DOCSLIB.ORG

The Radical Democratic Thought of Thomas Jefferson: Politics, Space, & Action

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Radical Democratic Thought of Thomas Jefferson: Politics, Space, & Action The Radical Democratic Thought of Thomas Jefferson: Politics, Space, & Action Dean Caivano A Dissertation Submitted To The Faculty Of Graduate Studies In Partial Fulfillment Of The Requirements For The Degree Of Doctor Of Philosophy Graduate Program in Political Science York University Toronto, Ontario May 2019 © Dean Caivano, 2019 Abstract Thomas Jefferson has maintained an enduring legacy in the register of early American political thought. As a prolific writer and elected official, his public declarations and private letters helped to inspire revolutionary action against the British monarchy and shape the socio-political landscape of a young nation. While his placement in the American collective memory and scholarship has remained steadfast, a crucial dimension of his thinking remains unexplored. In this dissertation, I present a heterodox reading of Jefferson in order to showcase his radical understanding of politics. Although Jefferson’s political worldview is strikingly complex, marked by affinities with liberal, classical republican, Scottish, and Christian modes of thought, this interpretation reveals the radical democratic nature of his project. Primarily, this dissertation expands the possibilities of Jefferson’s thought as explored by Hannah Arendt and other thinkers, such as Richard K. Matthews and Michael Hardt. Drawing from these explicitly radical readings, I further dialogue with Jefferson’s thought through extensive archival research, which led me to engage in the theoretical and historical sources of inspiration that form and underscore his thinking. In so doing, I offer a new reading of Jefferson’s view on politics, suggesting that there contains an underlying objective, setting, and method to his unsystematic, yet innovative prescriptions concerning democracy. Taken together, these three features of his thought point to a vision of democracy that is made possible through a widening of the circle of political citizenship; a form of politics defined by the active and ethical participation of all, enacted upon public spaces and sustained through training, deliberation, and action. ii Dedication To Sarah & Florence Lillian, for pursuing our own maison du bonheur. iii Acknowledgments This project is a result of innumerable exchanges of ideas and endless displays of encouragement. Although my name bears the sole mark of authorship, countless individuals made its conception, execution, and outcome a reality. While it would be fitting to indicate all or even the many who have actively shaped my intellectual curiosity over the years, I find myself confined by time and space to mention only a select few to whom I am deeply indebted for their feedback, guidance, and love. My exploration of Thomas Jefferson’s writings greatly impinged upon archival research. In this regard, the Robert H. Smith International Center for Jefferson Studies at Monticello, VA and the American Political Science Association’s Centennial Center for Political Science and Public Affairs in Washington, DC proved to be beacons of both intellectual and financial support. The opportunity to survey firsthand the vast and daunting canvas of Jefferson’s imagination at Monticello and the Library of Congress was directly tied to the generous funding afforded to me by these organizations. Graduate school is a challenging terrain. Its contours are frequently marked by more failures and struggles than successes. My time at York University has certainly been challenging, underscored by two protracted labor disputes, two life-saving medical procedures, and the financial hardships that accompany graduate-life. On this front, my continuation in the formidable years of the political science program was sustained by the mentorship and assistance of Terry Maley. In the later years of the program, Bob Froese, Janaya Letkeman, and Julian Campisi were not only friends, but became family. Hailey Murphy has been a friend and confidante, helping me to stay afloat during murky waters while cherishing the eudemonia that surrounds us. The pages that follow are a direct result of a dedicated, thought-provoking, and supportive committee. My supervisor, Martin Breaugh, has gone above and beyond, providing guidance and the space necessary to explore new ideas in my effort to chart out an original interpretation of Jefferson. It is quite a rarity – if not, an oddity – in this profession to be treated as an equal, granted the opportunity and autonomy to develop one’s own original voice in the process. On this front, Martin has exceeded even my most idyllic expectations for a supervisor inspiring me, in return, to become a better scholar and person. I have also been fortunate to have Stephen Newman serve on my committee, challenging me to be textually rigorous, while simultaneously conceptually and stylistically clear. I have yet to encounter an educator more generous in their time and energies, providing demanding feedback that is always acutely insightful and beneficial. Formal education – and even expressions of the informal persuasion – is an amalgamation of new ideas, conceptions, and worldviews; an endless voyage that iv proceeds along avenues of scientific inquiry and theoretical vistas. However, my ongoing educational pursuits have been defined by distinct moments: a terrifying, yet sublime, encounter with the Socratic method; a stunning Dostoevskian-exit; and, a presentation of a radical Jefferson. Responsible for these profoundly life-altering experiences is Richard Matthews. I am forever grateful for your constant support on this project and beyond. My parents have made sacrifices beyond comprehension, always