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1 the Pilgrimage to Monticello Notes 1 The Pilgrimage to Monticello 1. Cited by E. J. Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution: Europe 1789-1848 (London: Sphere Books, 1973/1962) p. 164. 2. The best account of the iconography of La Fayette's tour of the United States isS. J. Idzerda, A. C. Loveland, M. H. Miller, Lafayette, Hero of Two Worlds: The Art and Pageantry of His Farewell Tour of America, 1824-1825 (Hanover and London: the Queen's Museum, 1989). There is a sub­ stantial bibliography. There are good illustrations also in M. Klamkin, The Return of Lafayette 1824-1825 (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1975). Contemporary accounts are reprinted in E. E. Brandon, Lafayette, Guest of the Nation: a Contemporary Account of the Triumphal Tour of General Lafayette through the United States in 1824-1825, as Reported by the Local Newspapers, 3 vols (Oxford, Ohio: Oxford Historical Press, 1950-57). Also useful is J. B. Nolan, Lafayette in America Day by Day (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1934). I have drawn parti­ cularly on the contemporary newspaper (and other) material reprinted in 'General La Fayette's Visit to Monticello and the University' in The Virginia Uniz,ersity Magazine, IV, 3 (December, 1859) 113-25; Auguste Levasseur, Lafayette in America, in 1824 and 1825, translated from the French (2 vols, 1829), and Jane Blair, Cary Smith, 'The Carysbrook Memoir', Wilson Miles Cary Memorial Collection (University of Virgi­ nia Ac. No. 1378) pp. 55-62. These have been supplemented by the newspapers on file at the International Center for Jefferson Studies, Charlottesville. For analysis of the influence of La Fayette's tour on forming national consciousness in the USA, see F. Somkin, Unquiet Eagle: Memory and Desire in the Idea of Amcrican Freedom, 1815-1860 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1967) and L. Kramer, Lafayette in Two Worlds: Public Cultures and Personal Identities in an Age oj Revolution (Chapel Hill and London: University of North Carolina Press, 1996). 3. Intense emotion was an expected part of public symbolism, cf. La Fayette at the tomb of Washington: 'gazing intently on the receptacle of departed greatness [La Fayette] fervently pressed his lips to the door of the vault, while tears filled the furrows in [his] cheeks. The key was now applied to the lock - the door flew open, and discovered the coffins, strewed with flowers and evergreens. The general descended the steps, and kissed the leaden cells ... then retired in an excess of feeling which language is too poor to describe.' Niles' Weekly Register, cited in Idzerda, op. cit. n. 2, p. 79. 4. S. Balaye (ed.), De CAI/emagnc, 2 vols (Paris: Garnier-Flammarion, 1968) I, 81. 5. Levasseur provides an account both of the iconography he found of significance in the villa of 'the sage of Monticello', and of the 177 178 Notes conversations of Jefferson and La Fayette. He was particularly aware of the gradation of the orders of architecture in the villa and of the importance given to the busts of Franklin, John Paul Jones, La Fayette and Washington. He also paid close attention to what he called the 'museum' in the hall, and to the relics of the Indian chief Tecumseh (see pp. 132-5 below). Conversation in the villa returned repeatedly to the issue of slavery. The French visitors were unconvinced by the southern slaveholders who argued that the negroes were 'an inferior species of men' whose liberty would be injurious, both to the whites (who would be threatened by 'the greatest misfortunes') and also to the negroes whose ignorance would lead them to idleness and 'excess'. La Fayette argued for repatriation of the negroes to Liberia. Another account of the visit is provided by Cary Smith (op. cit. n. 2) who, from a woman's point of view, recounts the problems of a house full of French-speaking guests in a mainly Anglophone society. 6. P. Scott, Temple of Liberty: Buildi11g the Capitol for a New Nation (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995) p. 3. 7. The Greek nationalist rising was a not uncommon theme of the tour. 'Greece regenerated' was toasted in Philadelphia, and at Mobile a triumphal arch incorporated a Greek flag with the flags of Mexico and the South American republics. The Harvard College Phi Beta Kappa Society toasted 'The smzs of classic Crcccr' - whose ancestors shed an imperishable lustre on the military and literary world, now bravely contending against fearful odds for independence; may they find among their natives a Washington, and among their allies a Lafayette, to lead them on to victory, to glory, and a free gouenzme11t'' It is probable that Byron's decision to fit out his own ship for Greece (the Bolimr) was inspired by La Fayette's famous declaration in the war of 1776 'I will fit out and equip a vessel at my own expense.' More generally, see E. M. Earle, 'American Interest in the Greek Cause, 1821-1827, AHR, XXXIII (1927) 44-63 and S. A. Larrabee, He/las 0/Jserued: the Amcrim11 Experience uf Crecce, 1775-1865 (New York: New York University Press, 1957). 