across the border may rep with Malawi unless it ceased its sup ian willingness to serve as an alter resent an expulsion of the MNR port for the MNR. At the meeting in nate conduit for MNR infiltration from Malawi (and a distancing of Blantyre on September 11, President into Mozambique. Samora Machel, just five weeks be Malawi from South Africa's strat fore his death, informed Malawi of At a meeting between Pres egy of destabilization.) Others of Mozambique's intentions to set up ident Banda and Presidents fer much more pessimistic perspec missile installations along their com Mugabe, Kaunda and Machel in tives, anticipating the fabrication of mon border in a bid to halt the ag September, the Mozambican officials incidents in this region which South gression. produced a dossier documenting Africa will try to seize to justify still Malawian support for the "armed more dramatic actions of interven The aging President Banda has bandits." The Mozambique Revo tion. long dreamed of a "Greater Malawi" lutionary Party's signatory to the that would encompass all of Mozam merger with the MNR was one bique north of the Zambezi river, Jimo Phiri, who served as the MNR and give land-locked Malawi a link chief representative in Malawi. The to the sea. This would include the dossier included photocopies of two international port at Nacala that passports for him under different Banda reportedly is fond of refer names, and documents referring to ring to as "my port." Banda's Phiri, including one from MNR dream dates back at least to 1962 leader, Afonso Dhlakama, giving de when he visited Dar es Salaam bear tails of weapons, ammunition and ing an old Portuguese map and other support required from Malawi. tried to persuade Tanzanian Pres Not surprisingly, Mozambique has ident Julius Nyerere that Mozam several times appealed for his extra bique did not exist as a separate dition. country. Nyerere refused to accom What Malawi's response will be pany Banda on a tour to put his to these long overdue pressures case to other African leaders and to by its neighbours remains unclear. Portuguese colonial leaders in Lis While publicly denying any involve bon. Salazar and other leaders of the ment with the MNR, Malawi has

26 december 1986 Southern Africa REPORT South Africa as a Neighbour

Martin, then in Maputo but usu ally based in Zimbabwe, and Joseph Hanlon, speaking from London after BEGGAR YOURI long residence and extensive travel JoseplhHanlon throughout southern Africa. Han DESTRUCTIVE I NEIGHBOURS1 lon and Martin, along with Phyl lis Johnson, are the principal au ENGAGEMENT thors of the three books here un der review. All the books were pub lished before the death of Machel, but they bring to life the partially hidden, complex economic, political, and military war in the region. The shape and nature of this war must be grasped in order to understand the full dimensions of the strug gle against apartheid, the painful side of sanctions, and the wide re gional and international import of Southern Africa at War Machel's death. They also show why David Martin and Joseph Hanlon were so well-informed in their radio BY JONATHAN BARKER commentary and why their reports were suffused with scarcely con Joseph Hanlon, Apartheid's Second cealed anger toward the apartheid More destructive and ultimately Front: South Africa's War against state. more deadly has been Pretoria's eco Its Neighbours, Penguin, 130pp., How can one fail to experi nomic aggression. Extrapolating $7.95. ence anger in the face of the cat from figures calculated by the South Joseph Hanlon, Beggar Your Neigh alogue of the sheer destructiveness ern Africa Coordination Commis bours: Apartheid Power in Southern of South Africa's forays against its sion in 1985, Hanlon estimates the Africa, Catholic Institute for Inter neighbours? Hanlon's briefer study, cost of war damage, higher trans national Relations with James Cur Apartheid's Second Front (which is port costs, lost production and ex rey and Indiana University Press, an abbreviated version of his longer ports, care for refugees, higher mil 368 pp. £8.95 in U.K. book), chronicles the willful damage, itary budgets, and diverted invest starting with the attack of 9 Decem ments at about £10,000 million in Phyllis Johnson and David Mar ber 1982 on a dozen flats and houses early 1986 and mounting at an ac tin, eds. Destructive Engagement: in Maseru, Lesotho's capital. South celerating rate. Particularly telling Southern Africa at War, Zimbabwe African commandos killed 30 South are the figures given by Martin and Publishing House for the Southern African refugees and 12 Lesotho na Johnson of more than 2700 schools Africa Research and Documentation tionals. That very day in the port of closed, displacing 500,000 pupils and Centre, 378 pp., $12.50 plus tax in Beira in Mozambique another group 5000 teachers. No wonder recent U.S.A. destroyed a depot of fuel intended World Bank figures show that the for Zimbabwe and Malawi. In all, proportion of children in primary Many of us spent more time than Hanlon counts (as of early 1986) school has declined in the last four usual listening to BBC and CBC ra raids (killing hundreds) by South years. The books do not calculate dio reports in a search for more in Africa's specially trained comman the lost production of food by farm formation, better background, and dos on 7 neighbouring capitals and ers made refugees, the lost time of clearer analysis of the death of attempts to assassinate 2 prime min leaders diverted from development Samora Machel and his colleagues isters, in addition to the large-scale matters to defense, the lost talent and of the plane crash which killed invasions of Angola (killing thou diverted from productive adminis them. The voices which to me made sands) in 1975 and 1980 and the sup tration to military service; but that the most sense and gave the most port for rebels in Mozambique since these losses are all too real is made information were those of David 1975 (killing more than 100,000). clear enough.