giving, yet never expecting anything in return. None of this would have been possible without their love. Lastly, Sarah and Florence Lillian have taught me to be patient, to believe in my abilities, and to embrace an ethic of amor mundi. Together, we have forged our own little world, sustained by laughter, bonheur, and, love. This work is for the two of you. v Table of Contents Abstract.......................................................................................................................................... ii Dedication .................................................................................................................................... iii Acknowledgments ...................................................................................................................... iv Table of Contents ........................................................................................................................ vi Preface .............................................................................................................................................1 Introduction ...................................................................................................................................8 “We are all republicans: we are all federalists” ...................................................................8 “All men are created equal” ...............................................................................................15 “Is it the Fourth?” .............................................................................................................20 An Unknown Jefferson ......................................................................................................24 Rethinking Jefferson ..........................................................................................................28 PART I A Politics of All Chapter 1: Jefferson in the Making: Interpretations, Limitations, & Legacy .....................36 Jeffersonian Interpretations: Liberal, Classical Republican, Scottish, & Christian ..........39 Jefferson, The Radical Thinker ...........................................................................................50 Remaking Jefferson: Exploring the Archives .....................................................................66 On Slavery: Emancipation, Contradiction, & Legacy .......................................................73 Chapter 2: Divide the Counties into Wards: The Politics Omnium Populorum Principle ...95 The Dilemma of the Republican Regime: Political Time-Space and Empire .....................98 The Madison-Hamilton Remedy to the Problems of Republican Self-Government ........104 Jefferson’s Turn to the Past: Classical Thought and Ward Republics .............................119 Approaching the Wards: Property, Ecology, & Pastoralism ...........................................134 Jefferson’s Ward Republics: A Space for a Politics of All ................................................146 PART II Spaces of Radical Politics Chapter 3: Interrupted Freedom: The Anglo-Saxon Tradition in Jefferson’s Thought ..161 The Natural Right of Expatriation: Movement, Space, & Societal Creation ..................165 The Political Struggle to Reopen Freedom ......................................................................174 Rethinking Property-Relations: Allodial Holdings in Colonial America, 50 Acres for All, & a Return to the Hundreds ...........................................................................................185 vi The Unwritten Natural Law: Challenging Settled Forms .............................................203 Chapter 4: Politics Without Government: Political Power and Happiness in Indigenous and Communal Societies ..........................................................................................................213 American Degeneration and
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Enlightenment and Democratic Revolutions MAIN IDEA WHY IT MATTERS NOW TERMS & NAMES
    4 The Enlightenment and Democratic Revolutions MAIN IDEA WHY IT MATTERS NOW TERMS & NAMES REVOLUTION Enlightenment These revolutions and the • Enlightenment • representative ideas helped bring about the documents they produced have • social contract government American and French inspired other democratic • natural rights • federal system revolutions. movements. • separation of • United Nations powers SETTING THE STAGE The Renaissance continued to affect European thinking throughout the 17th century. The Renaissance emphasis on the individual and on expanding human potential were especially influential. At the same time, Europeans began to explore their physical world. They extended the boundaries of the known world in what came to be called the Age of Exploration. New ideas and discoveries had a great impact on Europeans’ understanding of themselves and the world. TAKING NOTES Enlightenment Thinkers and Ideas Outlining Use an outline During the 17th and 18th centuries, an intellectual movement called the to organize the main ideas and details. Enlightenment developed. Enlightenment thinkers tried to apply the principles of reason and the methods of science to all aspects of society. They built upon I. Enlightenmentg the long history of Western thought. Thinkers and Ideas The philosophers of ancient Greece had established the idea of natural laws A. that could be discovered by careful observation and reasoned inquiry. B. Christianity contributed the belief in the equality of all human beings. (This belief II. The Beggginnings of Democracy in America would later lead to the principle of equal rights in society.) During the Renaissance, thinkers had focused on worldly concerns. They criticized medieval philosophy A. for concentrating on questions that seemed unrelated to human conditions.