8. S. Schama, Citizens: a Chronicle of the French Rcz•ululioll (London: Viking Penguin, 1989) pp. 500-13 on 'Sacred Spaces'. Accounts of the Fete estimate that 150 000 citizens spontaneously created for the celebra­ tion the arena with its great triumphal arch and 'Altar of the Father­ land'. Helen Maria Williams enthused at the' sublime spectacle' of old men, women and children crowding around the procession. The climax was La Fayette's administration to the federalists of the oath which instituted a week of festivity. 9. People not free were less welcome. The Virginia lferald carried a notice during La Fayette's progress to Fredericksburg that 'All coloured people are warned they are not to appear.' La Fayette's sympathy for the cause of emancipation and for the Indians was a constant source of embarrassment, as was his willingness to travel on the Lord's Day. 10. I am indebted to E. Kedourie, NntiollalisiJl (London: Hutchinson, rev. edn, 1961) who cites Turgot: 'It is only through turmoil and Notes 179 destruction that nations expand'; Fichte's definition of 'a true and proper war - a war of subjugation', which leads to advances in civilisation; and Herder, 'Only amid storms can the noble plant flourish' - 'the seed' 'when irrigated with blood seldom fails to shoot up to an unfading flower'. Bismarck's phrase Blut und Ei~cn (from Max von Schendorf) occurs in a speech to the Prussian House of Deputies, 1886, asking that the executive be given 'the strongest possible military power'. In which context one may place Jefferson's assertion that republican revolution was 'worth rivers of blood, and years of desolation' (to John Adams, 4 September 1823). 11. For the evolution of Independence Day as a national celebration, see Somkin (op. cit. n. 2) and L. Travers, Celf'l>rating the Fourth: Independ­ ence Day and the Rites of Nationalism in the Early Republic (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1997). Typical of the millennia! mysticism of the orations is John Quincy Adams in 1837: 'Is it not that, in the chain of human events, the birth-day of the nation is indissolubly linked with the birth-day of the Saviour ... and gave to the world the first irrevocable pledge of the fulfillment of the pro­ phecies, announced directly from Heaven at the birth of the Saviour... .' (Somkins, p. 204). For millennialism in American culture, see (among others) L. Baritz, City mz a Hill: A History of Ideas and Myths in America (New York: Wiley, 1964); E. L. Tuveson, Redeemer Nation: the Idea of America's Millemzial Role (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968); E. A. Smith (ed.), The Religion of the Republic (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1971); C. Strout, The New HeauCIIs and New Earth: Political Rcl(<.;ion in America (New York: Harper & Row, 1974); S. Ber­ covitch, 'The Typology of America's Mission', AQ 30 (1976) 135-55; N. 0. Hatch, The Sacred Cause of Liberty: Republican Thought and the Millennium in Revolutionary New England (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1977) R. H. Bloch, Visionary Republic: Millennia/ Tlzcnzes in l\mcr­ imn Thought, 1756-1800 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985); and see also Looby, op. cit. n. 30, p. 225, n. 21. 12. Cited by H. Honour, The European Vision of America (Cleveland, Ohio: Cleveland Museum of Art, 1975) p. 220. 13. Jefferson wrote in his Autobiography that it was a time of 'enormities which demoralized the nations of the world, and destroyed, and is yet to destroy, millions and millions of its inhabitants. There are three epochs in history, signalized by the total extinction of national moral­ ity. The first was of the successors of Alexander, not omitting himself: The next, the successors of the first Caesar: The third, our own age.' Crimes, cruelties and evils passed from France 'to Europe, and finally America'. A. A Lipscomb and A. E. Bergh (eds), The Writings o{Tiwnzas fctjcrson. (20 vols, Washington, DC: Thomas Jefferson Memorial Asso­ ciation, 1903) cited hereafter as Writings, l. 152 and 150. 14. Writings, I, 156. 15. Writings, I, 158. 16. On Nationality (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995). 17. Mctahistory: the Historical Imagination in Ninctecnth-Ccntun; [uropc (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1973). 180 Notes 18. The Enlightenment in America ((New York, Oxford University Press, 1976). See also A. Koch (ed.), The American Enlightenment: the 5/wping of American E:tperience and n Free Society (New York: Braziller, 1965); H. S. Commager, jcjferson, Nationalism, n11d the Enlightenment (New York: Braziller, 1975) and The Empire of Reason: How Europe lmngi11ed nnd America Realized the Enlightenment (London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1978); j.
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