Southern Africa REPORT december 1986 in the region from the perspective An excellent companion to the of struggle over apartheid. They Apartheid Handbook, also useful are the work of committed reporters published by Penguin, Apartheid's who have dug out and assembled Front gives a concise account Second the information which casts South of the economic ties which South Africa's little-known regional war in Africa uses to enforce its regional sharp relief. The emphases and se domination and to limit the psycho of detail differ somewhat and logical and political impact within lection over particu South Africa of majority rule in the there is room to argue countries next door. The possibil lar interpretations. About one cen ity of a successful socialist devel tral and crucial point there can be opment pattern is doubly threaten nerabilities of each country. Where no dispute, however: the struggle ing to Pretoria. Hence the relent it has little economic leverage, as is against apartheid, while it is cen less and unbridled interventions of the case with Angola, it resorts to tered in South Africa, is also a re the apartheid state. The only de invasion and direct support for the gional struggle and the countries of fence of the front line states is to UNITA rebels. Hanlon is more sen the region will know no peace until strengthen their internal economic sitive to the question of the basis of apartheid is defeated. coherence through SADCC and to support for dissidents and factions, Some readers may want to ask lessen their dependency on South but Johnson and Martin give a fuller further questions about the direc Africa. Western powers can help account of the ties between South tion development and policy are greatly by supporting SADCC and Africa and the Reagan administra assuming in the pressured front -by imposing sanctions. Measures tion, arguing that Chester Crocker line states, about the content and should be chosen for the psychologi is well to the left of the real sources pertinence of socialist, democratic, cal and economic effect. If strictly of United States policy in south and egalitarian initiatives. Some enforced, refusal to supply South ern Africa. They also examine more may wonder how the attacks and Africa with new advanced technolo directly the South African war ma threats in southern Africa com gies and with petroleum products chine and its nuclear capability. Be pare with imperialist machinations could rapidly weaken the regime of sides its greater detail on the front in Central America or, indeed, with apartheid. line states, Hanlon's book has the the now routine enforcement on great advantage of a good index and debtor nations of subordination to What the short book cannot do useful statistical tables. Destructive is to examine in detail the inner market forces and business institu Engagement reprints the full text of tions. How does the regional strug weaknesses and conflicts of the front the Nkomati Accord and the "secu line states on which South Africa is gle shape the longer-term trajectory rity understanding" between Swazi in the area? There is raw mate able to play. The regime in fact land and South Africa as well as cultivates such conflicts, as Hanlon rial for reflection on such matters in several UN documents relevant to these books, but little analysis be shows in Beggar Your Neighbours South African violence in the region, and as Martin and Johnson and the yond the crucial first step: a vivid but it has no index. other authors show in Destructive depiction of the grim reality of the Engagement. Both books recount in The three books are an enormous South African government's attempt fascinating detail the way in which aid to anyone who wants to under to use all its powers to preserve its South Africa uses the different vul- stand the shape of political conflict domination. States of Grace BY DAVID GALBRAITH have already been heard. In a But because it was recorded in long article in the New York Times South Africa, using local musicians, it's also an album which seems al Paul Simon. Graceland. Prod. Paul (8.26.86), Stephen Holden effused that it "effervesces with an extraor most calculatingly designed to gen Simon. Warner Bros. 1986. dinary sense of artistic freedom and erate a whole set of uneasy responses adventure." While under other cir among anti-apartheid activists. The Even in a industry where hyperbole curnstances this endorsement alone more simple-minded complaints ei is the norm, the reception of Grace might trigger suspicion in the minds ther zero in on its alleged eva land has been surprising. Paul Si of the more politically sophisticated, sion of South African politics, or mon is, after all, hardly the cutting the response of large sections of the aim for higher ground by attacking edge of American music. Nonethe left has been almost equally unre more generally its "exploitation" of less, cries of "album of the decade" served. African music and musicians.