    [Show full text]
  • Democracy in the United States
    Democracy in the United States The United States is a representative democracy. This means that our government is elected by citizens. Here, citizens vote for their government officials. These officials represent the citizens’ ideas and concerns in government. Voting is one way to participate in our democracy. Citizens can also contact their officials when they want to support or change a law. Voting in an election and contacting our elected officials are two ways that Americans can participate in their democracy. Voting booth in Atascadero, California, in 2008. Photo by Ace Armstrong. Courtesy of the Polling Place Photo Project. Your Government and You H www.uscis.gov/citizenship 1 Becoming a U.S. Citizen Taking the Oath of Allegiance at a naturalization ceremony in Washington, D.C. Courtesy of USCIS. The process required to become a citizen is called naturalization. To become a U.S. citizen, you must meet legal requirements. You must complete an interview with a USCIS officer. You must also pass an English and Civics test. Then, you take the Oath of Allegiance. This means that you promise loyalty to the United States. When you become a U.S. citizen, you also make these promises: ★ give up loyalty to other countries ★ defend the Constitution and laws of the United States ★ obey the laws of the United States ★ serve in the U.S. military (if needed) ★ do important work for the nation (if needed) After you take the Oath of Allegiance, you are a U.S. citizen. 2 Your Government and You H www.uscis.gov/citizenship Rights and Responsibilities of Citizens Voting is one important right and responsibility of U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • An Analysis of the Works of Antonio Negri and Michael Hardt
    Journal of Global Media Studies Vol. 23 ［ 初 校 ］ P . 3 1 Towards Global Multitude and Assembly: An Analysis of the Works of Antonio Negri and Michael Hardt Atsushi Shibasaki ※ You say you＇ll change the Constitution Well, you know We all want to change your head You tell me it＇s the institution Well, you know You better free your mind instead - John Lennon - Key words: Antonio Negri, Empire, Multitude, Common, Assembly, Global Relations Summary This paper reveals only the very introductory part of an ongoing research on the thought, theory, and phi- losophy of Antonio Negri (1934-). The original script was read at the working lunch seminar held at the In- stitute of Global European Studies (Europainstitut), University of Basel, on 24 April 2018. Before the publi- cation, slight and minimum revisions and corrections were done. In addition, because of its nature as being originally a manuscript for a lecture, all slides are attached in order to help the readers to understand the argu- ment. The author has long been tackling with this research project from the perspectives of theory and philoso- phy of international relations, or rather international cultural relations, since the publication of the book Empire (2000), co-authored by Negri and Michael Hardt (1960-). Until now, two papers had been published by the author, respectively in 2006, and 2011. The former mainly dealt with Empire and Multitude (2005), and the latter measured the development of their argument from Empire, Multitude to Commonwealth (2009). Since the author’s publications, they published new books and many articles.
    [Show full text]
  • 20 Thomas Jefferson.Pdf
    d WHAT WE THINK ABOUT WHEN WE THINK ABOUT THOMAS JEFFERSON Todd Estes Thomas Jefferson is America’s most protean historical figure. His meaning is ever-changing and ever-changeable. And in the years since his death in 1826, his symbolic legacy has varied greatly. Because he was literally present at the creation of the Declaration of Independence that is forever linked with him, so many elements of subsequent American life—good and bad—have always attached to Jefferson as well. For a quarter of a century—as an undergraduate, then a graduate student, and now as a professor of early American his- tory—I have grappled with understanding Jefferson. If I have a pretty good handle on the other prominent founders and can grasp the essence of Washington, Madison, Hamilton, Adams and others (even the famously opaque Franklin), I have never been able to say the same of Jefferson. But at least I am in good company. Jefferson biographer Merrill Peterson, who spent a scholarly lifetime devoted to studying him, noted that of his contemporaries Jefferson was “the hardest to sound to the depths of being,” and conceded, famously, “It is a mortifying confession but he remains for me, finally, an impenetrable man.” This in the preface to a thousand page biography! Pe- terson’s successor as Thomas Jefferson Foundation Professor at Mr. Jefferson’s University of Virginia, Peter S. Onuf, has noted the difficulty of knowing how to think about Jefferson 21 once we sift through the reams of evidence and confesses “as I always do when pressed, that I am ‘deeply conflicted.’”1 The more I read, learn, write, and teach about Jefferson, the more puzzled and conflicted I remain, too.
    [Show full text]
  • Bibliography
    BIBLIOGRAPHY Adams, William Howard, ed. The Eye of Thomas Jefferson. Blake, Channing. “The Early Interiors of Carrère and Hastings.” Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1981. The Magazine Antiques 110 (1976): 344–351. Aikman, Lonnelle. We, the People: The Story of the United Blum, John M., et. al., eds. The National Experience. New States Capitol. Washington: U. S. Capitol Historical Society, 1991. York: Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc., 1963. Alex, William. Calvert Vaux: Architect & Planner. New York: Bowling, Kenneth R. Creating the Federal City, 1774–1800: Ink, Inc., 1994. Potomac Fever. Washington: The American Institute of Archi- tects Press, 1988. Alexander, R. L. “The Grand Federal Edifice.” Documentary Editing 9 (June 1987): 13–17. Bowling, Kenneth R., and Helen E. Veit., eds. The Diary of William Maclay and Other Notes On Senate Debates. Balti- Allen, William C. “In The Greatest Solemn Dignity”: The Capi- more: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1988. tol’s Four Cornerstones. Washington: Government Printing Bristow, Ian C. Interior House-Painting Colours and Tech- Office, 1995. nology 1615–1840. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1996. ———. “‘Seat of Broils, Confusion, and Squandered Thousands’: Brown, Glenn. “Dr. William Thornton, Architect.” Architectural Building the Capitol, 1790–1802.” The United States Capitol: Record 6 (1896): 53–70. Designing and Decorating a National Icon. Athens: Ohio University Press, 2000. ———. History of the United States Capitol. 2 vols. Washing- ton: Government Printing Office, 1900, 1902. ———. The Dome of the United States Capitol: An Architec- tural History. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1992. ———. Memories: A Winning Crusade to Revive George Washington’s Vision of a Capital City.