Africa REPORT december 1986 Southern Africa REPORT Neither of these objections is, Light comes readily to mind. This his decision to include Linda Ron by itself, very forceful. Although is a project which is obviously dif stadt, a prominent Sun City per it's true that Simon eschews direct ficult. One runs the risk either of former,.on one track as a deliberate commentary on South Africa, these falling into a naive and often racist repudiation of the UN blacklist. The issues are very close to the sur identification with "the primitive" fact that "Under African Skies" hap face in "The Boy in the Bubble" or of simply raiding another culture pens to be the worst on the album and "Homeless." But he's much for fast thrills. Talking Heads nego is a purely serendipitous demonstra more concerned with enacting the tiated this successfully; so, for the tion of the symbiotic relationship be encounter between Africa and the most part, does Simon. tween art and politics. La Ronstadt metropolis to which he alludes ex has, after all, botched other musi plicitly in "You Can Call Me Al." cians' sessions. But here it's al On most tracks this is realized by most as if Linda's voice drives the counterpoising southern African mu PAUL SIMON song into the Third Worldist bathos sic to Simon's very metropolitan lit G R A C E L A N D which the record elsewhere manages erary sensibility. to evade. If this were a Lou Reed al bum, I'd be tempted to interpret the This strategy has its own re utter sentimentalism of the track as wards. Gracelandis much less sus a calculated irony. But the man who ceptible than most of his work to ac wrote "Bridge Over Troubled Wa cusations of preciousness. The ten ter" seems incapable of such finely sion between his voice and lyrics and effects. the instrumental work gives it an calibrated edge which is absent from much of Nonetheless, some very complex the rest of his music. This is most questions remain to be answered. evident on the tracks which feature The boycott was adopted at a Baghiti Khumalo and Ray Phiri. I time when the resistance movement find the two songs with Ladysmith within South Africa was at its lowest Black Mambazo less interesting be ebb. Its organizations were driven cause they attempt to reconstruct on deeply underground, its leaders ei a purely vocal level the edge which ther jailed or in exile, and its mass emerges, on other tracks, in the in base beaten temporarily into quies terplay between voice and instru But this relative success doesn't cence. Artists who identified with ments. get him off the hook so easily. Other popular aspirations went into exile; issues remain, precisely because it's there was good reason to be suspi When the perspectives embod South Africa which is being ad cious of most work being produced ied in African instrumentation and dressed. The most important of openly within the country. Western lyrical concerns are held in these is the cultural boycott. Si trans suspension, as indeed they are on This situation has been mon has stated that he received ap formed in recent years. The cur many tracks, Gracelandis most suc proval for the trip from such promi cessful. But Simon blows it com rent upsurge in popular resistance nent American anti-apartheid cul been widely echoed in the arts. pletely when he attempts to re has tural activists as Harry Belafonte Increasingly, most interesting cul turn to America. The zydeco track and Quincy Jones. Irrespective of production takes shape in of is merely embarrassing; the song tural the truth of this claim (and one explicit dialogue with the liber recorded with Los Lobos is disas ten would want more information about ation movement. Is there any way trous. It's difficult to relate them in the context of these discussions than through which this material could any significant way to the concerns Simon has provided), it does raise be made available to people out of the rest of the album, apart from the issue of the status of the boy side South Africa without abandon the presence on both of an accor cott. It is, after all, sponsored and ing the boycott? Or, in other words, dion. A polka would make as much administered by the United Nations. is it possible to construct a pol sense. The authority of individual Ameri icy which permits us both to attack cans, however prominent, to "clear" the Rod Stewarts and Linda Ron Graceland isn't the first Si individuals to work in South Africa stadts of the world and to diffuse the mon album to incorporate non is at best questionable. tremendously exciting work which is music. Nor is it metropolitan now being produced? One hopes so. the only recent album which seeks In this context, Simon's claim Graceland is hardly a crucial test to construct a dialogue between that the boycott hurts black South case. But it does, once again, focus African and Western musical con Africans becomes particularly objec these issues for us. cerns. Talking Heads' Remain in tionable. And it's hard not to read

29 Southern Africa REPORT december 1986 "DON'T MISS IT! A MASTERPIECE! TRIUMPHANT! HILARIOUS! ,,live Barnes. New York Post

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