    [Show full text]
  • Thomas Jefferson and the Ideology of Democratic Schooling
    Thomas Jefferson and the Ideology of Democratic Schooling James Carpenter (Binghamton University) Abstract I challenge the traditional argument that Jefferson’s educational plans for Virginia were built on mod- ern democratic understandings. While containing some democratic features, especially for the founding decades, Jefferson’s concern was narrowly political, designed to ensure the survival of the new republic. The significance of this piece is to add to the more accurate portrayal of Jefferson’s impact on American institutions. Submit your own response to this article Submit online at democracyeducationjournal.org/home Read responses to this article online http://democracyeducationjournal.org/home/vol21/iss2/5 ew historical figures have undergone as much advocate of public education in the early United States” (p. 280). scrutiny in the last two decades as has Thomas Heslep (1969) has suggested that Jefferson provided “a general Jefferson. His relationship with Sally Hemings, his statement on education in republican, or democratic society” views on Native Americans, his expansionist ideology and his (p. 113), without distinguishing between the two. Others have opted suppressionF of individual liberties are just some of the areas of specifically to connect his ideas to being democratic. Williams Jefferson’s life and thinking that historians and others have reexam- (1967) argued that Jefferson’s impact on our schools is pronounced ined (Finkelman, 1995; Gordon- Reed, 1997; Kaplan, 1998). because “democracy and education are interdependent” and But his views on education have been unchallenged. While his therefore with “education being necessary to its [democracy’s] reputation as a founding father of the American republic has been success, a successful democracy must provide it” (p.
    [Show full text]
  • “Extracts from Some Rebel Papers”: Patriots, Loyalists, and the Perils of Wartime Printing
    1 “Extracts from some Rebel Papers”: Patriots, Loyalists, and the Perils of Wartime Printing Joseph M. Adelman National Endowment for the Humanities Fellow American Antiquarian Society Presented to the Joint Seminar of the McNeil Center for Early American Studies And the Program in Early American Economy and Society, LCP Library Company of Philadelphia, 1314 Locust Street, Philadelphia 24 February 2012 3-5 p.m. *** DRAFT: Please do not cite, quote, or distribute without permission of the author. *** 2 The eight years of the Revolutionary War were difficult for the printing trade. After over a decade of growth and increasing entanglement among printers as their networks evolved from commercial lifelines to the pathways of political protest, the fissures of the war dispersed printers geographically and cut them off from their peers. Maintaining commercial success became increasingly complicated as demand for printed matter dropped, except for government printing, and supply shortages crippled communications networks and hampered printers’ ability to produce and distribute anything that came off their presses. Yet even in their diminished state, printers and their networks remained central not only to keeping open lines of communication among governments, armies, and civilians, but also in shaping public opinion about the central ideological issues of the war, the outcomes of battles, and the meaning of events affecting the war in North America and throughout the Atlantic world. What happened to printers and their networks is of vital importance for understanding the Revolution. The texts that historians rely on, from Common Sense and The Crisis to rural newspapers, almanacs, and even diaries and correspondence, were shaped by the commercial and political forces that printers navigated as they produced printed matter that defined the scope of debate and the nature of the discussion about the war.
    [Show full text]
  • The Public Intellectual in Critical Marxism: from the Organic Intellectual to the General Intellect Papel Político, Vol
    Papel Político ISSN: 0122-4409 [email protected] Pontificia Universidad Javeriana Colombia Herrera-Zgaib, Miguel Ángel The public intellectual in Critical Marxism: From the Organic Intellectual to the General Intellect Papel Político, vol. 14, núm. 1, enero-junio, 2009, pp. 143-164 Pontificia Universidad Javeriana Bogotá, Colombia Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=77720764007 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative The Public Intellectual in Critical Marxism: From the Organic Intellectual to the General Intellect* El intelectual público en el marxismo crítico: del intelectual orgánico al intelecto general Miguel Ángel Herrera-Zgaib** Recibido: 28/02/09 Aprobado evaluador interno: 31/03/09 Aprobado evaluador externo: 24/03/09 Abstract Resumen The key issue of this essay is to look at Antonio El asunto clave de este artículo es examinar los Gramsci’s writings as centered on the theme escritos de Antonio Gramsci como centrados en of public intellectual within the Communist el tema del intelectual público, de acuerdo con la experience in the years 1920s and 1930s. The experiencia comunista de los años 20 y 30 del si- essay also deals with the present significance of glo XX. El artículo también trata la significación what Gramsci said about the organic intellectual presente de aquello que Gramsci dijo acerca del regarding the existence of the general intellect intelectual orgánico, considerando la existencia in the current capitalist relations of production del intelecto general en las presentes relaciones de and reproduction of society.
    [Show full text]
  • Fourth of July (1976) - Monticello, 7/5/76” of the John Marsh Files at the Gerald R
    The original documents are located in Box 68, folder “Fourth of July (1976) - Monticello, 7/5/76” of the John Marsh Files at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Copyright Notice The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. Gerald R. Ford donated to the United States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections. Works prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public domain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to remain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject to a valid copyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Digitized from Box 68 of The John Marsh Files at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library 6/21/76 11:00 am PROPCSED SCHEDULE THE PR MONTlCELLC, VIRGINIA Monday, July 5, 1976 9:40 am The President boards Marine One on South Lawn. MJ\RI?\E C"',~:S DEPARTS South La\vn C!l route Monticello, Virginia. [Flying time: 55 minutes] 10:35 am W...ARINE Cl'~E ARRIVES Curator's area, Monticello. PRESS PCOL COVERAGE CLOSED ARRIVAL The President will be met by: Mr. NoUing, Thomas Jefferson Memoric:.l Foundation Chairman Governor Mills Godwin {R- Va) The President, escorted by Gov. Godwin & Mr. Nolting, proceeds to motorcade for boarding. 10:40 am MOTORCADE DEPARTS Curator's area en route Monticello Proper. [Driving time: 2 minutes] 10:42 am MOTORCADE ARRIVES Monticello Proper.
    [Show full text]
  • Adams and Jefferson : Personal Politics in the Early Republic
    d ADAMS AND JEFFERSON: Personal Politics in the Early Republic John Connor The deterioration of the friendship between John Adams and Thomas Jefferson remains a controversial subject among his­ torians. The two men were once the best of friends, spending personal time with each other’s family, and enjoying a profes­ sional collaboration that would become famous—drafting the Declaration of Independence. Furthermore, they freely ac­ knowledged their mutual fondness. In 1784, Adams wrote that his colleague Thomas Jefferson was “an old friend with whom I have often had occasion to labor at many a knotty problem and in whose ability and steadiness I always found great cause to confide.”1 Jefferson wrote similar words of praise to his friend James Madison: “[Adams] is profound in his views, and accurate in his judgments. He is so amiable, that I pronounce you will love him if ever you become acquainted with him.”2 But despite this initial close friendship, by the 1790s Adams called Jefferson “weak, confused, uninformed, and ignorant.”3 At the same time, Jefferson called Adams actions as President “the most grotesque scene in the tragic­comedy of govern­ ment.”4 What led these two men who once worked so closely together to turn from close friends to bitter enemies in only ten years? How their friendship dissolved has been discussed by Stephen Kurtz, Stanley Elkins, and Eric McKitrick, who em­ 58 phasize certain events in the Adams Presidency as precise mo­ ments in which the two men parted ways.5 Noble Cunningham Jr., points to the passage of the Alien and Sedition Act and the creation of a Standing Army as the point at which the two men’s differences became irreconcilable.6 Recent scholarship by James Sharp argues that a dinner conversation held before Adams was even elected led to their disbanding.7 A second school of thought, led by Merrill Peterson, Dumas Malone, and John Ferling, links the divide not so much to a particular event but to the actions of a third party, often Alexander Hamilton.
    [Show full text]
  • THE PRESIDENCY of THOMAS JEFFERSON POLITICAL BELIEFS “The Government Which Governs Least, Governs Best.”
    THE PRESIDENCY OF THOMAS JEFFERSON POLITICAL BELIEFS “The government which governs least, governs best.” Strongly favored States Rights as opposed to a strong national government Believed in a strict construction, or strict interpretation, of the US Constitution Wanted to end all taxes of any kind paid by U.S. citizens ACCOMPLISHMENTS PRIOR TO BEING ELECTED PRESIDENT #3 Wrote the first draft of the Declaration of Independence Wrote the Statute of Virginia for Religious Freedom Created the University of Virginia Served as an ambassador to Europe from the United States THE ELECTION OF 1800 Adams would have won re-election, perhaps easily, had Alexander Hamilton not split the Federalist Party ODD BEGINNINGS TRIED TO FIX ELECTION BUT TIED WITH AARON BURR 36 VOTES REQUIRED TO BREAK THE TIE. NEEDED HAMILTON TO COME TO HIS AID BURR BECOMES VICE-PRESIDENT: NO LOVE LOST BETWEEN JEFFERSON AND HIM ANGERED BY HAMILTON’S INVOLVEMENT FIRST PRESIDENT INAUGRATED IN WASHINGTON D.C. WHITE HOUSE STILL UNDER CONSTRUCTION CAPITOL BUILDING: ONLY OTHER BUILDING IN TOWN HELPED DESIGN THE CITY JOHN ADAMS DOES NOT ATTEND FALLOUT FROM THE ELECTION OF 1800 The messed up election pointed out the need for a Constitutional amendment regarding the Presidential election process. The 12th Amendment modified the Constitution so that the President and the Vice-President are elected using separate ballots. AS HIS FIRST TERM BEGINS FEDERALISTS ARE FEARFUL OF ANOTHER REVOLUTION JEFFERSON TURNS THE TABLES “WE ARE ALL REPUBLICANS, WE ARE ALL FEDERALISTS” MAKES SOME SURPRISING CHANGES CUTS MILITARY SPENDING CUTS ARMY FROM 4000 TO 2500 CUTS NAVY FROM 25 TO 7 SHIPS REDUCES NATIONAL DEBT FROM $83 MILLION TO $45 MILLION CUTS INTERNAL TAXES GOVERNMENT INCOME CONSISTED OF TARIFFS AND SALE OF WESTERN LANDS LET THE ALIEN AND SEDITION ACTS EXPIRE.
    [Show full text]
  • Select List of Collection Processed by Craig Moore
    Select List of Collection Processed by Craig Moore Record Group 1, Colonial Government A Guide to the Colonial Papers, 1630-1778 Record Group 3, Office of the Governor A Guide to the Executive Papers of Governor Patrick Henry, 1776-1779 A Guide to the Executive Papers of Governor Thomas Jefferson, 1779-1781 A Guide to the Executive Papers of Governor Benjamin Harrison, 1781-1784 A Guide to the Executive Papers of Acting Governor William Fleming, 1781 A Guide to the Executive Papers of Governor Thomas Nelson, Jr., 1781 A Guide to the Executive Papers of Governor Patrick Henry, 1784-1786 A Guide to the Executive Papers of Governor Edmund Randolph, 1786-1788 A Guide to the Executive Papers of Governor Beverley Randolph, 1788-1791 A Guide to the Executive Papers of Governor Henry Lee, 1791-1794 A Guide to the Executive Papers of Governor Robert Brooke, 1794-1796 A Guide to the Executive Papers of Governor James Wood, 1796-1799 A Guide to the Executive Papers of Governor James Monroe, 1799-1802 A Guide to the Executive Papers of Governor John Page, 1802-1805 A Guide to the Executive Papers of Governor William H. Cabell, 1805-1808 A Guide to the Executive Papers of Governor John Tyler, 1808-1811 A Guide to the Executive Papers of Governor James Monroe, 1811 A Guide to the Executive Papers of Governor George William Smith, 1811-1812 A Guide to the Executive Papers of Governor James Barbour, 1812-1814 A Guide to the Executive Papers of Governor Wilson Cary Nicholas, 1814-1816 A Guide to the Executive Papers of Governor James Patton Preston, 1816-1819 A Guide to the Executive Papers of Governor Thomas Mann Randolph, 1819-1822 A Guide to the Executive Papers of Governor James Pleasants, 1822-1825 A Guide to the Executive Papers of Governor John Tyler, 1825-1827 A Guide to the Executive Papers of Governor William B.
    [Show full text]